deaths of his nephew Marcellus, of Drusus his beloved stepson, of the young princes Gaius and Lucius, grandsons of Augustus a

ing party might assert the claims of birth and talent. There were two young Metelli, Celer and Nepos in capacity no exception

wn sister Porcia to L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the cousin of Catulus, a young man early prominent in politics through the great

rty and finance, and at the same time carefully soliciting the aid of young nobiles whose clientela carried many votes. 5 The

ae. ’ PageBook=>027 saw personal honour and a family feud. The young Pompeius, treacherous and merciless, had killed t

, lurking no doubt in Picenum. 5 When Sulla landed at Brundisium, the young man, now aged twenty-three, raised on his own ini

poned vengeance, but did not forget a brother and father slain by the young Pompeius in a foul and treacherous fashion. Aheno

ted little attention at the time of his first appearance in Rome. The young man had to build up a faction for himself and mak

literature were sponsored by a brilliant circle of orators and poets, young men hostile to whatever party was in NotesPage=

ng political ties to explain NotesPage=>063 1 For example, the young Q. Cornificius (Catullus 38), of a senatorial fam

ook=>064 their allegiance. 1 Not only senators chose Caesar, but young nobiles at that, kinsmen of the consulars who sup

sar’s own relatives by blood or marriage, certain were neutral. 3 The young Marcus Antonius, however, was the son of a Julia.

, 62, 4) and M. Claudius Marcellus Aeserninus (Bell. Al. 57, 4). Also young Hortensius (Ad Att. 10, 4, 6) and Lucius and Quin

s son fought for the Republic in Africa and was killed there. Another young kinsman, Sex. Julius Caesar (quaestor in 47), is

as unable or unwilling to save the Caesarian C. Sallustius Crispus, a young man from the Sabine country who had plunged into

the Roman plebs and the legions of Gaul, a group of ancient families, young men of eager talent and far- sighted bankers as h

Africa had given the name and occasion to the first triumph of the young Pompeius. But in Africa the adventurer P. Sittius

en community allied to Rome. Balbus did not yet enter the Senate. His young nephew, courageous and proud, cruel and luxurious

municipal magistrates at Auximum, enemies of the Pompeii. 4 When the young Pompeius raised his private army, he had to expel

but did not stay long, among them the senior statesman Cicero and the young P. Cornelius Dolabella arrayed in the insignia of

cclaimed as ‘clarissimi viri’. 4 Whether these idealistic or snobbish young men from the towns possessed the will and the res

e private adventurers Sex. Pompeius and Q. Caecilius Bassus. In Spain young Pompeius, a fugitive after the Battle of Munda, c

sarian consul. Marcus Antonius was one of the most able of Caesar’s young men. A nobilis, born of an illustrious but impove

ch betrays its own inadequacy. The fact that Antonius, unlike gallant young Dolabella, did not participate in the African and

pation of the consulate. But Dolabella, an unscrupulous and ambitious young man, would still have to be watched. To Lepidus A

might have tolerated for a time, or even Caesar, but not Antonius and young Dolabella, still less the respectable nonentities

any government: not less so, but for different reasons, the Caesarian young men Curio and Caelius, had they survived for so l

mpeius (Suetonius, Divus Aug. 4, 1). 4 Cicero, Phil. 3, 15. 5 The young Octavius, in Spain for a time with Caesar in 45 B

leading. As his enemies bitterly observed, the name of Caesar was the young man’s fortune. 2 Italy and the world accepted him

ense for realities was unerring, his ambition implacable. In that the young man was a Roman and a Roman aristocrat. He was on

l over Antonius in the end. The news of the Ides of March found the young man at Apollonia, a town on the coast of Albania,

decessors and rivals, from the immediate and still tangible past. The young Pompeius had grasped at once the technique of rai

ad to wait longer for distinction and power. The sentiments which the young man entertained towards his adoptive parent were

t). PageBook=>122 Next to magnanimity, courage. By nature, the young man was cool and circumspect: he knew that person

e conscious and consistent. To assert himself against Antonius, the young revolutionary needed an army in the first place,

rge perhaps it was nothing more than a clumsy device to discredit the young adversary. Among contemporaries, many enemies of

ted his father’s veterans. A tour in Campania was organized. With the young man went five of his intimate friends, many soldi

ibune. Brought before an assembly of the People by Ti. Cannutius, the young man delivered a vigorous speech attacking Antoniu

s been narrated as the deed and policy of Octavianus. In himself that young man had not seemed a political factor of prime im

