umbai Nairobi Paris São Paulo Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw with associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Oxford is

sity Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization

d it covers the footnotes as well as the text. If used in conjunction with the list of consuls and the seven genealogical ta

eBook=>001 THE greatest of the Roman historians began his Annals with the accession to the Principate of Tiberius, step

nal government. So well did he succeed that in later days, confronted with the separate persons of Octavianus the Triumvir,

ve for being veiled. Augustus applied all the arts of tone and nuance with the sure ease of a master. The letter NotesPage

public’ in 28 and 27 B.c. Gibbon’s remarks (c. iii, init) may be read with profit. 2 The Triumviral period is tangled, cha

into a national party, and a torn and distracted land into a nation, with a stable and enduring government. The tale has

ith a stable and enduring government. The tale has often been told, with an inevitability of events and culmination, eithe

inous to the Roman People. Posterity, generous in oblivion, regards with indulgence both the political orator who fomented

w-comers to the senatorial aristocracy, they all became deeply imbued with the traditional spirit of that order; and all wer

d with the traditional spirit of that order; and all were preoccupied with the fall of Libertas and the defeat of the govern

ong process, not a single act. Sallustius began his annalistic record with Sulla’s death and the rise to power of Pompeius t

d for safety to a decision, he chose Caesar, his personal friend; and with Caesar he went through the wars from the passage

xample, the fragments of the preface of Sallust’s Histories, combined with Tacitus, Hist. 1, 1–3, will give some idea of the

the Triumvirate when he observed that he could not treat his subject with freedom and with veracity. It was no other than C

when he observed that he could not treat his subject with freedom and with veracity. It was no other than Claudius, a pupil

ce upon the character and exploits of a single person invests history with dramatic unity at the expense of truth. However t

set out to narrate the history of the Roman Revolution he began, not with the crossing of the Rubicon, but with the compact

Roman Revolution he began, not with the crossing of the Rubicon, but with the compact of 60 B.C., devised by the political

story in the spirit and categories of the Republic, begins his Annals with the words ‘urbem Romam’. 2 Plutarch, Caesar 13

e to an alien rule. Italy suffered devastation and sacking of cities, with proscription and murder of the best men; for the

etimes been imagined. Of a total of six NotesPage=>010 1 Along with Claudii, Aemilii and Manlii they formed an aristo

term, but its connotation is pretty clear. (As Gelzer shows, Cicero, with all the goodwill in the world, cannot attribute n

ician. The nobiles were dynasts, their daughters princesses. Marriage with a well-connected heiress therefore became an act

turn, to support the dignity of his station, to flatter the populace with magnificence of games and shows, to bribe voters

free republic conferred its favours on whom it pleased. 3 Popularity with the plebs was therefore essential. It was possess

ved remote and secure in the enjoyment of hereditary estates, content with the petty dignity of municipal office in the town

senators were great holders of property like Pompeius and Ahenobarbus with whole armies of tenants or slaves, and financial

all too easy to tax the Roman nobility in the last epoch of its rule with vice and corruption, obscurantism and oppression.

ate that could transcend material interests and combine class-loyalty with a high ideal of Roman patriotism and imperial res

noble families the knights were the most important. Through alliance with groups of financiers, through patronage exercised

t in the country-towns of Italy and in regions not directly concerned with Roman political life. Whether he held authority f

acchi and converted into a means of direct political action, negative with the veto, positive with the initiation of laws. T

a means of direct political action, negative with the veto, positive with the initiation of laws. The use of this weapon in

e less, though the composition of the oligarchy is slowly transformed with the transformation of the Roman State, the manner

ntributed forty-five consuls, exceeded only by the patrician Cornelii with their numerous branches. Sulla the Dictator, hims

hy held rank not so much from resources of their own as from alliance with houses of the plebeian aristocracy. The greatest

i, in ancient dignity rivals to the patriciate, now stood high again, with several branches. L. Marcius Philippus, eloquent,

cos. III 152 B.C. 4 For example the Aurelii Cottae and the Octavii ( with two consuls each in the years 76-74 B.C.), the Ca

f Marius, the Metelli got power and influence again from the alliance with Sulla. Q. Metellus Pius led an army to victory fo

. Q. Metellus Pius led an army to victory for Sulla and became consul with him in 80 B.C. The Dictator himself had taken a M

ctive. Ap. Pulcher fought in Macedonia, where he died; P. Servilius with better fortune for four years in Cilicia. Most gl

ough Asia and shattered the power of Mithridates. Combining integrity with capacity, he treated the provincials in a fair an

(cos. 69). For the stemma, Münzer, RA, 224; for connexions of Catulus with the Domitii Ahenobarbi and the Servilii, P-W XIII

ve statesman in the tradition of Philippus; and he formed a connexion with the Metelli. 1 The lust of power, that prime infi

o guide public policy: only a few venerable relics, or recent consuls with birth but no weight. NotesPage=>022 1 The

881), presumably in the period 68-63 B.C. On the influence of Crassus with the Senate in 70 B.C., note esp. Plutarch, Pompei

naided. 4 Against novi homines the great families after Sulla stood with close ranks and forbidding aspect. M. Tullius Cic

His father, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus (cos. 96), was very influential with the plebs when tribune in 104, then carrying a la

house of the Aurelii Cottae. For the stemma, showing also a connexion with the Rutilii, Münzer, RA, 327. Caesar also had in

ce; and the Metelli, for survival or for power, would ally themselves with the strongest military leader, with Sulla’s heir

for power, would ally themselves with the strongest military leader, with Sulla’s heir as before with Sulla. The implacab

elves with the strongest military leader, with Sulla’s heir as before with Sulla. The implacable Cato detested the financi

from his very infancy; 3 and he was ready to bribe the plebs of Rome with corn or money. 4 Against the military dynast now

had terminated the war in Spain against Sertorius, Pompeius combined with another army commander, Crassus, and carried out

ple conferred upon their champion a vast command against the Pirates, with proconsular authority over the coasts of the Medi

ted by the Lex Manilia, for the financial interests were discontented with Lucullus, the Senate’s general. The absent dynast

ected consul and the other lent his services to Crassus. But alliance with Crassus need not alienate Pompeius utterly. Crass

tor, returning, landed in Italy towards the end of the year 62 B.C. with prestige unparalleled and the armies NotesPage=

a novus homo. PageBook=>031 licence to write political satire with impunity. 1 Pompeius was also related to other fa

nce in the municipia of Italy; 2 and he contracted ties of friendship with a number of great landowners of the class and ran

ower, NotesPage=>031 1 Velleius 2, 29, 2. On Pompeius’ kinship with C. Lucilius Hirrus (tr. pl. 53), cf. C. Cichorius

Cichorius, R. Studien, 67 ff.; A. B. West, AJP XLIX (1928), 240 ff., with a stemma on p. 252. Hirrus was a great landowner.

ter of all rural science (ib. 1, 2, 10). 3 Varro served as a legate with Pompeius both in the Sertorian War and in the Eas

hat connexion by marrying another woman of that house. 2 The alliance with the Metelli, by no means unequivocal or unclouded

mber Metellus Nepos, sent home by Pompeius, inaugurated his tribunate with alarming proposals: Pompeius should be elected co

our of the Republic. 7 Abetted by the praetor Caesar, Nepos went on with his proposals in the next year, causing bitter op

which he terminated the trial of Rabirius surely indicates collusion with the prosecutor, Labienus (Dio 37, 27, 3). 5 Vel

peius. 1 Cicero was in high spirits and fatal confidence. At variance with the Metelli through his clash with Nepos, he had

and fatal confidence. At variance with the Metelli through his clash with Nepos, he had broken with the Claudii and careles

variance with the Metelli through his clash with Nepos, he had broken with the Claudii and carelessly incurred a bitter feud

e flaunting victories over effeminate orientals, and scorned alliance with the conqueror of the world. The triumphal robe of

might be captured by the government at a certain stage in his career, with no discredit to either. Caesar’s choice was still

the lover of Servilia. 1 There was nothing to preclude an alliance with Pompeius. Praetor-designate and praetor, Caesar w

alliance with Pompeius. Praetor-designate and praetor, Caesar worked with Pompeius’ tribunes, devising honours for the abse

sar stood for the consulate backed by Crassus’ wealth, and in concert with L. Lucceius, an opulent friend of Pompeius. 4 C

mpeius. 4 Caesar was elected. Pompeius, threatened in his dignitas, with his acta needing ratification and loyal veterans

to a secret compact. The diplomatic arts of Caesar reconciled Crassus with Pompeius, to satisfy the ambitions of all three,

year named after the consuls Metellus and Afranius into a date heavy with history. 5 In the next year the domination of P

enable opinion that Brutus was Caesar’s son. 2 In alliance, namely, with both Labienus and Q. Metellus Nepos. 3 C. Calpu

8 Clark), &c. 4 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 19, 1. On his influence with Pompeius (at a later date), comparable to that of

P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther became proconsul of Hispania Citerior, with help from Caesar (BC 1, 22, 4). On Pompeius’ rela

Citerior, with help from Caesar (BC 1, 22, 4). On Pompeius’ relations with the Lentuli, below, p. 44. 7 Florus 2, 13, 13:

onsuls for the next year, L. Calpurnius Piso, a cultivated aristocrat with no marked political activities, and A. Gabinius,

s, inquit, tenebo exercitu Caesaris. ’ Compare Appian, BC 3, 27, 103 ( with reference to Antonius in 44 B.C.): ἡ δ βoυλὴ τήνδ

f Pompeius (Appian, Mithr. 95; S1G3 750). 3 Crassus was in alliance with the Metelli not only through his elder son (ILS 8

alition seemed likely to collapse. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus came forth with his candidature and loud threats that he would de

persuade Pompeius, making him sacrifice Caesar in return for alliance with the oligarchy. Cicero took heart. He proclaimed t

departed from Rome. 3 Crassus meanwhile had gone to Ravenna to confer with Caesar. The three met at Luca and renewed the com

to confer with Caesar. The three met at Luca and renewed the compact, with a second consulate for Pompeius and Crassus and,

years; Caesar’s command was also to be prolonged. Pompeius emerged with renewed strength from a crisis which he may have

Rome; and Caesar did not conquer Gaul in the design of invading Italy with a great army to establish a military autocracy. T

nment and hastening its end. Ahenobarbus had become consul at last, with Ap. Claudius Pulcher for colleague (54 B.C.). Nei

own counsel and deceived nobody. Corruption reigned, and disorder, with suspension of public business. The next year open

es, in the hope perhaps to inherit some measure of Crassus’ influence with the aristocracy. Of the candidates for the consul

ining five months of the year. A new combination was ready to form, with the ultimate decision to turn on the dynast’s att

faction of Pompeius no less than of Caesar. Two years passed, heavy with a gathering storm. Caesar’s enemies were precipit

ed till March 1st of the following year. Pompeius remained ambiguous, with hints of going to Spain, but forced by the Optima

. 3 The legion was not withdrawn, however, until the next year, along with another previously lent by Pompeius to Caesar. Bo

purchasing L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, cos. des. for 49, a man loaded with debts, avid and openly venal (Ad Att. 11, 6, 6; C

nied by the consuls-elect he went to Pompeius and handed him a sword, with dramatic gesture, bidding him take command of the

ily be described as four ancient and eminent families, linked closely with one another and with the Catonian faction. Risi

our ancient and eminent families, linked closely with one another and with the Catonian faction. Rising to power with supp

ely with one another and with the Catonian faction. Rising to power with support from the Metelli, though not without quar

when he returned from the East; and the consul Metellus Celer banded with the Catonian faction to attack and harry Pompeius

ere too politic for that. Three years later Nepos was consul, perhaps with help from Pompeius. Signs of an accommodation bec

n-law and colleague of Pompeius in his third consulate. The compact with Metelli and Scipiones recalled ancient history an

age: obscure for a century, they emerge again into sudden prominence with three consuls in the last three years of the Free

andfather (cos. III, 152). PageBook=>044 Pompeius and alliance with the Lentuli may not unfairly be surmised. 1 The

ath the humiliation of authority set at nought and fruitless contests with the consul and the tribunes of Pompeius. It was

e Republic was no place for a novus homo: the Lentuli were synonymous with aristocratic pride, Ap. Claudius took a peculiar

the knowledge that monarchy was the panacea for the world’s ills, and with the design to achieve it by armed force. 1 Such a

h before and after the outbreak of hostilities he sought to negotiate with Pompeius. Had Pompeius listened and consented to

(1936). 2 He offered to keep only the Cisalpina, or even Illyricum, with a single legion(Appian, BC 2, 32, 126; Plutarch,

r side the power and prestige of Pompeius. They would be able to deal with Pompeius later. It might not come to open war; an

ting for him, rancorous and incorruptible. A jury carefully selected, with moral support from soldiers of Pompeius stationed

vention in a struggle which was not their own. 2 Pompeius might stamp with his foot in the land of Italy, as he had rashly b

aster of Italy. Pompeius made his escape across the Adriatic carrying with him several legions and a large number of senator

had cheated Caesar of the true glory of a Roman aristocrat to contend with his peers for primacy, not to destroy them. His e

interest on each side claimed more adherents than principle, interest with the Pompeians usurped the respectable garb of leg

he composition of Caesar’s party and the character of those adherents with whom he supplemented the Senate and reinforced th

dious moderation. To the survivors of the defeated faction he behaved with public and ostentatious clemency. They were membe

aristocracy. But these proud adversaries did not always leap forward with alacrity to be exhibited as object- lessons of th

magnitudo animi of Caesar. They took the gift of life and restoration with suppressed resentment: some refused even to ask.

mies would soon direct that deadly weapon against one who had used it with such dexterity in the past and who more recently

yth or rational construction, a lay-figure set up to point a contrast with Pompeius or Augustus as though Augustus did not a

did not assume a more than human name and found a monarchy, complete with court and hereditary succession; as though Pompei

For that period, at least, a salutary pause from political activity: with the lapse of time the situation might become clea

n one way or another. NotesPage=>055 1 A. D. Nock, CAH X, 489 ( with reference to honours paid to Augustus). 2 Cicer

4 This feature has been duly emphasized by Gelzer (P-W X, 1005f.), with examples of Brutus’ devotion to the welfare of hi

f Brutus’ devotion to the welfare of his clients. Brutus wrote a book with the title De officiis (Seneca, Epp. 95, 45). The

e to slay the tyrant envy of Caesar and the memory of Caesar’s amours with Servilia, public and notorious. Above all, to Bru

d already for service or designated to high office. 2 Their coalition with Pompeians and Republicans calls for explanation.

this reason, certain of the most prominent of his adherents combined with Republicans and Pompeians to remove their leader.