every reason to enhance the courageous and independent spirit of the young Caesar. 3 Though Philippus’ caution was congenita

n enthusiasm about Octavianus’ prospects was perhaps only a mask. The young man was much in the company of his step-father: t

d better fortune than the Liberators. By the beginning of October the young man possessed a huge war-fund it might provide An

w showing their hand. In November they were clearly working for their young kinsman. 4 But the situation was complicated, and

en if stirred by the example of his father’s actions on behalf of the young Pompeius, he was reluctant to break with Antonius

ublic. 6 Whatever the rumours or likelihood of secret plotting, the young adventurer required the open backing of senior st

ty. Again, in the first two speeches against Antonius, no word of the young Caesar: yet the existence of Antonius’ rival must

isium, there was safety in Arpinum, which lay off the main roads. The young revolutionary marched on Rome without him. Abou

of the year 44 B.C. he wrote to Dolabella a letter which offered that young man the congratulations, the counsels, and the al

Cato’s fatal plan all over again the doom of Antonius would warn the young man against aspiring to military despotism and wo

Caesar’s side in Spain, he lurked at Rome. How different was gallant young Dolabella! 2 The supreme enormity Antonius, by de

interests. Hence the appeal to liberty. It was on this plea that the young Pompeius raised a private army and rescued Rome a

ght against Antonius. The assassins of Caesar had left Italy, and the young men of the faction of Cato, the sons of the domin

PageBook=>164 battle. The remnants of the faction were with the young Pompeius in Spain. The weakness of the Senate w

ns, his ‘father’ Cicero would have no compunction about declaring the young man a public enemy. The danger was manifest. It d

and loyalty, explained how weak his forces were, and blamed upon the young Caesar the escape of Antonius and his union with

the State’. 5 Octavianus and his army grew daily more menacing. That young man had got wind of a witticism of Cicero he was

gs a significant political fact, the betrothal of his daughter to the young adventurer. 5 Cicero had already crossed swords w

t not in the forefront, was Cicero. ‘Ah, the last of my friends’, the young man observed. 1 But even now there were some wh

nt. In force of arms, Lepidus and Antonius could have overwhelmed the young consul. His name and fortune shielded him once ag

f the true balance of power and influence. Antonius constrained the young Caesar to resign the office he had seized. The re

vil war seemed only a contest of factions in the Roman nobility, many young men of spirit and distinction chose Caesar in pre

their own class. The older men were dead, dishonoured or torpid: the young nobiles went in a body to the camp of Brutus and

nsular rank in the party; its rallying point and its leaders were the young men of the faction of Cato, almost all kinsmen of

y the arrival of miscellaneous Republican or Pompeian nobles, old and young . 1 The Caesarian party, though reunited after s

and Sex. Quinctilius Varus (Velleius2, 71, 3); also the pertinacious young Pompeian, Cn. Calpurnius Piso (Tacitus, Ann. 2, 4

another law made provision for the cult in the towns of Italy. 2 The young Caesar could now designate himself ‘Divi filius’.

ance and hope for a speedy decision on land. Antonius pressed on: the young Caesar, prostrate from illness, lingered at Dyrrh

re also perished Sex. Quinctilius Varus (Velleius, ib.), and probably young P. Lentulus Spinther; and some of the assassins,

e. Antonius now departed to the provinces of the East, leaving to his young colleague the arduous and unpopular task of carry

and won his support for Antonius. 5 The partnership in arms of the young Caesar, his coeval Agrippa and Salvidienus Rufus

n evident, was already in negotiation with Antonius. Once again the young Caesar was saved by the fortune that clung to his

raries, Antonius stood forth as the senior partner, overshadowing the young Caesar in prestige and in popularity. Of Lepidus

of his ambitious rival for the leadership of the Caesarian party. The young Caesar, strong in the support of the plebs and th

allies. 1 The aristocrats would have disdained to associate with the young adventurer who had made his way by treachery and

pidus to Africa. Antonius departed for the eastern provinces with his young and beautiful bride and spent the winter of 39 in

f his policy was already being hampered by the claims and acts of his young colleague, who, as in his revolutionary début, ha

ere could be no pardon from Caesar’s heir, no return to Rome. But the young Pompeius was despotic and dynastic in his managem

he defeated of Philippi and Perusia it had seemed for a time that the young Pompeius might be a champion of the Republican ca

was with political advantage. He fell in love with Livia Drusilla, a young matron generously endowed with beauty, sagacity a

is part believed that Antonius would not support his colleague. The young man went on with his war, encouraged by an initia