ation of the Dictator none the less survived, joined for a few months with Republicans in a new and precarious front of secu

word in the hand of Pompeius, mindful at last of a marriage-connexion with the family of Caesar, abated his ardour, deserted

consulars, youth and ambition in the lower ranks of the Senate turned with alacrity to a politician whose boast and reputati

of the Empire. 3 Like Curio his friend, Caelius had contracted a feud with Ap. Pulcher. 4 Both were spirited and eloquent, e

sought protection from their enemies, revenge or reinstatement. Along with bankrupts and adventurers, the Caesarian party co

judgement, cf. Münzer, P-W II A, 870 3 Frontinus, De aq. 76 4 And with Ahenobarbus (Ad fam’. 8, 14, 1). His feud with Ap

nus, De aq. 76 4 And with Ahenobarbus (Ad fam’. 8, 14, 1). His feud with Ap. Pulcher and his friendship with Curio determi

bus (Ad fam’. 8, 14, 1). His feud with Ap. Pulcher and his friendship with Curio determined his allegiance ’C. Curio, quoius

ily. It was often stronger. Whatever their class in society, men went with a leader or a friend, though the cause were indif

lly recorded and honoured, for example, by the sons of the proconsuls with whom Caesar had served as military tribune and as

d served as military tribune and as quaestor. 5 Caesar had kept faith with Crassus; the younger son was dead, the elder foll

fratrem 1, 1, 10), the latter belonged to a family on friendly terms with M. Cicero, cf. P-W XIX, 45 ff. 2 For example, a

been a legate of Caesar in Gaul. For his pedigree, showing connexions with the Postumii, with Ser. Sulpicius Rufus and C. Cl

esar in Gaul. For his pedigree, showing connexions with the Postumii, with Ser. Sulpicius Rufus and C. Claudius C. f. Marcel

other young kinsman, Sex. Julius Caesar (quaestor in 47), is attested with Caesar in 49 (BC 2, 20, 7). On Q. Pedius, cf. bel

ood by the order he had established. Pompeius’ repute was evil enough with his own class; when he formed an alliance with th

repute was evil enough with his own class; when he formed an alliance with the Metelli he placed deadly weapons in the hand

lic and Civil Wars (P-W IV A, 849 f.), became censor in 42 B.C. along with the consular C. Antonius (ILS 6204). PageBook=&

quent lawyer to whom he had lent a large sum of money. 2 He now stood with Caesar and commanded the right wing at Pharsalus,

favour of his agent and constrained Cicero to undertake his defence: with how much sincerity, another question. Pompeius wa

es in Gaul were T. Labienus, Q. Titurius Sabinus, whose father served with Pompeius in Spain (Sallust, Hist. 2, 94 M), and S

t never happened was the consulate of Caesar and Labienus in 48 B.C., with the auctoritas of Pompeius behind them. For this

ome, patrician houses which seem to have formed an alliance for power with the plebeians when the latter were admitted to th

ement. Caesar, offering the consulate, had captured them both perhaps with connivance and help of his friend and former mist

rgetting his origin, improving his prospects and ingratiating himself with the nobility to find time to secure the promotion

s well as officers. At Pharsalus the sturdy Crastinus opened the fray with the battle-cry of Caesar’s dignitas and the liber

Bellum Gallicum and to compile the record of the Bellum Alexandrinum, with the intention of carrying his narrative down to t

Gellius 15, 4; Dio 43, 51, 4 f. On the problem of his identification with the muleteer Sabinus in Virgil, Catalept. 10, cf.

aesar. 1 The financier Atticus will have been able to forecast events with some accuracy and face the future with equanimity

e been able to forecast events with some accuracy and face the future with equanimity. It is much to be regretted that his l

d Att. 8, 11, 2; 9, 10, 3; 11, 6, 2. In 48 B.C. he was in negotiation with Burebistas, the Dacian monarch (SIG3 762). 2 Ve

of Caesar’s partisan Pollio. 2 Southern Gaul forgot the ancestral tie with the Domitii and saw the recent laurels of Pompeiu

he world. The levies of northern Italy filled the legions of Caesar with devoted recruits. 3 His new conquest, Gallia Coma

. 2 SIG3 751 ff. As for Theophanes, Cicero speaks of his auctoritas with Pompeius (Ad Att. 5, 11, 3); cf. also Caesar, BC

ased the total of quaestors to forty, of praetors to sixteen. 4 Along with the sons of the proscribed and the victims of Rom

d that the Dictator promoted partisans from the ranks of the legions, with no interval of time or status. An ex-centurion co

man of affairs, the progenitor, when he was not the heir, of a family with municipal repute and standing at least not all ce

s about Gauls newly emancipated from the national trouser, unfamiliar with the language and the topography of the imperial c

s and municipia of this region, virile, prosperous and reputed, might with truth be extolled as the flower of Italy, the pri

ion, is sometimes disregarded before it emerges into imperial history with two consuls in the reign of Caligula. 5 There wer

sons of Roman knights. 1 The same arguments hold for Caesar’s Senate, with added force, and render it at the same time more

ded as champions of the established order. No mere concordia ordinum, with senators and knights keeping to their allotted fu

, either colonies of old or states till recently independent, endowed with wide territories, a venerable history and proud t

Minatus Magius of Aeclanum(Velleius 2, 16, 2). PageBook=>083 with the aristocracy of the capital. Like the patricia

estor for the Flavii a companion of Hercules: but a place, Vespasiae, with ancient monuments of the Vespasii, attested the r

ied history, at Rome and elsewhere, tells of cities or nations, often with neglect of the dynastic houses that ruled them in

), W Schulze, Zur Gesch. lat. Eigennamen (1904), 123; and, in general with reference to this type of name, with numerous exa

men (1904), 123; and, in general with reference to this type of name, with numerous examples, ib. 464 ff. (‘theophore Namen’

the Julii and the Servilii. Out of the Sabine land came Attus Clausus with the army of his clients and settled at Rome, the

ere the Valerii, perhaps the Fabii. 2 These baronial houses brought with them to Rome the cults and legends of their famil

e despotic censor), cf. Suetonius, Tib. 2, 2. For their intermarriage with a dynastic house of Capua c. 217 B.C., Livy 23, 2

>085 nominally plebeian, the new-comers ranked in dignity almost with the patriciate of Rome. The Fulvii came from Tu

sought to break through their monopoly of patronage. Through alliance with the knights and personal ties with the leading me

oly of patronage. Through alliance with the knights and personal ties with the leading men in the towns of Italy he acquired

upon their coins, and Italia was the new state which they established with its capital at Corfinium. 1 This was secession. T

franchise to the allies was first made by agrarian reformers at Rome, with interested motives. A cause of dissension in Roma

emained recalcitrant. 3 The contest was not only brutal and bloody, with massacres of captives, hostages or non-combatants

me another civil war supervened, into which Etruria was dragged along with the stubborn remnants of the Italian insurgents.

4 The defeated still had to wait for a champion. Cicero was lavish with appeals to the sentiments and loyalty of Italy to

Roman State. It was no part of Cicero’s policy to flood the Senate with municipal men and capture for imported merit the

m for conservative interests. No doubt: the propertied classes looked with distrust upon the reform programmes of Roman trib

and perhaps more disquieting, many municipal aristocrats in sympathy with the champion of the oppressed classes. 6 Caesar

um, gathering in the strongholds and the recruits of his adversaries, with little resistance. Cingulum owed recent benefits

’ 7 P-W VII, 1817 ff. They were a noted commercial family, trading with the East (for Granii at Delos see BCH XXXI (1907)

C 1, 60, 271). Sulla died after a fit of apoplexy caused by a quarrel with a Granius of Puteoli, ‘princeps coloniae’ (Val. M

rigin; 7 and the warlike Marsi emerge into prominence, as is fitting, with another Poppaedius Silo, an historic name. 8 Othe

urts of Rome, making enemies and friends in high places. 1 Pollio was with Caesar when he crossed the Rubicon. Herennius w

nd discordant stocks of Italy into something that resembled a nation, with Rome as its capital, was not consummated by orato

n. 6 Whoever succeeded to power after a civil war would be confronted with the task of creating a NotesPage=>092 1 Ad

ich they give a regular and Latin termination not so the more recent, with foreign endings; and the local distribution of th

e Einbürgerung fremder Her rengeschlechter’). 2 Viz., gentile names with the endings ‘-a’, ‘-as’, ‘-anus’ 3 M. Perperna

of A. Schulten, Klio 11 (1902), 167 ff.; 440 ff.; in (1903), 235 ff. ( with statistics and maps). The first consul is presuma

ampaigns. 5 Nine consuls took office in the years 48–44 B.C., all men with senatorial rank before the outbreak of the Civil

rank before the outbreak of the Civil War. Five of them were nobiles, with patricians in high and striking relief. 6 The fou

lebeians were Claudii Marcelli. 5 Among his legates is found no man with a name ending in ‘-idius’, only one ‘-enus’, the

level of social eminence fell a little,1 but was to rise again in 42 with two of the marshals, the noble D. Junius Brutus

of Salvidienus Rufus, Vipsanius Agrippa and Statilius Taurus? Along with the survivors of the Catonian party, Pompeians su

red from Calpurnia the Dictator’s papers and then consulted in secret with the chief men of the Caesarian faction, such as B

lous and advantageous position. Lepidus had troops under his command, with results at once apparent. At dawn on March 16th h

results at once apparent. At dawn on March 16th he occupied the Forum with armed men. Lepidus and Balbus were eager for veng

pidus and Balbus were eager for vengeance; 1 Antonius, however, sided with the moderate and prudent Hirtius. He summoned the

coup had been countered by the Caesarian leaders, who, in negotiation with them, adopted a firm and even menacing tone. D. B

tor’s will, granting a public funeral. Antonius had played his hand with cool skill. The Liberators and their friends had

ning an ascendancy over the Senate. The people, unfriendly to begin with , turned sharply against them. Accident blended wi

friendly to begin with, turned sharply against them. Accident blended with design. The funeral oration delivered by Antonius

did Brutus lift up his bloodstained dagger, crying the name of Cicero with a loud voice. 2 The appeal was premature. Nor c

ad and games. The plebs had acclaimed Caesar, the popular politician, with his public boast of the Julian house, descended f

gs of Rome and from the immortal gods; they buried his daughter Julia with the honours of a princess; they cheered at the ga

in defence of the rights of the tribunes, was manoeuvred into a clash with the champions of the People. Symptoms only, no so

ght to inveigle their supporters into contributing to a private fund: with small success the men from the municipia, were no

ny. Then the financier C. Flavius, Brutus’ friend, approached Atticus with an invitation to place himself at the head of a c

however, or for safety, it was advisable to maintain or contract ties with all parties. Atticus was quite willing to offer

us, a fugitive after the Battle of Munda, conducted guerrilla warfare with some success against the Caesarian governors in t

d; an assertion of liberty had been answered by the Caesarian leaders with concord in word and action. As the coalition of M

ncord in word and action. As the coalition of March 17th corresponded with political facts and with personal interests, it w

As the coalition of March 17th corresponded with political facts and with personal interests, it was not altogether foolish

rson), the years of pleasure and adventure brought him, after service with Gabinius in Syria, to brighter prospects, to the

task was delicate, and Caesar may not have been altogether satisfied with his deputy. Yet there is no proof of any serious

orn in 82 B.C., Antonius was now in the prime of life, richly endowed with strength of body and grace of manner, courageous,

eparable. The policy which he adopted in the East and his association with the Queen of Egypt were vulnerable to the moral a

ic policy and performance, Roman aristocratic standards, old and new, with their insistence upon civic virtue or personal li

tonius may have told against him but in Rome and in Italy rather than with the troops and in the provinces. Yet they were no

both military and political, and a sentiment of loyalty incompatible with the chill claims of statesmanship. But that was l

er Herophilus. Then on a sudden he intervened, punishing the impostor with death. The Liberators had fled the city. Antonius

ent proconsul of Bithynia (Ann. 16, 18), Otho, who governed Lusitania with integrity (ib. 13, 46) and took his own life rath

ccused of dissimulation: the Caesarian leader was later to be taunted with inconsistency on this point. 2 It would not be pa

and bound to him by ties of personal friendship. 3 He had no quarrel with the Liberators providing they did not interfere w

e had no quarrel with the Liberators providing they did not interfere with the first object of his ambition, which was to se

comparisons. 1 The consul was firm but conciliatory, taking counsel with senior statesmen and deferential to the State. He

d consular provinces for the following year2 probably in accordance with the intentions of Caesar. Dolabella received Syri

e intentions of Caesar. Dolabella received Syria, Antonius Macedonia: with Macedonia went Caesar’s Balkan army, six of the b

osterity into a false estimate of his political capacity. We are left with slander or romantic biography. PageBook=>109

e government, and so unassailable by legal weapons. In the next year, with A. Hirtius and C. Vibius Pansa as consuls, Antoni

ht to pay back old scores. In 42 B.C. D. Brutus would be consul along with the diplomatic and unreliable L. Munatius Plancus

him to depart to his province. Lepidus, through his family connexion with Brutus, might prove a bond of alliance between th

audius, was yet merciful to the Roman People, for it suppressed along with the principes a source of intrigue and feuds. P

at danger he would take that region for his own consular province and with it an army adequate to defy any enterprises of hi

region recently conquered by Caesar):1 these lands he would garrison with the Macedonian legions. For how long, no indicati

de his way to Campania. The veterans of Caesar had to be attended to, with urgent and just claims not to be disregarded, as

he Liberators themselves were well aware. Antonius occupied himself with the allotment of lands and the founding of milita

against him but came to nothing. When he returned, it was to discover with dismay that a new and incalculable factor had imp

zer, P-W III A, 2137. Crispus, proconsul of Bithynia in 45, took away with him his army of three legions to be used against

4 Cicero, Phil. 3, 15. 5 The young Octavius, in Spain for a time with Caesar in 45 B.C., was enrolled among the patrici

ir. Not for nothing that the ruler of Rome made use of a signet- ring with a sphinx engraved. The revolutionary adventurer e

ears of age: but he resolved to acquire the power and the glory along with the name of Caesar. Whether his insistence that C

omnia nomini debes. ’ PageBook=>114 Exorbitant ambition mated with political maturity is not enough to explain the a

wisely postponed. Nor would he enter Rome until he had got into touch with persons of influence and had surveyed the politic

of April his presence was signalled in Campania, where he was staying with his step-father, the consular Philippus. 1 More i

e remnant of his private fortune mattered little for the power rested with the leaders of the Caesarian party. Foreseeing tr

er rested with the leaders of the Caesarian party. Foreseeing trouble with Antonius about the disposal of the Dictator’s pro

from the inheritance of Caesar to pay the legacies. Antonius answered with excuses and delays. 1 The Caesarian leader had

vented his cult; he had professed conciliation towards the assassins, with impunity. The disloyal Caesarian was soon to be b

disloyal Caesarian was soon to be brought to book. To maintain power with the populace and the veterans, Antonius was force

Brutus and Cassius should leave Italy. Antonius had returned to Rome with an escort of veterans, much to the disquiet of th

ived. Certain friends of Caesar supplied abundant funds,1 which along with his own money he expended lavishly at the Ludi Vi

claimed the soul of Caesar made a god. Octavianus accepted the sign with secret confidence in his destiny and with public

ctavianus accepted the sign with secret confidence in his destiny and with public exploitation. 2 He caused a star to be pla

g of the coalition of March 17th, and, more than that, to a firm pact with the Liberators. Brutus and Cassius published an e

utus and Cassius published an edict conceived in fair terms, probably with honest intent, not merely to deceive; about the s

ressed to Antonius: the military men urged him to treat Caesar’s heir with loyalty and respect. Yielding to this moral suasi

moral suasion, Antonius agreed to a formal and public reconciliation with Octavianus. The ceremony was staged on the Capito

be thwarted in his ambitions, he still hoped to avoid an open breach with the party of Brutus and Cassius. His professions,

as held to be distinctly amicable. 1 To their edict he now made reply with a public proclamation and a private letter, in a

s heir. 2 Ad Jam. 11, 3, 1; Ad. Att. 16, 7, 7. PageBook=>119 with a firm manifesto (August 4th), taking their stand

d the veterans. The Senate was hostile: yet the uneasy reconciliation with Octavianus could scarcely last. On any count, the

sense of the difference between words and facts, a brief acquaintance with Roman political behaviour that he possessed and t

the great Pompeius had been forced at the last into a fatal alliance with his enemies the oligarchs. Caesar had been saved

The whole situation at this time is summed up by Dio (45, 11, 1 ff.) with unwonted insight and force: ∊ί⍴ήvouv ἔтι ĸαȋ έπoλ

cian, he now became bewildered, impatient and tactless. His relations with Octavianus did not improve. Neither trusted the

. To counter that danger and outbid his rival the consul went farther with his Caesarian and popular policy. In the Senate

ero and P. Servilius Isauricus spoke. 1 Antonius after delay retorted with a bitter personal attack (September 19th). Cicero

policy, Antonius caused to be set up in the Forum a statue of Caesar with the inscription ‘Parenti optime merito’. 2 His en

us by name. The exacerbated Antonius then delivered a violent speech, with abuse of the Liberators. This was on October 2nd.