own the disasters of Octavianus into high and startling relief. 1 The young Caesar was now in sore need both of the generalsh

whose life had been saved by Pompeius several years earlier. 3 The young Caesar had conquered the island of Sicily. Chance

ment, and that was enough. Private gratitude had already hailed the young Caesar with the name or epithet of divinity. 5 Hi

inning for personal domination the name and pretext of liberty. The young military leader awoke to a new confidence in hims

ndisium, the soldiers of fortune Salvidienus and Fango were dead: the young leader was short of partisans. The compact with A

hen followed Antonius for a time, it is uncertain for how long. 5 The young Lepidus went with Caesar’s heir from hatred of hi

heir own class, from ambition or for survival in a dangerous age. The young revolutionary was becoming attractive and even re

dherents of Sex. Pompeius passed into his service. None the less, the young Caesar was acquiring a considerable faction among

of a consulate in ten or twenty years, if the system endured, invited young men of talent or desperate ambition. As admission

m, as never yet, with equal power and arms, in full confidence. The young man became formidable. As a demagogue he had noth

an qualities or retain the monopoly of martial valour. This was the young Caesar that Italy and the army knew after the cam

e war the military exploits in Illyricum enhanced the prestige of the young Caesar, winning him adherents from every class an

ot hold a triumph. Apollo, however, was the protecting deity of the young Caesar, and to Apollo on the Palatine he had alre

gnificence of Rome under the monarchy. More artful than Antonius, the young Caesar built not only for splendour and for the g

ies of rhythm, in reaction from Hortensius and from Cicero alike. The young men of promise, C. Licinius Calvus, who stood in

the Picene, the scribe Cornelius and the unspeakable Fufidius. 4 The young Pompeius, fair of face but dark within, murderous

, who turned into epic verse the precepts of Epicurus, the passionate young lyric poets Calvus and Catullus, all died shortly

ng an army for the Republic; neither Valerius Cato, the instructor of young poets, nor M. Furius Bibaculus, who wrote epigram

ed in the value of education and was willing to pay for the best. The young man was sent to prosecute higher studies at Athen

at a university city, at an impressionable age and in the company of young men of the Roman aristocracy. Defeat brought im

scernible, the prime agents were already at work. But the acts of the young dynast even now can hardly have foretold the powe

Rome, but to Pompeius their patron, whose cause suddenly revived when young Labienus broke through the Taurus with a Parthian

and Ahenobarbus were dead; so were Brutus and Cassius, Q. Hortensius, young Lucullus and Favonius, the old admirer of Cato. T

shed survivors to support a new combination in the Roman State. The young Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, beyond all doubt the be

became consul (34 B.C.), but seems to have lapsed from politics. The young nobiles M. Aemilius Scaurus, his half-brother, an

ng assassins of Caesar, among them Turullius and Cassius of Parma ; 3 young Sentius Saturninus, a relative of Libo, had also

nd political tradition there was also a reminder in the person of the young Curio, loyal to his father’s friend, his step-fat

ist belongs to popular and edifying literature. Cleopatra was neither young nor beautiful. 3 But there are more insistent and

ed, for it brought a chance to secure constitutional sanction for the young adventurer. Once again Octavianus lacked standi

gainst Cleopatra, to the sworn and sacred union of all Italy. But the young Caesar required the glory of a victory that would

control or refute these partisan assertions. Sosius survived Actium; young Furnius and young Metellus saved their fathers; 6

these partisan assertions. Sosius survived Actium; young Furnius and young Metellus saved their fathers; 6 M. Aemilius Scaur

(and the poets announced) the true, complete and sublime triumph—the young Caesar would pacify the ends of the earth, subjug

B.C onwards he had been consul every year. But that was not all. The young despot not only conceded, but even claimed, that

ader was dead; but Messalla and Pollio carried some authority. If the young despot were not willing of his own accord to adop

nly words and forms were changed, and not all of them. As ‘dux’ the young Caesar had fought the war under the national mand

nto Heaven. That was too much like Caesar the Dictator. Moreover, the young Caesar was a saviour and benefactor beyond any pr

to Agrippa as a soldier and an administrator: he had fought with the young leader in Sicily and in Illyricum, he had governe

rst constitutional settlement any more conspicuous. Most of them were young enough, for advancement had been swift and dazzli

is only daughter Julia had been solemnized in Rome. Already in 23 the young man was aedile; and he would get the consulate te

t to introduce a novel delicacy to the banquets of Rome, the flesh of young donkeys. 2 Effusive in gratitude, or even from fr

evailed. He did not approve of the exorbitant honours accorded to the young and untried Marcellus. Reports ran at Rome of dis

nt for speaking of a veiled coup d’état. It was bad enough that the young man should become consul at the age of twenty-thr

hat, if Augustus died, Agrippa would make short work of the Princeps’ young nephew. 2 The nobles hated the grim upstart, the

ted in Caesar’s Dictatorship, proceeded to confer the latus clavus on young men of equestrian stock, encouraging them to stan

Paeligni, the Ovidii. 3 Augustus gave the latus clavus to a promising young Ovidius. This was no commercial upstart, no mil

e military dynast. Augustus bent all his efforts to attaching these young nobiles to his person, to his family and to the n

thirty-third with alleviations for favoured relatives, modest for the young Claudii, scandalous for Marcellus. 2 Distances we

ng Claudii, scandalous for Marcellus. 2 Distances were preserved. The young nobilis often became consul at the prescribed ter

sulate at the earliest age permissible, if not with dispensations the young Ahenobarbus, Ti. Claudius Nero and his brother Ne

nto the family and following of the Princeps. Of his allies among the young nobiles the most able, the most eminent and the m

, his stepsons, then L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, L. Calpurnius Piso (the young brother-in-law of Caesar the Dictator) and the ac

elii Scipiones, the Aemilii Lepidi, the Valerii and the Fabii. As the young generation of nobiles grew up and passed through

and secured promotion for their friends and their adherents, bringing young men of respectable families and suitable sentimen

etonius, Divus Vesp. 3. PageBook=>386 The assiduities of the young patrician Ser. Sulpicius Galba were handsomely re

sturdy men without ancestors but commended by loyalty and service, or young aristocrats, the sons of proscribed and defeated

rs, the Princeps encouraged youth as well as rewarded experience. The young consul of thirty-three did not have to wait too l

eius Paterculus, often had a useful record behind them. For the rest, young sons of senators, aspirants to the senatorial car

at, a long lapse until Lollius emerges as guide and counsellor to the young Gaius Caesar when he went to the East in 1 B.C.4

ames of Balbus, Oppius and Matius soon emerge in the entourage of the young adventurer. The hazards and intrigues of the revo

bat. ’ PageBook=>410 Maecenas had suppressed the conspiracy of young Lepidus: it was Sallustius who procured the remov

). Tiberius succeeded Agrippa as husband of Julia, protector of the young princes and minister of the Princeps in war and g

stability and augmented the prestige of the dynasty, the rule of the young princes was to be consolidated in his absence, at

ven he could serve the political ambitions of his grandmother; so the young Claudius, after losing his bride Livia Medullina,

tion, reinforcing perhaps a consciousness of personal inadequacy; the young man conceived a violent distaste for the life of

playing-field: it was out of place at Court. His coeval, Germanicus’ young brother Claudius, whom some thought stupid and wh

tired, giving place to another generation, but not their own sons the young men inherited nobility, that was enough. Caution,

ed virtue of class and family stands out in Horace’s laudation of the young Claudii: fortes creantur fortibus et bonis. 1

hildless in the matter of inheriting property. The education of the young also came in for the attention of the Princeps. F

towns of Italy there was a counterpart the collegia iuvenum, clubs of young men of the officer class. These bodies provided a

From the first decision in council with his friends at Apollonia, the young Caesar had not wavered or turned back. Announced

State as were Virgil and Horace. Maecenas also took up Propertius, a young Umbrian in whom something of the fire and passion

ight have been a highly remunerative investment for Maecenas. He died young or abandoned the art altogether. Ovid, his junior

lable. The loyal citizen might gaze upon Augustus in the shape of the young revolutionary leader, resolute and almost fierce

incited to pay some honour to his dead benefactor by the spur of the young Caesar’s political competition, six months after

of Rome in the next year. Cicero in a political speech described his young ally as ‘divinus adulescens’. 2 The epithet was r

the colony of Acerrae in Campania a centurion set up an altar to the young princes with a verse inscription rendering them t

it been possible. 4 As for Actium, men might remember the killing of young Curio; and the very denial of Canidius’ constancy

ving no heir; 4 his spirited sister chose to perish with her husband, young Lepidus. Scaurus was spared after Actium. PageN

e impugned: it was their name or their ambition that ruined them. Two young patricians, the last Scipio and the last Appius C

re but newly ennobled Appuleii was extinguished with the death of the young son born to Sex. Appuleius (cos. A.D. 14) and Fab

ot matter much. Before long the eloquent Seneca, when counselling the young Nero to clemency, could employ with indifference