here to pick up four of the Macedonian legions and send them or march with them to northern Italy. NotesPage=>124 1 A

Pompeius now had an army. He was at first quite uncertain what to do with it. Was he to stand at Capua and prevent Antonius

esmen. In vain his backers were timid or absent. He had to be content with the plebs and a tribune. Brought before an assemb

station of his parent. 3 The coup failed. Antonius was approaching with the Macedonian legions. The veterans refused to f

o argument nor to bribes: what he offered was miserable in comparison with the lavish generosity of Octavianus. The consul

t was later alleged that a consular was ready on the side of Antonius with a bill of attainder against Octavianus. 1 Nothing

surely have vetoed the measure: he could not afford a fresh conflict with the Senate and a fresh rebuff. In haste Antonius

ul. Fresh levies were needed. Octavianus had not carried all Campania with him: two old Caesarians of military experience, D

olutionary, he invoked both the traditional charges of unnatural vice with which the most blameless of Roman politicians, wh

Octavianus’ mother came from the small town of Aricia! From dealing with D. Brutus, however, Antonius was impeded by no do

ration of action. Brutus refused to yield. Antonius marched northward with Caesarian rapidity and entered the province of Ci

ed. Civil war had begun, but winter enforced a lull in hostilities, with leisure for intrigue and diplomacy. With Antonius

is interests against Roman tribunes. The family appears to have sided with Marius in the civil wars, suffering in consequenc

4 For the grandfather, Pro Cluentio 153. The Maecenas present along with two other Etruscans, M. Perperna and C. Tarquitiu

eyond the constitution and beyond the laws. When Caesar went to war with the government, avid and desperate men in his par

ber the young man possessed a huge war-fund it might provide Antonius with an incentive to attack and despoil him. 1 The p

tor and the various state moneys at his disposal. Antonius is charged with refusing to hand over money due to Caesar’s heir

uld be expected, benevolent and alert in any shady transaction. Along with Matius and Saserna he advanced money for the cele

s rival, has preserved instead the public invectives which designate, with names and epithets, the senatorial partisans of A

Pansa, however, encouraged Octavianus at a quite early date. Along with Pansa in this context certain other names are men

likewise not of the best, alleges that the pair made a secret compact with Cicero, Cicero to provide political support for O

’s actions on behalf of the young Pompeius, he was reluctant to break with Antonius, for he hoped through Antonius to get an

15, 8), presumably the aunj: of D. Brutus: and he was also connected with Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (cos. 51 B.C.). For a table

aracter and discernment, united loyalty to Roman standards of conduct with a lively appreciation of the literature and philo

d after the proconsul returned, on any excuse. Piso replied, no doubt with some effect. 3 Nor did any political enemy or amb

more elevated principles that were professed, and sometimes followed, with such robust conviction. Piso, a patriotic Roman,

e Civil War. Servilius, however, had been ensnared by Caesar, perhaps with a bribe to his ambition, the consulate of 48 B.C.

been a man of action yet he governed the province of Asia for Caesar with some credit in 46-44 B.C. On his return to Rome l

ach had a change of side to their credit. No politician could compete with Cicero for versatility, as the attacks of his ene

e to blame Caesar, the agent of his misfortunes, rather than Pompeius with whom the last word rested. Pompeius was the stron

It was too late. He had few illusions about Pompeius, little sympathy with his allies. Yet he found himself, not unnaturally

d by the bloodthirsty threats of the absent Pompeians, who would deal with neutrals as with enemies. Spain might bring them

rsty threats of the absent Pompeians, who would deal with neutrals as with enemies. Spain might bring them victory after all

might bring them victory after all. The agonies of a long flirtation with neutrality drove him to join Pompeius, without wa

atorship were unhappy and inglorious. The continuance of the struggle with the last remnants of the Pompeians and the someti

give him what he wants, to flatter and to praise him, he will put up with servitude. ’3 But Cicero was able to hold out aga

of Cato, which he published, inaugurating a fashion. Caesar answered with praise of the author’s talent and a pamphlet trad

authenticated reports from Spain that Sex. Pompeius had come to terms with the government. Cicero was sorry. 4 The dominatio

aving Italy. L. Piso, he learned, had indeed spoken in the Senate but with nobody to support him. The sanguine hopes of a co

vain. He persisted, however, and returned, though heavy of heart and with no prospect at all of playing a directing part in

. But Cicero as yet had not committed himself to any irreparable feud with Antonius or to any definite line of action. The S

more ferocious displays of political invective, as when he contended with L. Piso ten years earlier. Between Antonius and

h: on the contrary, relations of friendship, to which they could each with justice appeal. In 49 B.C. Antonius, then in char

appeal. In 49 B.C. Antonius, then in charge of Italy, treated Cicero with tact and with respect, advising him not to join P

B.C. Antonius, then in charge of Italy, treated Cicero with tact and with respect, advising him not to join Pompeius, but n

ar back, interpreted in the light of subsequent history, and invested with a significance foreign even to the secret thought

zed that the youth was to be encouraged and kept from allying himself with Antonius; 3 in July, Octavianus became a fact and

ero for advice, sending to him his trusty agent Caecina of Volaterrae with demands for an interview, for Cicero was close at

e background. For Cicero, in fear at the prospect of Antonius’ return with troops from Brundisium, there was safety in Arpin

nt and most ominous was the speech delivered in Rome, the solemn oath with hand outstretched to the statue of Caesar the Dic

m ‘father’ an appellation which the sombre Brutus was later to recall with bitter rebuke. 1 Octavianus has sometimes been co

in the Senate. But Octavianus and D. Brutus were insistent the former with his illicit army, perilously based on Etruria, Br

he would hear no word of peace or compromise: he confronted Antonius with the choice between capitulation and destruction.

redeem all, to assert leadership, to free the State again or go down with it in ruin. Once he had written about the ideal s

hould have been a century earlier, namely a stable and balanced state with Senate and People keeping loyally to their separa

feuds, however spirited at the outset, had not always been sustained with constancy. 1 Cicero might rail at the consulars:

ility for the actions of Octavianus. 2 His policy violated public law with what chance of success on a long calculation, or

lued. But Brutus was far away. Winter held up warfare in the north, with leisure for grim reflections. When Hirtius brough

s inherited his policy and his character; and Clodia committed incest with her brother and poisoned her husband. The enormit

ite indecent verses. 3 This at Rome: in his province lust was matched with cruelty. Virgins of the best families at Byzantiu

what each was worth. The realities of Roman politics were overlaid with a double coating of deceit, democratic and aristo

tiny will suggest doubts: these terms are very far from corresponding with definite parties or definite policies. They are r

τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐς τὰ ἔργα ἀντήλ λαςαν τῇ δικαιὡσ∈ι. 4 Dio 46, 34, 5 ( with reference to 44-43 B.C.): οἱ μὲν γὰρ ∈ὖ πράξαντ∈ς

ς καὶ ἀλι-τήριοι ὠνομἀσθησαν. Like Sallust, he had studied Thucydides with some attention. PageBook=>155 the professi

egitimate government comes peace, a cause which all parties professed with such contentious zeal that they were impelled to

ndon their plea when they spoke for war. Peace should not be confused with servitude; 4 negotiations with an enemy must be s

for war. Peace should not be confused with servitude; 4 negotiations with an enemy must be spurned because they were danger

6 Then war became just and heroic: rather than seek any accommodation with a citizen in arms, any hope or guarantee of conco

on vengeance,4 whereas the disloyal Antonius was ready to compromise with the assassins of his leader and benefactor. Pieta

nuance and complications of internecine strife, however, played havoc with the most binding ties of personal allegiance. For

ἀδ∈λϕὸν ∈ὐσέβ∈ιαν καὶ ἐπωνυμίαν ἑαντῷ Πί∈ταν ἐπέθ∈το. He struck coins with his brother’s head on the obverse, on the reverse

inces when they decided to desert the government, making common cause with a public enemy. Lepidus duly uttered the exemplar

hat no personal grounds of enmity would ever prevent him from allying with his bitterest enemy to save the State. 5 Plancus

ask of the apostle of concord was not always easy when he had to deal with enemies whom he had described as ‘madmen’, ‘ragin

ho had asked for mercy:1 his clemency was published on numerous coins with the legend Ob cives servatos. 2 There was no li

hed and would be crushed, as once Senate, People and Cicero had dealt with Catilina. In brief, Cicero proposed to secure l

d against the People and the army commanders. As at present composed, with its preponderance of Caesarians or neutrals, the

whose many branches had produced the Scipiones and the Lentuli, along with Sulla and Cinna, the leading member was now the y

aristocracy, the backbone of Sulla’s oligarchy, were sadly weakened, with no consular Metelli left alive, no Licinii or Jun

he sons of the dominant consulars in the defeated oligarchy, departed with their kinsman and leader M. Junius Brutus, whethe

litics. PageBook=>164 battle. The remnants of the faction were with the young Pompeius in Spain. The weakness of th

lost to history for thirty months after the Ides of March, but still with a future before him. 2 Ad fam. 10, 3, 3: ‘scis

Lepidus stood, if the word can be used of this flimsy character, was with Antonius, his ally in the days following the Ides

d the adventurer Sex. Pompeius to lay down his arms and come to terms with the government in Rome a heavy blow for the Repub

ro for war; 1 and L. Piso twice intervened on the plea of legality, with arguments for compromise. The result was hardly

Senate adlected Octavianus into its ranks and assigned to him, along with the consuls, the direction of military operations

h the consuls, the direction of military operations against Antonius, with the title of pro-praetor. 2 Further, by a special

was to raise a large question in itself, even if it were not coupled with the official sanction given to a private adventur

violated private as well as public law. As Piso pointed out, perhaps with sharp reminder of the fate of the associates of C

before a small minority dominant in the Senate broke off negotiations with a contumacious proconsul and plunged the world in

o Gallia Comata. 2 Deceptive and dangerous there could be no treating with Antonius, for Antonius was in effect a public ene

=>170 merely encouraged his neighbours to enlist but helped them with generous subsidies. 1 On the first or second da

easonable nor contumacious. As justice at Rome derived from politics, with legality a casual or partisan question, he requir

e Forum, for the dead ambassador Sulpicius Rufus, thereby quarrelling with P. Servilius. 4 NotesPage=>170 1 Phil. 7,

ught news of sudden and splendid success. While the Senate negotiated with Antonius, Brutus and Cassius had acted: they seiz

tives. 3 When all was ready, and the decision at last taken, he moved with rapidity. The quaestors of Asia and Syria, on the

of Apamea which the Pompeian adventurer Caecilius Bassus was holding with a legion. 5 Besiegers and besieged alike joined C

certain date. 3 Phil, 10, 13; ILS 9460 (Delos). On the relationship with Brutus, cf. Münzer, RA, 342 ff. 4 M. Appuleius

rtisan emotions of the moment. On a long view, the future was ominous with a war much more formidable than that which was be

ror ran through the Senate. The Republicans exploited their advantage with allegations of atrocities it was affirmed that Do

o confer upon Cassius the commission of making war against Dolabella, with an extraordinary command over all the provinces o

me Piso and Calenus carried a motion that an embassy be sent to treat with Antonius. Five consulars were appointed to a repr

arch 20th came dispatches from Lepidus and Plancus, acting in concert with each other and presumably with Antonius. Lepidus

Lepidus and Plancus, acting in concert with each other and presumably with Antonius. Lepidus at least seems to have made no

onius. Lepidus at least seems to have made no secret of his agreement with Antonius: Antonius suppressed, he would be the ne

d an accommodation. Servilius spoke against it. Cicero supported him, with lavish praises for the good offices of those patr

t the generals stood by him, and reiterated his resolve to keep faith with Lepidus, with Plancus and with Dolabella. 3 Cicer

stood by him, and reiterated his resolve to keep faith with Lepidus, with Plancus and with Dolabella. 3 Cicero could not re

d reiterated his resolve to keep faith with Lepidus, with Plancus and with Dolabella. 3 Cicero could not resist the challeng

honest or partisan, were alike exhausted. The arbitrament now rested with the sword. Through the month of February the fo

Octavianus and Hirtius avoided battle, waiting for Pansa to come up with his four legions of recruits. Pansa had left Rome

ianus, in the meantime, held and defended the camp near Mutina. Along with Pansa and Hirtius he received the imperatorial ac

ign of Mutina, was coming up in the rear of the constitutional forces with three veteran legions raised in his native Picenu

e East, crushed and exterminated. If Brutus and Cassius came to Italy with their host of seventeen legions, his ‘father’ Cic

3 According to Velleius (2, 65, 1), Antonius threatened Octavianus with this alternative. 4 Appian, BC 3, 75, 305 ff. p

made no move. He remained in the neighbourhood of Bononia and awaited with equanimity the ruin of D. Brutus and the triumph

among the Caesarian armies of the West. Antonius marched westwards with rapidity and resolution by Parma and Placentia to

th-west of Genoa). Here on May 3rd he was met by the trusty Ventidius with the three veteran legions. The first round was wo

ched Forum Julii towards the middle of the month. The confrontation with Lepidus was not long delayed. One of the lieutena

een unwilling to take the lives of fellow-citizens. The letter closed with a pointed sentence, surely the reply to Cicero’s

and Lepidus carried out their peaceful coup. They had now to reckon with Plancus. In April the governor of Gallia Comata m

lure Brutus to his ruin without the necessity of battle. Despondent, with tired troops, delayed by the raising of new levie

and blamed upon the young Caesar the escape of Antonius and his union with Lepidus, reprobating his ambition in the most vio

on in the most violent of terms. 1 Now Pollio supervened, coming up with two legions from Hispania Ulterior. Earlier in th

nerals for lack of heroism and lack of principle. They had no quarrel with Antonius; it was not they who had built up a nove

te armies and constitutional sanctions against a proconsul. Where and with whom stood now the legitimate government and the

ksome. He would show them. Cicero entered into the original compact with Octavianus with clear perception of the dangers o

show them. Cicero entered into the original compact with Octavianus with clear perception of the dangers of their equivoca

daughter to the young adventurer. 5 Cicero had already crossed swords with Servilius more than once; and in early April, aft

atical feud against Antonius. Brutus had not broken off all relations with M. Antonius he may still have hoped for an accomm

lly drove him to a decision. When he left Italy in August, it was not with the plan already conceived of mustering the armie

n violence. At Athens he looked about for allies, opened negotiations with provincial governors but did not act at once. The

e the pace and preclude compromise in this matter perhaps at variance with the more resolute Cassius. 2 In any event, princi

tion, wrote to Cicero, interceding for his relatives. Cicero answered with a rebuke. 4 Octavianus was a greater danger to

Cicero would not admit to Brutus the ruinous failure of the alliance with Caesar’s heir. He asseverated his responsibility

m he did not cease to urge Brutus to return to Italy. After a council with Servilia he launched a final appeal on July 27th.

e affairs of Thrace, recover Asia from Dolabella, and make a junction with Cassius. To cross to Italy without Cassius and th

ctavianus the consulate. The latter request they were able to support with a wealth of historical precedents of a familiar k

e crossed the Rubicon at the head of eight legions and then pushed on with picked troops, moving with the rapidity of Caesar

e head of eight legions and then pushed on with picked troops, moving with the rapidity of Caesar. There was consternation i

ty of Caesar. There was consternation in Rome. The Senate sent envoys with the offer of permission to stand for the consulat

the Republic. Two veteran legions from Africa arrived at Ostia. Along with a legion of recruits they were stationed on the J

hat was the only bloodshed. The senators advanced to make their peace with Octavianus; among them, but not in the forefront,

false. 2 On the following day Octavianus forbore to enter the city with armed men a ‘free election’ was to be secured. Th

ree election’ was to be secured. The people chose him as consul along with Q. Pedius, an obscure relative of unimpeachable r

a special court was established by a law of the consul Pedius; along with these state criminals a convenient fiction reckon

could afford to wait, to take vengeance upon the lesser enemies along with the greater. Rome could already have a foretast

, augmented to eleven legions, the consul left Rome for the reckoning with Antonius, whom he could now face as an equal. Ant

8 after the Battle of Mutina, when he treated the Antonian captives with honour, sending one of the officers to Antonius w

ntonian captives with honour, sending one of the officers to Antonius with a friendly message, so it was alleged. 1 The unio

Octavianus crossed the Apennines and entered Cisalpine Gaul again, with a brave front. In force of arms, Lepidus and Anto

us himself, however, was to have a second consulate in the next year, with Plancus as his colleague. For 41 B.C. were design

his old command, Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior, augmented with Hispania Ulterior for Pollio gave up that provinc

onius. NotesPage=>189 1 Ad fam. 10, 21, 4. 2 At least he was with Sex. Pompeius in 39 B.C. (Velleius 2, 77, 3). 3

refusing to recognize the Triumvirate. He then became involved in war with T. Sextius, the governor of Africa Nova. PageBo

their opponents all at once, alleging in excuse the base ingratitude with which the Pompeians requited Caesar’s clemency. 1

; and the total of victims was probably never as high as was believed with horror at the time, or uncritically since, perpet

rst for blood. Many of the proscribed got safely away and took refuge with the Liberators in the East or with Sex. Pompeius

ed got safely away and took refuge with the Liberators in the East or with Sex. Pompeius on the western seas and in the isla

precluding any armed insurrection in Italy when they settled accounts with the Liberators. Cicero could have escaped through

too late. His murder disgraced the Triumvirs and enriched literature with an immortal theme. 1 But the fugitives could no

n immortal theme. 1 But the fugitives could not take their property with them; some of the proscribed remained in Italy, u

t intending or achieving a revolution. Caesar, being in close contact with powerful financial interests and representatives

sing indignant protest. 9 Intimidated by a deputation of Roman ladies with a great Republican personage for leader, the daug

wners, cf. above, p. 31. 4 In 45 B.C. he was able to provide Caesar with six thousand muraenae for a triumphal banquet (Pl

n social revolution. The foundations of the new order were cemented with the blood of citizens and buttressed with a despo

the new order were cemented with the blood of citizens and buttressed with a despotism that made men recall the Dictatorship

y war and proscription, the Senate was now replenished to overflowing with the creatures of the Triumvirs: before long it wa

usand. 5 Scorn and ridicule had greeted the nominees of the Dictator: with the ignominy of the new senators of the Triumvira

gin and infamous pursuits even escaped slaves could be detected. 6 As with the recruitment of the Senate, all rules and all

us Philippus actually became praetor (Dig. ib.): not to be identified with M. Barbatius Pollio, quaestor of Antonius in 40 B

both ex-Pompeians and adherents of Caesar, banished from Italy, were with the Liberators or with Sex. Pompeius. With Pompei

adherents of Caesar, banished from Italy, were with the Liberators or with Sex. Pompeius. With Pompeius they found a refuge,

Liberators or with Sex. Pompeius. With Pompeius they found a refuge, with Brutus and Cassius a party and a cause, armies of

nobiles went in a body to the camp of Brutus and Cassius, eagerly or with the energy of despair. Six years earlier the caus

friends and agents of equestrian rank, such as the banker C. Flavius, with no heart for war but faithful to the end. 4 At At

s of senators like L. Bibulus, his own stepson, and M. Cicero,5 along with men of lower station. 6 Then Caesarian officials

abella; but his quaestor P. Lentulus, the son of Spinther, was active with a fleet for the Republic. 10 Most of the assassin

e consul of 61 B.C. His half- brother, L. Gellius Poplicola, was also with Brutus for a time, but acted treacherously (Dio 4

l for Octavianus in the Bellum Siculum. Calvisius is the first consul with a gentilicium ending in ‘-isius’: non-Latin, cf.

the consulate; Octavius the Marsian, ‘the accursed brigand’, perished with Dolabella; 1 another Marsian, Poppaedius Silo, ga

ty was the mysterious family of the Cocceii, which furnished Antonius with generals and diplomats and secured two consulates

consuls turn up L. Cornificius, whose unknown antecedents endowed him with the talents for success; Q. Laronius, commemora

cient colony of Norba, P-W xvii, 926. Canidius may be the man who was with Cato in Cyprus in 57 B.C. (Plutarch, Cato Minor 3

Salvidienus was not unique: foreigners or freed slaves might compete with knights for military command in the wars of the R

cation. The best men were dead or proscribed. The Senate was packed with ruffians, the consulate, once the reward of civic

t behind in nominal charge of Rome and Italy. The real control rested with Antonius, for one of his partisans, Calenus, seem

ed two legions established in Italy,3 while Pollio held the Cisalpina with a strong army. 4 At first there was delay. Octa

g army. 4 At first there was delay. Octavianus turned aside to deal with Sex. Pompeius, who by now had won possession of a

t is true, did not intervene; but Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, coming up with a large part of the fleet of Brutus and Cassius,

ppian, BC 4, 85, 358; Dio 48, 18, 1; sling-bullets found near Rhegium with the legend ‘Q. Sal. im(p.)’, CIL x, 8337, p. 1001

d Plancus, Brutus may not have abandoned all hope of an accommodation with East and West so evenly matched between Republica

the Liberators had not been Antonius’ policy when he was consul. But with Caesar’s heir there could be no pact or peace. 1

ten in Rome or commanded the armies that destroyed the Republic along with their new allies and peers in rank, Ventidius and

. Brutus had divined it Antonius, he said, might have been numbered with Cato, with Brutus and with Cassius: he had surren

d divined it Antonius, he said, might have been numbered with Cato, with Brutus and with Cassius: he had surrendered himse

ntonius, he said, might have been numbered with Cato, with Brutus and with Cassius: he had surrendered himself to Octavianus

ervice. One of the friends of Brutus, the faithful Lucilius, remained with Antonius until the end. 7 The rest of them, irrec

ht such a battle before. 9 The glory of it went to Antonius and abode with him for ten years. The Caesarian leaders now had

other cities in alarm joined the ranks of discontent. Owners of land with their families flocked to Rome, suppliant and voc

he Senate Octavianus proposed measures of alleviation and compromise, with little effect save to excite the suspicions of th

ut and his life was in danger. Rome and all Italy was in confusion, with murderous street battles between soldiers and civ

men of property against a rapacious proletariat in arms: it blended with an older feud and took on the colours of an ancie

yria. 3 Caecina returned without a definite message, but Nerva stayed with Antonius. NotesPage=>208 1 It is impossibl

ly routing Lepidus. He was welcomed by the populace and by the Senate with a sincere fervour such as can have attended none

y for long. He advanced northward in the hope of effecting a junction with the generals of his brother who held all the Gall

erals of his brother who held all the Gallic provinces. Octavianus, with Agrippa in his company, had retired to southern E

d already recalled his marshal Salvidienus, who was marching to Spain with six legions to take charge of that region. Even i

ienus returned in time and their combined armies succeeded in dealing with L. Antonius, that was the least of his difficulti

by distance and divided in counsel. In Gallia Cisalpina stood Pollio with an army of seven legions. The decision to abolish

, all Gaul beyond the Alps, was held for him by Calenus and Ventidius with a huge force of legions: they, too, had opposed S

an fleets dominated the seas, Ahenobarbus in the Adriatic, Murcus now with Sex. Pompeius. Pompeius seems to have let slip hi

away to the north. Agrippa and Salvidienus out-manoeuvred him. Along with the defeated generals Furnius, Tisienus and a num

idius. He was quickly undeceived. Octavianus at once invested Perusia with an elaborate ring of fortifications. Then, marchi

h an elaborate ring of fortifications. Then, marching north-eastwards with Agrippa, he confronted Pollio and Ventidius, who,

r in adequate strength. Plancus, another of Antonius’ men, occupied with establishing veterans near Beneventum, enlisted t

48, 10, 1. 3 It is quite impossible to reconstruct these operations with narrative or with map. 4 Appian, BC 5, 30, 116;

is quite impossible to reconstruct these operations with narrative or with map. 4 Appian, BC 5, 30, 116; Dio 48, 13, 4 ff.

poems of traditional obscenity about Pollio, who evaded the challenge with a pointed sneer at the man of the proscriptions.

on the defenders, Ventidius and Pollio resolved to attempt a junction with Plancus and relieve Perusia. Marching across the

Antonius made a capitulation (late in February?). Octavianus received with honour the brother of his colleague and sent him

1 Death was also the penalty exacted of the town council of Perusia, with the exception, it is said, of one man, an astute

mposed a crushing fine. 4 The generals of Antonius dispersed. Along with Fulvia, Plancus fled to Greece, deserting his arm

generals of Octavianus. Then all is a blank, save that he negotiated with the Republican admiral Ahenobarbus, whose fleet c

nd of famine, desolation and despair. But Italy was encompassed about with enemies. Antonius was NotesPage=>212 1 Dio

ius 2, 76, 2; Appian, BC 5, 50, 212. PageBook=>213 approaching with an armament from the East, Antonius’ man Calenus

ia had incited; 2 in Africa the ex-centurion Fuficius Fango, fighting with valour and resource in a confused war against T.

his emergency Octavianus sought aid where he could, an accommodation with the master of the sea. He sent Maecenas on a dipl

arried. But Pompeius, as was soon evident, was already in negotiation with Antonius. Once again the young Caesar was saved

ntonius had come up from the East and was laying siege to Brundisium, with Ahenobarbus and Pompeius as open and active allie

. 3 Antonius, fresh from the Cappadocian charmer Glaphyra,4 succumbed with good will but did not surrender. The Queen, who w

oc of intestine strife a foreign enemy had supervened. The Parthians, with Roman renegades in their company, poured into Syr

ioned his cause and won Republican support, but even raised civil war with a fair prospect of destroying the rival Caesarian

a fleet and looked about for allies. From Sex. Pompeius came envoys, with offer of alliance. 6 Failing a general compact an

ius Libo and Sentius Saturninus (Appian, BC 5, 52, 217): they brought with them Julia, the mother of Antonius, who had fled

s, Antonius agreed to armed co-operation. When he set sail in advance with a few ships from a port in Epirus, the fleet of A

oman politics. Octavianus the adventurer, after achieving recognition with Republican help against the domination of Antoniu

ble. Antonius, however, a former public enemy, was now invading Italy with what remained of the Republican armed forces. His

aggerating the prestige of Antonius. PageBook=>217 Salvidienus with the armies of all Gaul was in negotiation and rea

he sister of his partner, the fair and virtuous Octavia, left a widow with an infant son by the opportune death of her husba

nded a renewal of warfare, proscriptions and the desolation of Italy, with a victor certain to be worse than his defeated ad

ogers and the speculations of Pythagorean philosophers might conspire with some plausibility and discover in the comet that

ere of Messianic hopes, made real by the coming of peace and glorious with relief and rejoicing, that the poet Virgil compos

e Fourth Eclogue hails the approach of a new era, not merely to begin with the consulate of his patron Pollio but very preci

ts likewise are neither celestial nor apocalyptic, but a Roman father with virtus to bequeath NotesPage=>218 1 Horace

and died upon the spot: the incident is there brought into connexion with the comet and said to be referred to in the Autob

as been frustrated or postponed. 2 A string of Messianic candidates with spurious credentials or none at all may summarily

t Asconius believed him. The Virgilian commentators in late antiquity with confidence instal a younger son of Pollio, Saloni

In 40 B.C. Octavianus himself, it is true, had contracted a marriage with Scribonia; Julia, his only daughter, was born in

as a more important pact than the despairing and impermanent alliance with Pompeius, a more glorious marriage than the reluc

e with Pompeius, a more glorious marriage than the reluctant nuptials with the morose sister of Pompeius’ father-in-law. Bru

soldiers, they constrained the Caesarian leaders to open negotiations with After interchange of notes and emissaries, the Tr

aesarian, was one of themselves, a soldier and a man of honour. Peace with Pompeius brought him further allies. 1 The aristo

m further allies. 1 The aristocrats would have disdained to associate with the young adventurer who had made his way by trea

the best men of both parties in sympathy or alliance, Antonius began with a formidable advantage. It waned with the years a

thy or alliance, Antonius began with a formidable advantage. It waned with the years and absence in the East. Octavianus w

visit, Lepidus to Africa. Antonius departed for the eastern provinces with his young and beautiful bride and spent the winte

on the first day of the year 39 Censorinus inaugurated his consulship with a triumph. 4 Later in the year NotesPage=>22

an Poppaedius Silo. 6 Ventidius had served under Caesar, and he moved with Caesarian decision and rapidity. In three great b

rthian affairs: by letter he warned Octavianus not to break the peace with Pompeius. Octavianus, persisting, incurred ruinou

=>225 The winter passed, and in the spring of 37 Antonius sailed with a large fleet from Athens to Italy. Once again he

rs of the Triumvirs as conferred by the Lex Titia had already run out with the close of the previous year. Nobody had bother

of the Caesarian leaders so far consolidated that they could dispense with the dictatorial and invidious powers of the Trium

Virgil, Horace and L. Varius Rufus Virgil’s friend Plotius Tucca was with them and a certain Murena, presumably the brother

ttaviano Capoparte 11, 71 f. PageBook=>226 be enlisted to deal with Pompeius. But Octavianus would have none of that.

ave been highly distasteful. His future and his fate lay in the East, with another woman. But that was not yet apparent, lea

ath of Fufius Calenus and the fatal error of Salvidienus. The compact with Antonius gave standing, security and the possessi

nd the aristocrat Domitius Calvinus, fresh from his second consulate, with long experience of warfare and little success as

rted again to Pompeius, many took service under Antonius and remained with him until they recognized, to their own salvation

s, friends or adherents of his family. 1 Scaurus his step-brother was with him, and Libo his wife’s father. 2 Likewise an od

s is the Sentius Saturninus Vetulo, one of the proscribed, who, along with Libo conducted Julia, the mother of Antonius, to

s senior by many years and a tiresome character. 1 He then contracted with unseemly haste an alliance that satisfied head, h

of his death. For once in his life he surrendered to emotion: it was with political advantage. He fell in love with Livia D

rendered to emotion: it was with political advantage. He fell in love with Livia Drusilla, a young matron generously endowed

e fell in love with Livia Drusilla, a young matron generously endowed with beauty, sagacity and influential connexions. Hers

iberius, Livia fled from the armed bands of Octavianus to take refuge with Sex. Pompeius. 3 Livia was about to give birth to

numbered friends and kinsmen among the Republicans. Lacking authority with the armies and a provincial clientela like that o

l alive. 1 Lepidus, married to a half-sister of Brutus, was connected with certain eminent Republicans now in the alliance o

hat Antonius would not support his colleague. The young man went on with his war, encouraged by an initial advantage one o

idius now celebrated over the Parthians. Agrippa, returning from Gaul with useful achievements to his credit and the consula

ius Taurus from Tarentum, while Lepidus invaded Sicily from the south with the army of Africa, fourteen legions strong. Op

ianus himself was defeated in a great battle in the straits, escaping with difficulty and in despair to the mainland. 3 Corn

in the eastern lands, raised a private army of three legions in Asia, with which force he contended for a time against the

n his father-in-law Libo, deserted the brigand’s cause and made peace with Antonius, some entering his service. 1 At last Ti

s to assert himself. Plinius Rufus, a lieutenant of Pompeius, pent up with eight legions in Messana, offered to surrender. L

ted the capitulation in his own person. Octavianus objected: Lepidus, with twenty-two legions at his back, ordered Octavianu

f the military demagogue for nothing. He entered the camp of Lepidus, with the name of Caesar as his sole protection: it was

r years. The ruin of Lepidus had no doubt been carefully contrived, with little risk to its author but a fine show of sple

s author but a fine show of splendid courage. 6 It was easier to deal with generals than with soldiers. In Sicily NotesPag

show of splendid courage. 6 It was easier to deal with generals than with soldiers. In Sicily NotesPage=>232 1 Appia

t was enough. Private gratitude had already hailed the young Caesar with the name or epithet of divinity. 5 His statue was

tions also decreed that a golden statue should be set up in the Forum with an inscription to announce that, after prolonged

side. The most prominent of them, Pollio, Ventidius and Plancus, were with Antonius. Octavianus had two and two only, the mi

silence again until he becomes consul for the second time in 40 B.C., with no record of his activity, and governor of all Sp

ian consul, be accorded this rank: Norbanus was the general who along with Saxa opened the operations against the Liberators

were a modest and reputable senatorial family, on terms of friendship with Cicero, Atticus and Balbus. 2 One of them, C. Ped

29 f., cf. Münzer, P-W XIX, 46 f. and 51. This man was present, along with Agrippa and Balbus, at the death-bed of Atticus i

Fango were dead: the young leader was short of partisans. The compact with Antonius, his presence in Italy, the advantageous

pillars of subsequent strength new men of ability and ambition paired with aristocrats of the most ancient families. Many

us for a time, it is uncertain for how long. 5 The young Lepidus went with Caesar’s heir from hatred of his triumviral uncle

comes from Volceii in Lucania (ILS 893 a). 5 Messalla may have come with ships from Antonius as did Bibulus and Atratinus.

ships from Antonius as did Bibulus and Atratinus. He is not attested with Octavianus before 36 B.C. The reason given for hi

s change of allegiance was naturally disapproval of Antonius’ conduct with Cleopatra (Appian, BC 4, 38, 161; Pliny, NH 33, 5

unholy example. 4 Most of the colleges had already been crammed full with the partisans of the Triumvirs. No matter Messall

ubsidy in lavish measure; 6 and the contraction of marriage-alliances with birth or wealth was a sign and pledge of politica

e, p. 229. Pulcher’s wife is not known, but there is a link somewhere with the Valerii, cf. PIR2, C 982. On Messalla, below,

2, C 982. On Messalla, below, p. 423. 8 The marriage was contracted with the active approval of M. Antonius, probably in 3

more and more Pompeian. That was not the only advantage now resting with Octavianus. He had cleared the sea of pirates, el

brook an equal. Should Antonius come again to Brundisium or Tarentum with the fleets and armies of the East, whether it was

was peace or war in the end, Octavianus could face him, as never yet, with equal power and arms, in full confidence. The y

Octavianus chose to safeguard Italy. The victories of Antonius paled with distance or might be artfully depreciated; his ow

edations and ravaged northern Italy, Istria and the coast of Dalmatia with impunity. The inheritance of Empire demanded the

of battle. Octavianus in the campaigns in Illyricum risked his person with ostentation and received honourable wounds. Ant

), Ventidius over the Parthians (38). Then in 36 the balance inclined with the Sicilian triumph, and Octavianus pressed the

n triumph, and Octavianus pressed the advantage in the next few years with cheap and frequent honours for his proconsuls fro

nt of the city. Pollio repaired the Atrium Libertatis and equipped it with the first public library known at Rome for to Lib

seven other names. Hitherto he had promoted in the main his marshals, with a few patricians, his new allies from the familie

enators, to embellish the city of Rome and to provide the inhabitants with pure water or cheap food that was not enough. The

urbances, the lapse of time permitted the Revolution (for such it may with propriety be called) to acquire permanence and st

s by grant, and freedmen by purchase, had acquired estates, sometimes with improvement of social standing, actual or in pros

ons: Octavianus created new families of that order, for patronage but with a good pretext. 1 Among the consulars could be

hen Rome’s wars against foreign enemies had augmented the aristocracy with a new nobility. No record stands of the sentiment

words. The lower ranks of the revolutionary Senate were in harmony with the higher, not disdaining freedmen’s sons and re

ps L. Cornelius, cos. suff. 38. 3 Not only Messalla himself, consul with Octavianus for the year 31, but two Valerii, suff

ractice of diplomacy engendered in its adepts the talent of survival, with arts and devices of subservience loathed by the R

civil war, languished and declined under the peace of the Triumvirs, with no use left in Senate or Forum, but only of servi

not to say hard and truculent manner of speech would be well matched with the temper of a military age. Some at least of th

e theory and practice of agriculture, of which matter, as a landowner with comfortably situated friends and relatives, he po

rispus. From the despotism of the Triumvirate Sallustius turned aside with disgust. 4 Ambition had spurred his youth to impr

us. Expelled from the Senate by the censors of 50 B.C., he returned with Caesar, holding military command in the wars and

of a revolutionary age. Literary critics did not fear to match him with Thucydides, admiring in him gravity, concision an

lem illam Sallusti velocitatem. ’ PageBook=>249 in vocabulary, with brief broken sentences, reflecting perhaps some d

ted from Cato; not less so the grave moral tone, flagrant in contrast with his earlier life. No matter: Sallustius at once s

wrote of the decay of ancient virtue and the ruin of the Roman People with all the melancholy austerity of a moralist and a

to detect any sign of internal discord so long as Rome had to contend with rivals for empire, he imitated Greek doctrines of

the roots. History, to be real and true, would have to concern itself with something more than the public transactions of me

rching of armies. From Sallustius history acquired that preoccupation with human character, especially in its secret Notes

es the names or attributes of gods, and ruling their diverse kingdoms with the hazardous support of mercenary armies. There

BC 5 3, 5 f. 3 Varro made the most of Sallustius’ alleged adultery with Fausta, Sulla’s daughter and Milo’s wife (Gellius

tion for members of the governing class: the retired politician might with propriety occupy his leisure in recording momento

f poetry, however, the Roman aristocrat, though he might turn a verse with ease, or fill a volume, set no especial value. Bu

reature Vatinius. With Caesar reconciliation was possible, but hardly with Pompeius. Cornificius, Cinna, and others of their

Propertius came too late. The consular Pollio, however, who had ties with the new poets, survived to write verses himself a

ents of its recovery, as retailed by the ancient Lives and scholiasts with more confidence than consistency, appear to deriv

ter nine years in splendour and power. He had probably gone eastwards with Antonius soon after the Pact of Brundisium:1 how

Antonian, there is no evidence at all. Virgil, however, persevered with poetry, completing his Eclogues while Pollio gove

triotic vein. Virgil was not the only discovery of Maecenas. Virgil with short delay had introduced Horace to his new patr

and the constraint to solicit and hold the petty employ of a scribe, with leisure, however, and scope for literary occupati

36 and in 35 B.C.,4 harbingers of trouble before or after the contest with Antonius. Rome had witnessed a social revolution,

ments of the beneficiaries of the proscriptions, newly acquired along with their wealth and status, assumed the form of a di

the Roman had been reluctant to admit the claims of foreign peoples: with insecurity his pride turned, under the goad of fe

ing all classes. T. Sextius, the Caesarian general in Africa, carried with him a bull’s head wherever he went. 1 The credit

abric of a free state. That was not so long ago. But they had changed with the times, rapidly. Of the Republicans, the brave

the true had perished: the survivors were willing to make their peace with the new order, some in resignation, others from a

the new order, some in resignation, others from ambition. Ahenobarbus with Antonius, Messalla and other nobles in the allian

manners won the friendship of Caesar’s heir without needing to break with Antonius a sign and portent of the unheroic quali

accrued to Octavianus. It was great, indeed, not so much by contrast with Antonius as with his earlier situation. Octavianu

ianus. It was great, indeed, not so much by contrast with Antonius as with his earlier situation. Octavianus was no longer t

ery day (ib. 20, 2): yet Atticus was also in sustained correspondence with M. Antonius, from the ends of the earth (20, 4).

e cause suddenly revived when young Labienus broke through the Taurus with a Parthian army, encountering no resistance from

fter the Pact of Brundisium the Triumvirs invested Herod the Idumaean with insignia of royalty. A year later the Galatian Am

incipalities were built up into a solid and well- balanced structure, with every promise of long duration. 1 East of the H

CAH 1, 34; 66 ff.; 80. The province of Cilicia, if not earlier fused with Syria, certainly ended in 39 B.C. 2 Cf. J. Krom

argued that precisely on this occasion Antonius contracted a marriage with Cleopatra, reconstituting the Ptolemaic kingdom a

t. Caesar did his best to equal or usurp the following of Pompeius, with grants of Roman citizenship or favours fiscal and

lands, not only did he invest Polemo, the orator’s son from Laodicea, with a great kingdom: he gave his own daughter Antonia

ll the East, friends of Rome and friends of Antonius. A ruler endowed with liberal foresight would seek to demonstrate that

good NotesPage=>262 1 M. Rostovtzeff, JRS VII (1917), 27 ff., with especial reference to Satyrus (IOSPE I2, 691), bu

ellenic sentiments would reinforce peace and concord through alliance with the men of property and influence. 1 A day would

the cities of Asia might hope to enter the Senate of Rome, take rank with their peers from Italy and the western provinces

rank with their peers from Italy and the western provinces and blend with them in a new imperial aristocracy. Mytilene pa

a NotesPage=>263 1 On the notion of concord and its connexion with monarchy, cf. E. Skard, Zwei religiös-politische

peoples beyond Armenia towards the Caucasus, and Canidius was waiting with his legions. In the neighbourhood of Erzerum the

asdes, for this was essential. Of his Roman partisans Antonius took with him Titius, Ahenobarbus and others. 1 Plancus, th

isium: who was his successor in that province, and who held Macedonia with the command of Antonius’ Balkan army, has not bee

ot have enough legions. Thus Artavasdes, given impunity, could desert with his cavalry at a critical moment. The Parthians a

n exaggerated reputation yet Galatia or Macedonia could have competed with Italy in valour and even in discipline. It would

of two thousand picked men to her husband. Antonius was confronted with damaging alternatives. To accept was to condone O

to Rome, unchivalrous for the first time in his life. He was dealing with Octavianus: but he learned too late. Octavianus,

the affront to Rome arising from Antonius’ alliance and marital life with the Queen of Egypt. The following year witnesse

the care of his dominions and allies, marched out again and conferred with the King of Media. Of an invasion of Parthia, hop

h. Only a few months passed, however, and the crisis in his relations with Octavianus became so acute that Antonius instruct

re the legions passed the winter of 33-32 B.C. In the year 33 B.C., with his frontiers in order and Asia at peace, recover

ering from oppression and looking forward to a new era of prosperity, with legions, cavalry, ships and treasure at his comma

ans may already have been verging towards Caesar’s heir or neutrality with safeguards, in fear of a new civil war between ri

.C. (Josephus, AJ 14, 394) and in 36 (ib. 15, 25), and in negotiation with the King of Armenia in 34 (Dio 49, 39, 2 f.). Abo

Caesar and assassins yet unpunished, to find harbourage and alliance with Antonius. The Catonian faction, after fighting

mpeius for the Republic against Caesar. Failing in that, it conspired with dissident Caesarians and assassinated the Dictato

ot in the deed, he fought at Philippi. Then, refusing either to agree with Messalla that the Republic was doomed, or to trus

that the Republic was doomed, or to trust, like Murcus, the alliance with Pompeius (whose whole family he hated), Ahenobarb

the alliance with Pompeius (whose whole family he hated), Ahenobarbus with his fleet as an autonomous admiral dominated the

fleet as an autonomous admiral dominated the Adriatic, striking coins with family portraits thereon. 1 Pollio won him for An

him for Antonius, and he served Antonius well. The alliance was firm with promise for the future his son was betrothed to t

ian and Republican coalition. Another kinsman of Cato was to be found with Antonius, his grandson L. Calpurnius Bibulus, als

. 3 NotesPage=>268 1 BMC, R. Rep. 11, 487 f. (gold and silver, with two types of portrait). 2 lb. 510 ff. He took a

urus, his half-brother, and Cn. Cornelius Cinna, his nephew, remained with Antonius to the end; 2 likewise minor characters,

ification. 6 The total of noble names is impressive when contrasted with the following of the rival Caesarian dynast, but

e son of Pompeia, daughter of Magnus, by her second marriage, namely, with L. Cornelius Cinna, praetor in 44 B.C. (PIR2, C 1

5 Dio, 51, 2, 5. 6 Crassus, grandson of M. Crassus (cos. 70 B.C.), with Sex. Pompeius and then with Antonius (Dio 51, 4,

s, grandson of M. Crassus (cos. 70 B.C.), with Sex. Pompeius and then with Antonius (Dio 51, 4, 3). M. Octavius, admiral at

d consuls. Hence no little doubt whether the motley party of Antonius with a variegated past, Caesarian, Pompeian and Republ

a cause, would stand the strain of war. The clash was now imminent, with aggression coming from the West, from Octavianus,

imed Ptolemy Caesar true son of the Dictator and ruler in conjunction with Cleopatra, who was to be ‘Queen of Kings’ over th

ent, and unprofitable to exploit, embraced difficult mountain country with unsubdued tribes of brigands, Isaurian, Pisidian

te its ambitions and narrow the area of its rule. Rome could not deal with the East as well as the West. The East was fundam

n the East had undertaken a fresh commitment a new province, Armenia, with a new frontier facing the Caucasus and the depend

Egypt. But that does not prove the substantial identity of his policy with that of Antonius. There was Cleopatra. Antonius w

ius’ Republican followers (a nephew and a grandson of Cato were still with him) as they were to Octavianus’ agents and to su

JRS XXII (1932), H9 ff. PageBook=>274 When he dwelt at Athens with Octavia, Antonius’ behaviour might be construed a

’. 2 A flagrant anachronism. That ‘ritual marriage’, though fertile with twin offspring, lapsed after a winter, leaving no

îν. Ch. XX TOTA ITALIA PageBook=>276 THE year 33 B.C. opened with Octavianus as consul for the second time: with it

HE year 33 B.C. opened with Octavianus as consul for the second time: with its close, the triumviral powers were to expire.

ate, criticizing the acts of Antonius in the East. 1 Antonius replied with a manifesto. He took his stand upon legality and

ctavianus evaded the charge of breach of contract. Preferring a topic with moral and emotional appeal, he turned the weight

al appeal, he turned the weight of his attack upon Antonius’ alliance with the Queen of Egypt. Then irony: the grandiose con

entitled De sua ebrietate. 3 Poets and pamphleteers took the field with alacrity. Antonius asserted that Ptolemy Caesar w

ed his eloquence to political advantage; 5 he was soon to be requited with the consulate which Antonius should have held. Re

e his position legalized. He respected the constitution and dispensed with it. When the time came, he went beyond Senate and

e in the preceding autumn. They may previously have made a compromise with Octavianus:1 it is more likely that they were afr

2 Sosius took the lead and delivered a speech in praise of Antonius, with strong abuse of Octavianus; he proposed a motion

the Curia, surrounded by soldiers and adherents in the garb of peace, with concealed weapons. Taking his place between the t

against Antonius. The consuls in protest fled to Antonius, bearing with them the unread missive. They were followed by mo

Cinna, grandson of Sulla’s enemy. In the next year he would be consul with Corvinus, instead of Antonius: one of the suffect

no means left a Senate unreservedly and reliably loyal it was packed with the timid and the time-serving, ready to turn aga

not open it yet. Here the two consuls met him in the spring, bringing with them the semblance of a Senate. Bitter debate ens

ally divorced Octavia. That act, denoting the rupture of his amicitia with Octavianus, was the equivalent of a declaration o

oman citizen, could not at any time contract a legally valid marriage with a foreign woman. PageBook=>281 able to ret

stood the Republican Ahenobarbus and the old Caesarian Plancus, each with a following of his own. Between them was no confi

wn. Between them was no confidence, but bitter enmity, causing a feud with subsequent repercussions. 1 Ahenobarbus was stead

h against the blandishments of Cleopatra, refusing even to salute her with the title of ‘Queen’:2 Republican principle, or r

Cleopatra, pronounced her the winner in a famed if not fabulous wager with Antonius, and displayed his versatile talents pro

e of evidence like the defection of Plancus and Titius. Well primed with the secrets of Antonius, the renegades brought a

iven for a renewed attack. Calvisius, the Caesarian soldier, adopting with some precipitance the unfamiliar role of a champi

med allegations already current and designed to fill the middle class with horror and anger. 3 The friends of Antonius were

Not merely because Octavianus had picked the quarrel to invade Italy with Cleopatra in his company would alienate sympathy

When a Claudian faction encouraged a revolutionary agitation at Rome with tribunes’ laws and the division of lands, Scipio

Roman through grant of the franchise after the Bellum Italicum, could with the utmost propriety be summoned and conjured to

anchised after the Bellum Italicum, it had not coalesced in sentiment with the victorious city to form a nation. The Italian

en difficult enough to enlist Italian sentiment. Italy had no quarrel with Antonius; as for despotism, the threat of orienta

threat of oriental monarchy was distant and irrelevant when compared with the armed domination of Octavianus at home. Yet i

tonius in a public emergency. 2 The oath was personal in character, with concept and phrasing not beyond the reach of vali

t of a degenerate Roman to install a barbarian queen upon the Capitol with her eunuchs, her mosquito-nets and all the appara

3 Note, in this period, L. Ovidius Ventrio, a municipal magistrate with equestrian military service behind him, the first

er who could hope to hold it together. But Antonius victorious in war with the help of alien allies was another matter. No l

No less disquieting, perhaps, the prospect of an indecisive struggle, with each side so evenly balanced, leaving the rivals

impoverishment or another revolution; and business men leapt forward with alacrity to reconquer the kingdoms of the East an

the Queen of Egypt, the foreign enemy, the Roman leader declared war with all the traditional pomp of an ancient rite. With

s proconsul of Africa. 5 Maecenas controlled Rome and Italy, invested with supreme power, but no title. 6 There must be no r

surest guarantee provided also the fairest pretext. 7 Octavianus took with him across the seas the whole of NotesPage=>

o very clearly states (50, 6, 1). 2 Gades had five hundred citizens with the knight’s census, a number surpassed by no tow

pproach free to the enemy, to lure Octavianus onwards, and entrap him with the aid of superior sea-power. Not perhaps by a b

oney and supplies were on his side: he might delay and fight a battle with little loss of Roman blood, as fitted the charact

in battle against their kinsmen. He might be able to employ sea-power with a mastery that neither Pompeius nor the Liberator

his forces in the neighbourhood. Then all is obscure. Months passed, with operations by land and sea of which history has p

tain of the vassal princes went over to the enemy, among them Amyntas with his Galatian cavalry. Romans too departed, M. Jun

eled. 1 The ex-Republican M. Licinius Crassus may have made his peace with Octavianus about the same time—on terms, namely t

s was now in favour of a retreat to Macedonia, to seek an issue there with the help of barbarian allies. 4 The battle of Act

is no indication of the date of his desertion. He had previously been with Sex. Pompeius. 3 Plutarch, Antonius 63; Dio 50,

dson, JRS XXVII (1937), 1 ff. Against Tarn’s theory it can be argued, with Kromayer, that Antonius had already been severely

ttle or after defeat was forced back into harbour. 1 Antonius himself with forty ships managed to break through and follow C

nse emotional colouring, being transformed into a great naval battle, with lavish wealth of convincing and artistic detail.

the mythology of the Principate. On the one side stood Caesar’s heir with the Senate and People of Rome, the star of the Ju

rsue the fugitives to Egypt. Octavianus had a huge army on his hands, with many legions to be paid, demobilized or employed.

than six in 28-26 B.C.) were fairly earned. Then came the reckoning with Antonius. In the summer of the year 30 B.C. Octav

tor, D. Turullius and Cassius of Parma, closing the series that began with C. Trebo-nius, the proconsul of Asia. 1 P. Canidi

t was Rome’s imperial destiny to compel the nations to live at peace, with clemency towards the subject and suppression of t

had been celebrated by a Roman consul. 3 The avenging of Caesar, and with it his own divine descent, was advertised by the

is own statue in the temple of Quirinus: Caesar’s heir was identified with that god by the poet Virgil. 1 Not by conquest on

e arduous task of rebuilding a shattered commonwealth and infusing it with new vigour. The attempts of earlier statesmen had

s were not wanting in 28 B.C Octavianus was consul for the sixth time with Agrippa as his colleague. In the previous year he

2 The account of Romulus in Dionysius of Halicarnassus (2, 7 ff.), with its remarkable Caesarian or Augustan anticipation

ef men in his party. For loyal service they had been heavily rewarded with consulates, triumphs, priesthoods and subsidies;

is own accord to adopt—or at least publish— some tolerable compromise with Senate and People, certain eminent personages mig

e spolia opima, for he had slain the chieftain of the enemy in battle with his own hand, a feat that had fallen to only two

that he had seen in the temple of Juppiter Feretrius a linen corslet with the name of Cossus inscribed, giving him the titl

equired. No source records any political repercussions of the clash with Crassus, any hint of the attitude of other procon

command of a great military province at the time of Crassus’ dispute with Octavianus. The successor of L. Autronius Paetus

ture :1 it was hardly trivial or verbal, for Suetonius ranks his fall with that of Salvidienus. Octavianus praised the pieta

oble, from a great house, the grandson of a dynast who had taken rank with Pompeius and Caesar; in military glory he was a s

of the military provinces and control these regions directly himself, with proconsular imperium. For the rest, proconsuls mi

be expedient to overlay the hard and astringent pill of supreme power with some harmless flavouring that smacked of traditio

of the Odes (13 B.C.) the ruler of Rome can still be called ‘dux’—but with a difference and with the appendage of a benevole

the ruler of Rome can still be called ‘dux’—but with a difference and with the appendage of a benevolent and unmilitary adje

lled his Caesarian and military character; and he ruled the provinces with an authority familiar to them as proconsular and

otesPage=>312 1 Propertius 2, 10, 4 (military); 16, 20 (combined with a reference to the ‘casa Romuli’). 2 Odes 4, 5,

613; 2, 60; 5, 145; 6, 92. Nor is this merely, as might be expected, with definite reference to the victories or to the pow

him not to abandon the Commonwealth which he had preserved. Yielding with reluctance to these manifestations of loyalty and

of Roman citizens; that in the Senate should be hung a golden shield with his virtues inscribed thereon, clemency, valour,

d greeted him long ago. 3 But Romulus was a king, hated name, stained with a brother’s blood and himself killed by Roman sen

preparing these exemplary manifestations. The ruler had taken counsel with his friends and allies—and perhaps with neutral p

. The ruler had taken counsel with his friends and allies—and perhaps with neutral politicians. They knew what they were abo

ieved and for service expected, the Senate invested the first citizen with rank and authority. Caesar Augustus was to govern

ommander-in-chief of the whole army, but a Roman magistrate, invested with special powers for a term of years. NotesPage=&

oted distaste of change unless change could be shown to be in harmony with ancestral custom, ‘mos maiorum’—which in practice

progress—for it had not yet been invented—the Romans regarded novelty with distrust and aversion. The word ‘novus’ had an ev

ustus, his counsellors or his critics scanned the records of the past with so anxious an eye for legal precedents as have th

deals are Republican, not absolutist. Seeking to establish continuity with a legitimate government, Caesar’s heir forswore t

was the birth of Caesar a blessing or a curse? 4 Augustus twitted him with being a Pompeian. 5 The Emperor and his historian

PageBook=>318 Virgil did not need to say where Caesar belonged— with his revolutionary ally or with the venerable adve

not need to say where Caesar belonged—with his revolutionary ally or with the venerable adversary whose memory he had tradu

aims of Divus Julius, the glories of Trojan descent and the obsession with Romulus, prevalent for some years in the aftermat

ideal commonwealth that had once existed, the Rome of the Scipiones, with the balanced and ordered constitution that excite

y party and adapted to any ends. The revolutionary Augustus exploited with art and with success the traditional concepts and

dapted to any ends. The revolutionary Augustus exploited with art and with success the traditional concepts and the consecra

roperty; it was Roman and Republican, for power rested upon the laws, with every class in the Commonwealth keeping to tradit

iscovered? A champion of the ‘higher legality’ should find no quarrel with a rigid law of high treason. It is time to turn

lead to schematism and a dreary delusion. Augustus proudly dispensed with support of precedents—he claimed to be unique. Ro

r the best (De re publica 1, 34); and he was not altogether satisfied with the speculations of the wisest of the Greeks (ib.

forms of the constitution to fit his policy, his policy to harmonize with Roman sentiment. The formulation was easily found

turn. The plebs of Rome was Caesar’s inherited clientela. He fed them with doles, amused them with games and claimed to be t

was Caesar’s inherited clientela. He fed them with doles, amused them with games and claimed to be their protector against o

nfailingly elect the candidates whom Caesar in his wisdom had chosen, with or without formal commendation. He controlled all

he coined in gold and silver in the provinces; and he spent his money with ostentation and for power. The military colonies

. Such was Caesar Augustus. The contrast of real and personal power with the prerogatives of consul or proconsul as legall

lly the consulate, precisely after the manner of earlier dynasts, but with more thoroughness and without opposition. This ti

cond only to Agrippa as a soldier and an administrator: he had fought with the young leader in Sicily and in Illyricum, he h

to the better cause. 3 The father of Norbanus had been general, along with Saxa, in the campaign of Philippi. Norbanus himse

. Similarly, the ‘Murena’ of Horace, Odes 3, 19, 11 may be identified with the ‘Licinius’ of Odes 2, 10, 1. Perhaps his full

m 55 B.C. they held Gaul, Cisalpine and Transalpine, Spain and Syria, with some twenty legions. The Cisalpina was no longer

lement of 27 B.C. gave him for his provincia Spain, Gaul and Syria ( with Syria went the small adjuncts of Cyprus and Cilic

lar in rank. Thus all Spain, it appears, had been under one governor, with several legates as his subordinates. 2 Province

ces so large and so important called for proconsuls of consular rank, with a tenure longer than annual. That would be most u

gati in his provincia rather than as governors of provinces. To begin with , they are praetorian in a majority. That was to b

a; 2 and three only, so far as known, hold the proconsulate of Africa with legions and the nominal hope of a triumph. 3 The

sought to demonstrate. He feared the nobiles, his enemies. Consulars with armies were rivals to the Princeps in power as we

r. Now they were only eight, about as many as the Senate could manage with safety. 4 Moreover, the most difficult and most d

ublic provinces in 27 B.C. were probably Africa, Illyricum, Macedonia with Achaia, Asia, Bithynia-Pontus, Crete and Cyrene,

ith Achaia, Asia, Bithynia-Pontus, Crete and Cyrene, Sicily, Sardinia with Corsica. PageBook=>329 These regions were

n the years after Actium partisans of Augustus governed the provinces with the rank of proconsuls and celebrated triumphs fo

n (C. Antistius Vetus in Citerior and P. Carisius in Ulterior)5 dealt with the Asturians by a convergent invasion of their t

B.C. He had been away about three years: Rome was politically silent, with no voice or testimony, hoping and fearing in secr

t. On the first day of January he entered upon his eleventh consulate with Murena, a prominent partisan, as his colleague. T

Murena was consul ordinarius in 23 B.C. All the others head the year with the suffectus, Cn. Calpurnius Piso. 4 Dio 54, 3

advertised everywhere. Not only did it reveal a lack of satisfaction with the ‘felicissimus status’. Worse than all that, i

he very heart and core of the party. Fannius was a ‘bad man’ to begin with , a Republican. Not so Murena. Long ago Salvidienu

ranks, ending in civil war and ruin for Rome. Patriotism conspired with personal interest to discover a solider insurance

refects, M. Aelius Gallus and P. Petronius, were dim figures compared with the poet who had commanded armies in the wars of

t recall another associate of Brutus, C. Antistius Vetus, made consul with Cicero’s bibulous son in the year after Actium: n

ant to be seen by the Roman People youthful but grave and melancholy, with all the burden of duty and destiny upon him. Au

they had made him, in alliance they might destroy him. The marriage with Livia Drusilla had been a political alliance with

him. The marriage with Livia Drusilla had been a political alliance with the Claudii, though not that alone. The cold beau

cal alliance with the Claudii, though not that alone. The cold beauty with tight lips, thin nose and resolute glance had inh

ve been highly distasteful to Augustus as to Agrippa. Augustus bore with the vices of his minister for the memory of his s

h of confidence. Maecenas’ wife was beautiful and temperamental. Life with her was not easy. 4 An added complication was Aug

ld yield to Augustus, but to no other man, and to Augustus not always with good grace. 1 His portraits reveal an authentic

ays with good grace. 1 His portraits reveal an authentic individual with hard, heavy features angry, imperious and resolut

ernment for the benefit of the whole people. 3 This was the New State with a vengeance. The nobiles were helpless but vindic

ld to be arrogant, they were the very reverse of exclusive, recalling with pride their alien origin. In politics the Claudii

of hereditary monarchy; they had restored unity by secret compulsion, with Agrippa as deputy-leader: even should Augustus di

tious to be a loyal partner. Now that one man stood supreme, invested with power and with auctoritas beyond all others, he c

oyal partner. Now that one man stood supreme, invested with power and with auctoritas beyond all others, he could invite to

neration of the masses a popular figure-head was desirable. Augustus, with his name and his luck, was all that and more. P

e War of Actium had been alarming, because it corresponded so clearly with history and geography, with present needs, with d

rming, because it corresponded so clearly with history and geography, with present needs, with developments of the imagined

rresponded so clearly with history and geography, with present needs, with developments of the imagined future. Two emperors

he war in Spain was not yet over. Gaul and the Balkans, large regions with arduous tasks to be achieved, might clamour for c

me detail the composition and recruitment of the governing oligarchy, with especial reference to its leading members, the pr

enators accompanied Italy’s leader in the War of Actium, most of them with scorn and hate in their hearts yet from the salut

ty-three either had already held the consulate or were later rewarded with that supreme distinction. 1 Caesar the Dictator

of the Secular Games in 17 B.C. (ILS 5050, 1. 150). C. Furnius, along with a mysterious person called C. Cluvius (PIR2, C 12

d the economy of Italy. The speculators and the bankers who supported with their funds, willing or constrained, the coup d’é

wealth in the days of the Republic was composed of three orders, each with definite rank, duties and privileges. They were t

story of the Roman army, Augustus provided the discharged legionaries with land, Italian or provincial, which he had purchas

anciers had all too often been a political nuisance. When at variance with the Senate, they endangered for gain the stabilit

ce certain knights, active for years on end, won merit and experience with the army commanders of the Republic. Such a man w

hese officers are sufficient testimony. 2 Wars waged between Romans with veteran armies on either side set a high standard

d ample occupation and increased rewards, as service became a career, with a hierarchy and with graded honours. 1 C. Velleiu

d increased rewards, as service became a career, with a hierarchy and with graded honours. 1 C. Velleius Paterculus passed s

. mil. leg. x geminae | in Hispania annis XVI’. 4 At least to begin with , cf. ILS 2687. For subsequent developments and fo

charge of the food-supply of the capital; and the praefectus vigilum, with cohorts enrolled in the main from freed slaves, w

their snobbery. One of them derided L. Aelius Seianus as an upstart, with solemn rebuke of the princess his paramour for th

en incorporated after the Bellum Italicum? Cicero had spoken of Italy with moving tones and with genuine sentiment. But Cice

the Bellum Italicum? Cicero had spoken of Italy with moving tones and with genuine sentiment. But Cicero spoke for the exist

cure admission to the Senate for numerous Italians. Their chance came with Caesar. Sick of words and detesting the champions

etrays non-Latin origin. One even bears an Umbrian praenomen; and men with gentilicia like Calpetanus, Mimisius, Viriasius a

. Sotidius Strabo Libuscidius from Canusium. 3 These dim characters with fantastic names had never been heard of before in

. They were the first senators of their families, sometimes the last, with no prospect of the consulate but safe votes for t

family of municipal magistrates, ILS 947, cf. 5346: the first consul with a name terminating in ‘-isius’ is C. Calvisius Sa

B.C.). As for P. Viriasius Naso (ILS 158; 5940), the earliest consul with a name of this type is Sex. Vitulasius Nepos, cos

son from the colony of Cales. P. Sulpicius Quirinius had no connexion with the ancient and patrician house of the Sulpicii h

on. 6 Larinum, a small town of criminal notoriety, now furnished Rome with two consuls. 7 NotesPage=>362 1 Tacitus, A

novus homo, cf. E. Groag, P-W XIII, 1378, on the mysterious connexion with the house of Messalla (Tacitus, Ann. 12, 22). 4

suff. 1 B.C. (L’ann. ép., 1937, 62). Passienus is the first consul with a name of that type, nearly anticipated, however,

rly anticipated, however, by Salvidienus. Nor had there been a consul with a name ending in ‘-a’ since the Etruscan M. Perpe

Pola and Concordia. 2 Excellent persons, no doubt, and well endowed with material goods. But Augustus was sometimes disapp

mselves a part of it; the bond of unity was organic and grew stronger with time. The votes of confidence of the municipia ha

ment from the republics and monarchies of antiquity has been observed with disapproval by students of political science, esp

renewing. Liberal theory and the long-desired unifying of Italy may with propriety be taken to commend and justify, but th

ng their clientela, those rulers inherited the dynastic devices along with the ambitions of earlier Roman politicians, pract

re were numerous colonies and municipia. Spain and Narbonensis, along with northern Italy (until recently provincial), vigor

nius (c. 7-4 B.C.) came from Spain, if he is rightly to be identified with Turranius Gracilis (Pliny, NH 3, 3), cf. A. Stein

il wars: the sons of the slain were found willing to make their peace with the military dynast. Augustus bent all his effo

ese young nobiles to his person, to his family and to the new system, with no little success. But there must be no going bac

estorship in his twenty-fifth year, the consulate in his thirty-third with alleviations for favoured relatives, modest for t

be ideal and desirable. 1 That would have been harsh and narrow; even with a Senate of six hundred, there supervened again a

int anywhere of electoral ambition, corruption or disorders. Emerging with renewed strength from the crisis of 23 B.C., the

g. 40, 1. 3 For the manner of imperial commendatio and its exercise with reference to the various magistracies, see CAH x,

After an interval the same trouble recurred. The year 19 B.C. opened with Augustus still absent, and only one consul in off

a company for suppressing outbreaks of fire. 3 He won immense favour with the mob and was elected praetor. Encouraged by hi

soon paid the penalty for his popularity and his temerity. Arrested with certain accomplices on a charge of conspiring to

t almost looks as though, in each year, Augustus had filled one place with his own candidate, leaving the other for free ele

arshals. Nor will it be forgotten that Taurus was there all the time, with no official standing. 1 Rome was glad when Augu

iumvirs had created numerous consuls, in 33 B.C. no fewer than eight, with masses of novi homines promoted for merit to a ch

et this may be a result, not only of Augustus’ own enhanced security, with less cause to fear and distrust the nobiles, but

by war and proscriptions, a new generation was growing up, and along with them the sons of novi homines ennobled in the Rev

From 18 to 13 B.C. only two novi homines appear on the Fasti, both with military service to their credit, as against elev

pate, receiving the consulate at the earliest age permissible, if not with dispensations the young Ahenobarbus, Ti. Claudius

and friends the Princeps regaled himself on holidays by playing dice with M. Vinicius and P. Silius. 2 Without his favour,

foremost among the principes viri in an aristocratic monarchy linked with one another and with the dynasty; and though the

rincipes viri in an aristocratic monarchy linked with one another and with the dynasty; and though the Scipiones were all bu

proceeded in four years through a constrained and unconsummated union with a stepdaughter of Antonius and a political allian

mmated union with a stepdaughter of Antonius and a political alliance with the unlovable Scribonia to the advantageous and s

ke that great politician, the censor Appius Claudius had been blessed with five daughters for dynastic matches may inspire a

ctator) and the accomplished Paullus Fabius Maximus. By his own match with Livia, the Princeps long ago had won the Claudian

the stemma, see P-W III A, 2197). One might also infer a relationship with the Marcii Censorini (cf. Velleius 2, 14, 3). The

Censorini (cf. Velleius 2, 14, 3). There is an unexplained connexion with the Messallae in the family of M. Lollius (Tacitu

ed of the ruinous profits of political power, debarred from alliances with those financial interests with whom they once had

litical power, debarred from alliances with those financial interests with whom they once had shared the spoils of the provi

the family of Statilius Taurus. 6 Agrippa now lived in state, sharing with Messalla the house of Antonius. 7 Spacious pleasu

the religion of Rome. The existing colleges had naturally been filled with partisans during the Revolution: they continued t

ndred and seventy of his adherents in the War of Actium were rewarded with priesthoods (Res Gestae 25). 4 ILS 925; 893a.

s to senators of lower rank, to knights, freedmen and plain citizens, with pervasive ramifications. There was a certain C. V

is not uncommon it would hardly be fair to conjecture a relationship with Cn. Magius of Larinum (Pro Cluentio 21 and 33).

an towns had a definite role to play. Knights themselves might rank with senators in the New State or even above them. Pat

f Aelia Galla (Propertius 3, 12, 1, cf. 38), may surely be identified with the senator C. Propertius Postumus (ILS 914). 7

, was in reality a cosmopolitan court. These influences were bound up with the faction from the beginning: active, though st

though studiously masked under the Principate of Augustus, they grow with the passage of dynastic politics into monarchical

fe of the ruler of the Julio-Claudian house. A court soon develops, with forms and hierarchies. The ruler has his intimate

by Roman matrons, herself the model and paragon, or weaving garments with her own hands, destined to clothe her husband, th

1 ff. 4 For Otho, Suetonius, Otho 1, 1. The influence of Urgulania with Livia is attested by Tacitus, Ann. 2, 34; 4, 21 f

ly seductive, Galba himself was certainly artful: he got on very well with his stepmother, whose name he took and carried fo

court of Caligula and three times consul, colleague in the censorship with his friend the Emperor Claudius. T. Flavius Vespa

riend the Emperor Claudius. T. Flavius Vespasianus formed a connexion with Caenis, a freedwoman of Antonia; 2 and it was to

and needed none. The precaution may appear excessive. Not in Rome but with the provincial armies lay the real resources of p

ia in 16 B.C. and among the Pannonians in 14 B.C. (54, 20, 3; 24, 3), with no mention of M. Vinicius here or under 13 B.C. (

ection broke out in Thrace. L. Calpurnius Piso, summoned from Galatia with an army, was occupied in the Balkans for three ar

e Pannonians and Dalmatians (12-9 B.C.). 4 In the same years Drusus with the legions of the Rhine and the levies of Gaul

ere be now to prosecute the northern wars or govern the eastern world with special powers? An ageing despot was left strande

eastern world with special powers? An ageing despot was left stranded with the two untried boys, Lucius and Gaius, the sons

ded the foreign and frontier policy of the Empire from close at hand, with long periods of residence in the provinces. Now c

usus had filled the gap and borne the general’s task in splendour and with success. But now Drusus was dead and Tiberius in

us only one besides Agrippa, namely M. Lollius, is honoured by Horace with the dedication of an ode. 2 The nobiles can hardl

of the Empire, embracing no fewer than fifteen legions. The contrast with the three provinces of 27 B.C. illustrates the ch

cum. 3 For the dating to this period, cf. JRS XXIV (1934), 113 ff., with an inclination to the later years. It could, howe

Again, the equestrian officer might turn out to be a valuable person, with long years of continuous service, skilled to lead

twenty-five years this man had charge of Moesia, for most of the time with the provinces of Macedonia and Achaia as well. 3

wars of Augustus is fragmentary and capricious. Design has conspired with accident, for the Princeps intended that the mili

n, dubious or controversial. 6 From Galatia he was summoned to Thrace with an army, where he was engaged for three years; af

2, after the disgrace and death of Lollius, Quirinius took his place with C. Caesar. 3 Three or four years later he was app

East. In A.D. 7 Silvanus brought troops to the Balkans, fought along with Caecina Severus, the legate of Moesia, in a great

biles. These men all held high command in the provinces of the East with which, indeed, both Silvanus and Piso could recal

t;400 More important than Syria or Galatia were the northern armies with the two great commands in Illyricum and on the Rh

up a powerful dominion, was isolated on west and east. If they could with accuracy and completeness be recovered, the full

2, 28 f.; Tacitus, Ann. 4, 44; Strabo, pp. 303-5; and by the elogium with some confidence to be assigned to M. Vinicius (IL

suls of Macedonia or legates of Moesia, cf. JRS XXIV (1934), 125 ff., with a slight preference for the former alternative: t

wed Tiberius in 6 B.C.1 Before long, however, that important command, with five legions, was held by Ahenobarbus and by Vini

inguished of their class, namely Lollius, Quirinius and Vinicius, all with long careers of useful service. Of the rest, no f

s evident and enormous. 5 Thus the New State endured, well equipped with ministers of government. But it was not in the pr

ecently celebrated triumphs both Messalla and Calvisius Sabinus dealt with the Via Latina. 4 Agrippa’s affectionate care for

Via Latina. 4 Agrippa’s affectionate care for aqueducts did not lapse with his memorable aedileship, but was sustained till

apse with his memorable aedileship, but was sustained till his death, with the help of a large staff of slaves and workmen w

lancus and Paullus Aemilius Lepidus, colleagues who proved discordant with each other and perhaps recalcitrant to the Prince

nd perhaps recalcitrant to the Princeps. They may have suspected, and with reason, that he intended to devolve upon them cer

ublic utility to individual enterprise. Augustus supplied the aediles with a body of fire-fighting slaves it was not until A

of permanent boards of senators had been established. The first dealt with roads (20 B.C.); 2 it was composed, however, not

f extortion the judges were to be four men of consular rank, together with three praetorians and two other senators. 7 Cas

n interval of unknown length, was the illustrious L. Calpurnius Piso, with whom the office became a standing institution. 2

The descendants of great Republican houses still retained popularity with the plebs of Rome and troops of clients, arousing

is family. The soldiers were his own clients it was treason to tamper with them. Hence constant alarm if generals by good ar

ce constant alarm if generals by good arts or bad acquired popularity with the troops, and in time even an edict forbidding

his is the ‘pars populi integra et magnis domibus adnexa’, contrasted with the clients of the Princeps, the ‘plebs sordida e

of imperial Rome. Nor might grateful natives any more exalt a patron with divine honours. The cult of the ruler was given s

and gain a monopoly of loyalty for the government. The last proconsul with a priest consecrated to his worship was L. Munati

; he takes charge of public provinces; he appoints proconsuls, though with respect for forms preserved ; 3 and he conveys re

us wished his rule to retain the semblance of constitutional liberty, with free elections and free debate in the Senate, it

g novelty. He instructed the Senate to appoint a committee to consult with him and prepare public business. The committee, c

y of the sovran people was a cumbrous and unsatisfactory body to deal with , and the position of the Princeps was delicate an

as no cabinet but a series of cabinets, the choice of members varying with the occasion. None the less, a certain number of

. After 23 B.C. Maecenas gradually lost ground. When life ebbed along with power, the descendant of kings who had led to bat

or of death. 1 The better sort of Roman voluptuary waited for the end with fortitude and faced it like a soldier. Next in

ity of Beneventum. 2 He also formed the habit of feeding his lampreys with living slaves. The scandal of the fish-ponds was

decision. A standing committee enabled the Princeps to keep in touch with the Senate but who decided the business to be bro

or independence. The eloquent Messalla may have played his part along with the diplomatic Plancus. It was Messalla who twent

rom the control of the government. Augustus had grown hard and bitter with age; and Sallustius Crispus, the successor of Mae

People still retained in foreign policy mattered little in comparison with the fact that the Princeps, in virtue of his impe

owever grandiose and arduous they might be, were not always dignified with that name and status, but were conveniently regar

elieved, to consolidate the monarchy, was formed after private debate with those two party-magnates, the soldier and the dip

her soldier and administrator. Even lawyers could have been dispensed with , for the formulation was of the simplest. Polit

imulantes fuissent’ (ib. 4). PageBook=>414 The historian might with no less propriety have turned his talents to the

rce, comparable to her kinswoman Servilia. When Augustus took counsel with his consort, he was careful to set down his views

The fact that Cinna was consul in A.D. 5 may have had something to do with the origin of the story, as well as explaining Di

ys and in the Senate men debated about a restoration of the Republic, with rival candidates already asserting their claims t

plebeian Vipsania. 1 The sober reserve of his nature was ill matched with the gay elegance of Julia to call it by no more r

irations of Augustus were revealed, more openly and nearer to success with the growth to manhood of Gaius and Lucius, the po

o depart from Rome and set in order the affairs of the East (no doubt with a special imperium). While Tiberius governed for

de consul. 2 Augustus expressed public disapproval and bided his time with secret exultation. 3 In the next year it came out

’ 4 Res Gestae 14. PageBook=>418 Thus the two orders, which with separate functions but with coalescence of intere

Book=>418 Thus the two orders, which with separate functions but with coalescence of interests not only represented, bu

death. For the moment, Augustus had his way. He was left in 6 B.C. with the two boys, the one in his fourteenth, the othe

ly of the attempt. Even if he succeeded, the nobiles would not put up with Cinna in the place of Augustus. 1 Cinna was one o

emembered his past and loathed his person, they could neither compete with the Divi filius nor hope to supplant the patron a

B.C. Augustus assumed that office, after a lapse of eighteen years, with L. Cornelius Sulla as his colleague. From that ye

14, 5) for M. Aemilius Lepidus, cos. A.D. 6. PageBook=>421 But with Augustus dying before his sons attained their maj

berius’ seclusion. None the less, they were personages to be reckoned with especially the son of M. Antonius. More remarkabl

lican admiral. The Aemilii perpetuated their old political alliance with the Caesarian cause, but not through the Triumvir

e distinction due to their family and their mother’s prayers, but not with equal fortune. 1 The elder took to wife Julia, da

children of Drusus and Antonia; two of them were artfully interlocked with the descendants of Augustus through his daughter

Silvanus, a politician to whom the notorious friendship of his mother with Livia brought promotion and a career. Silvanus be

th Livia brought promotion and a career. Silvanus became consul along with Augustus in 2 B.C. A political alliance with the

anus became consul along with Augustus in 2 B.C. A political alliance with the Plautii was good Claudian tradition. 3 Note

ew plebeian nobility, see Münzer, RA, 36ff. One of them was colleague with Ap. Claudius Caecus in his famous censorship. It

1 B.C.) descend from that family: which cannot be proved. As perhaps with certain other families in the time of Augustus, g

ed for power. But it is by no means certain that Silvanus was popular with Tiberius. Lacking Tiberius, the Claudian party la

and Fabii stood closely bound by ties of kinship or personal alliance with the Caesarian house. Scarcely less prominent the

he great military provinces. They made alliances among themselves and with the family of the Pisones. 5 NotesPage=>423

ies about Cotta, cf. PIR2, A 1488. To be noted further are connexions with the successful novi homines M. Lollius (Tacitus,

gt;424 L. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 15 B.C.) occupied rank and eminence with the foremost in the Principate of Augustus, thoug

in the Principate of Augustus, though not seeking closer relationship with the reigning dynasty. From his father Piso inheri

ship with the reigning dynasty. From his father Piso inherited, along with the love of letters, good sense and the firm avoi

nelii Lentuli, Piso was no enemy of Tiberius. There were other nobles with influential connexions, such as that mild-mannere

er had married a relative of Tiberius. 4 Many men of merit had shared with Tiberius’ parents the flight from Italy, the sojo

had shared with Tiberius’ parents the flight from Italy, the sojourn with Sex. Pompeius and memories of trials in adversity

heirlooms or curiosities (Suetonius, Tib. 6, 3). 6 Cn. Piso, consul with Tiberius in 7 B.C. Tacitus describes him as ‘inge

here were now descendants of Pompeius and Scribonia, who intermarried with certain Livii, kinsfolk of Tiberius on his mother

No doubt, however, about the significance of Ahenobarbus and Vinicius with the northern armies, of Lollius in the East and o

(CIL VI, 15626), sister of Messalla Appianus, Quirinius was connected with Claudii and Valerii. He was also kin to the Libon

Augustus and summarily banished to an island. He provided the Senate with a document and full particulars of her misbehavio

ber and variety of her lovers, were propagated by rumour, embellished with rhetoric and consecrated in history she disgraced

ad been baffled and mocked in his own family. Yet he could have dealt with the matter there. His programme was unpopular eno

have dealt with the matter there. His programme was unpopular enough with the aristocracy, and the most circumspect of poli

ugustus did not renew it. Gaius Caesar, consul designate and invested with proconsular imperium, after visiting the Danubian

the military tribune Velleius Paterculus. 2 Tiberius came to Samos with due submission to pay his respects to the kinsman

28 1 Suetonius, Tib. 12 f.; Velleius 2, 101 f.; Dio 55, 10, 17 ff. ( with no word of Lollius). For events in the East, cf.

me Gaius prosecuted his travels. In A.D. 2 the Roman prince conferred with the King of Parthia on an island in the river Eup

nferred with the King of Parthia on an island in the river Euphrates, with highly satisfactory results. Shortly after this,

s detractors. 5 In the following year Augustus came to Gaul, Tiberius with him. Tiberius inherited Lollius’ command of the l

ia Lepida for his wife. Groag suspects that Livia had something to do with the match (P-W IV A, 837). PageBook=>430 H

iberius, who took occasion to remind the Senate of Quirinius’ merits, with pointed contrast and vituperation of Lollius, dea

rium, was dispatched to the North. There had been fighting in Germany with more credit to Rome, perhaps, and more solid achi

nicius as his personal attachment to the family of that general could with decency permit. 4 The soldiers at least were quit

e answered almost at once by famine, pestilence and years of warfare, with grave disasters. 3 lb. 2, 121, 1. 4 lb. 2, 10

dy betrothed. L. Aemilius Paullus could hardly be accused of adultery with Julia, for she was his wife. Connivance in her mi

s became co-regent, in virtue of a law conferring on him powers equal with the Princeps in the control of provinces and armi

his ill-starred brother, the husband of the younger Julia. He served with distinction under Tiberius in Illyricum, and in t

d trust Lepidus not Gallus, however, the husband of Vipsania. Gallus, with all his father’s fierce independence of spirit, w

ore. The government party among the aristocracy old and new, built up with such care by Augustus to support the monarchy and

ed. In the six years following the return to power of Tiberius, along with descendants of the old nobility, like the patrici

equals of Tiberius, could hope that their sons would govern provinces with legionary armies certainly not Ahenobarbus or Pau

alone persisted, commanding on the Rhine:4 he was followed by Varus, with L. Nonius Asprenas as his legate. 5 In the East,

, namely M. Plautius Silvanus (summoned from Galatia to the Balkans with an army in A.D. 7), M. Aemilius Lepidus, whose

Lentuli. L. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 15 B.C.) was connected, it is true, with the family of Caesar; but the bond had not been t

alition of individuals and of families stands behind Tiberius, mostly with interlocking matrimonial ties, houses of the anci

ore recent stocks such as L. Nonius Asprenas (linked through marriage with L. Calpurnius Piso, with Varus and with L. Volusi

L. Nonius Asprenas (linked through marriage with L. Calpurnius Piso, with Varus and with L. Volusius Saturninus), and a fir

enas (linked through marriage with L. Calpurnius Piso, with Varus and with L. Volusius Saturninus), and a firm company of no

pania Citerior. 1 These were the armed provinces of Caesar. Africa, with one legion, was governed by the proconsul L. Noni

ere official documents. It is evident that Augustus had taken counsel with the chief men of his party, making his dispositio

The new policy embodied a national and a Roman spirit. The contact with the alien civilization of Greece originally rouse

tesmen, would stand and endure for ever. The Romans could not compete with Greece for primacy in science, arts and letters t

cause of disaster. It was the Greek period of Roman history, stamped with the sign of the demagogue, the tyrant and the cla

the Commonwealth, it was to be monopolized by the one Princeps, along with dementia. The governing class was left with the s

y the one Princeps, along with dementia. The governing class was left with the satisfaction of the less decorative virtues:

em. The spirit of a people is best revealed in the words it employs with an emotional content. To a Roman, such a word was

res stat Romana virisque. 3 The Roman aristocrat requited privilege with duty to the State. Then individuals were poor, bu

he cura legum et morum, which he declined, professing it inconsistent with the ‘mos maiorum’. That office savoured of regime

n 17 B.C. Q. Horatius Flaccus, who composed the hymn, extolled, along with peace and prosperity, the return of the old moral

y, that was a novelty, but the spirit was not, for it harmonized both with the traditional activities of the censorial offic

ized both with the traditional activities of the censorial office and with the aspirations of conservative reformers. 4 Augu

of the last age of the Republic marriage had not always been blessed with either offspring or permanence. Matches contracte

n, who, instead of a partner from their own class, preferred alliance with a freedwoman, or none at all. With marriage and

inexorable. The Lex Julia converted adultery, from a private offence with mild remedies and incomplete redress, into a crim

athers in the shape of more rapid promotion in the senatorial career, with corresponding restrictions on the unmarried and t

ties were in proportion to the duties of their high station. Marriage with freedwomen, though now forbidden to senators, was

by certain grave disadvantages. Slaves not only could be emancipated with ease but were emancipated in hordes. The wars of

t were emancipated in hordes. The wars of conquest flooded the market with captives of alien and often inferior stocks. Thei

the honour due to the gods of Rome, On some tolerable accommodation with supernatural powers, ‘pax deorum’, the prosperi

manifold signs of its absence. The ruinous horror of the Civil Wars, with threatened collapse of Rome and the Empire, engen

ecessors Caesar gaining the office by flagrant bribery and popularity with the Roman mob, Lepidus through favour of Antonius

new resources of patronage. In 28 B.C. the Senate entrusted Augustus with the task of repairing all temples in the city of

fewer than eighty-two required his attention, so he claimed, no doubt with exaggeration,5 passing over the considerable acti

s of ancient days, the builders of empire. 1 He caused their statues, with inscribed record of their deeds, to be set up in

consuls of the early Republic as identical in life, habit and ideals with the rough farmers whom they led to battle general

, rusticorum mascula militum proles, who had stained the seas red with Carthaginian blood, who had shattered Pyrrhus, An

capital from Rome’s invisible export of governors and soldiers, along with improvement in the art and practice of agricultur

bonis | post mortem ducibus’; also the lists of names in Odes 1, 12 ( with a Scaurus who hardly belongs there) and in Virgil

n tastes, a man of property and an absentee landlord. It was observed with malicious glee that neither of the consuls who ga

Nor is it certain that the Princeps himself was above reproach, even with discount of the allegations of Antonius, the scan

y were. The Augustus of history and panegyric stands aloof and alone, with all the power and all the glory. But he did not w

re from Roman knights of the towns of Italy, it found itself rewarded with power in the Senate and in the councils of the Pr

the family and loyalty to bonds of sentiment and duty were retained, with a consciousness of superiority, with pride and wi

entiment and duty were retained, with a consciousness of superiority, with pride and with resentment, in the towns of Italy.

ty were retained, with a consciousness of superiority, with pride and with resentment, in the towns of Italy. The Roman nobl

d the aristocracy, for he was not one of them; he chastened them, but with a loving hand. For the respect due to aristocracy

minos gentemque togatam. 3 To this identity in origin and sentiment with a large class in Italy Augustus owed much of his

ment. It was pietas, the typical Roman virtue. Augustus might observe with some satisfaction that he had restored a quality

Civic virtue of this kind could exist in the Roman aristocracy along with a certain laxity of individual behaviour; and abi

eatures. Vediovis, worshipped by the Julii (ILS 2988), was identified with Apollo, cf. C. Koch, Der römische Juppiter (1937)

ment. The moralist or the student of Italic nomenclature will observe with mixed feelings the disreputable conduct proved or

ipal virtue rapidly extended to cover the provinces as well as Italy, with the same accepted terminology and standards. Besi

m the unconscious suppression of awkward truth. When Rome could admit with safety, or could no longer disguise, the decline

nquest of Spain in 19 B.C. was dejected and mutinous. 5 Agrippa dealt with the offenders. Again, the great rebellion of Illy

naries Augustus enrolled numerous freed slaves in separate formations with the revealing title of ‘cohortes voluntariorum’.

or that disaster he could have borne the loss of Varus’ three legions with more composure. Despite the varied checks and d

hrough force of arms: some of his greatest triumphs had been achieved with but little shedding of blood. The Princeps, now a

in defence of a constitution that meant nothing to them, and leaping with avidity upon any dramatic phrase that fitted the

d the domination of Pompeius: nostra miseria tu es magnus. 1 Agents with skill to evoke spontaneous manifestations of the

ainst the champions of Cato, insidious enemies, the Dictator retorted with pamphlets, his own and from his faithful Hirtius;

lustius, it is true, attacking both oligarchy and the power of money, with advocacy of moral and social reform. 2 The Dictat

ed them into the Principate. Augustus himself listened to recitations with patience and even with benevolence. He insisted,

pate. Augustus himself listened to recitations with patience and even with benevolence. He insisted, however, that his prais

left far behind. Pollio lost his Virgil. Messalla had to be content with the anaemic Tibullus. Fabius Maximus, the patrici

dicated to two sons of this Piso is so plausible that it can dispense with the support of Porphyrio. PageBook=>461 As

hed by the Civil Wars. His books would have been burned in the Forum, with the greatest concourse and applause of the Roman

er to a romantic passion for frugality and virtue, a fervent sympathy with martial and imperial ideals. In his Odes may be

re can be no respite for him, no repose, no union of heart and policy with an alien queen. Italy is his goal ‘hie amor, haec

reris, Graia pandetur ab urbe. 3 From the first decision in council with his friends at Apollonia, the young Caesar had no

and army, less acceptable to the Senate. If the later books of Livy with their record of recent and contemporary history h

tter cause’. 2 It may be presumed that Augustus’ historian also spoke with respect of Brutus and Cassius they had fought for

of Brutus and Cassius they had fought for the constitution; and even with praise of Cato Cato stood for the established ord

of the Principate; and all three were on terms of personal friendship with Augustus. The class to which these men of letters

The North, unlike so many parts of Italy, had no history of its own, with memories of ancient independence from Rome or rec

were openly expressed. From his father Cassius inherited a connexion with the Transpadani; 1 and Brutus’ father had been be

at Mutina by Pompeius. In the time of Augustus, Mediolanium preserved with pride the statues of the Liberators. 2 On the oth

c poet of Italy a man whose verse and sentiments harmonized so easily with his own ideas and policy. Here was his tota Itali

he could turn away from his love and lover’s melancholy to celebrate with fervour, and with no small air of conviction, the

y from his love and lover’s melancholy to celebrate with fervour, and with no small air of conviction, the War of Actium, or

pertius was able to recount ancient legends and religious observances with sympathy as well as with elegance. More than all

nt ancient legends and religious observances with sympathy as well as with elegance. More than all this, however, the lament

tus did not forget. It was in vain that Ovid interspersed his trifles with warm praise of the reigning dynasty and even turn

isplay at games, shows and triumphs. As a showman, none could compete with Augustus in material resources, skill of organiza

t in charge of shrines where honour was paid to the lares compitales, with whom was associated the genius of the Princeps. 3

onary leader, resolute and almost fierce in expression, or the priest with veiled head, aged, austere and remote. Most revea

es makes much Augustan poetry seem an inspired anticipation and shows with what startling fidelity the poets expressed the s

B.C., when both Augustus and Agrippa had returned from the provinces, with the Empire pacified and new conquests about to be

te and a regenerated people participated. The new régime was at peace with the gods and honoured the land. Earth requited wi

gime was at peace with the gods and honoured the land. Earth requited with the gift of her fruits ‘iustissima tellus’. The f

k=>471 Around the Forum stood the mailed statues of military men with the inscribed record of their res gestae, from Ae

on the other hand, was remiss, willing even to admit an accommodation with the assassins. He was only incited to pay some ho

Caesar’s heir entered Rome for the first time, the sun was surrounded with a halo; and the omen of Romulus greeted his captu

Acerrae in Campania a centurion set up an altar to the young princes with a verse inscription rendering them the honours du

ion, it was natural that the ruler should be an object of veneration, with honours like the honours due to gods. In Egypt, i

ustus inherited from the dynasts Pompeius, Antonius and Caesar, along with their clientela, the homage they enjoyed. Caesar

e demeanour of citizens or free men, the fervent zeal may be imagined with which kings, tetrarchs and petty tyrants promoted

was Herod the king of Judaea. 6 In the East, Roman citizens joined with Greeks in their worship of Augustus as a god. The

l parts of the Roman People. Moreover, the Roman citizen of the towns with his tradition of law and government could respect

inces stood firm for the established order. The legions were inspired with a fanatical yet rational devotion to the person o

Carisius are said to have caused a rising in Spain. 2 He was dealing with Asturians, a sufficient excuse. An insurgent lead

er provincial governors. He tightened the legal procedure for dealing with cases of extortion. Moreover, the provincials thr

troops to replace or supplement the legions: the colonist remembered with pride his ties with the army and with the Roman P

r supplement the legions: the colonist remembered with pride his ties with the army and with the Roman People. 1 Hence the v

egions: the colonist remembered with pride his ties with the army and with the Roman People. 1 Hence the veterans and the lo

. 1 Hence the veterans and the local dynasts would sharply have dealt with social discontent or the propagation of unsound o

inst Quirinius, her former husband. The spectators responded loyally, with loud cursing of the detestable upstart. 9 PageN

expense. They had no illusions about it and they remembered Philippi, with melancholy pride, as the greatest calamity in Rom

ived to adorn legend or consecrate the government. Caesar was saddled with the whole guilt of the Civil Wars, Antonius and L

saddled with the whole guilt of the Civil Wars, Antonius and Lepidus with the ultimate responsibility for the proscriptions

of the First Citizen were uniformly and ostentatiously homespun. As with Pompeius, face and mien might be honest and comel

o waive that solemn duty in the autumn of 44 B.C. when he made a pact with Pompeians; and when uniting with Antonius at Brun

utumn of 44 B.C. when he made a pact with Pompeians; and when uniting with Antonius at Brundisium he had condoned the return

ran rife in the clubs and salons of the aristocracy, becoming wilder with the years, as despotism grew more secretive and m

inceps enabled him to permit freedom of speech as well as to dispense with the most excessive and intolerable forms of propa

ther a subtle compliment. It was Messalla who proposed in the Senate, with moving and patriotic language, that Augustus shou

oughly handled by the prosecution. Augustus intervened on their side, with salutary rebuke of their enemies. 3 Augustus did

verse, a scourge in the social life of the aristocracy. Messalla vied with Pollio as a patron of letters. When a mediocre po

veracity of Caesar; in his contemporaries, especially when they dealt with the period of which he had personal experience, h

the native virtues of Roman writers. Like Sallustius, too, he turned with distaste from the wars and politics of his time a

I, 16, 8. Cf. also above, p. 464. PageBook=>486 A critic armed with the acerbity of Pollio must have delivered a more

a jejune archaism or a bare Attic simplicity: a new style developed, with brief, ferocious sentences, pointed, rhetorical a

tus have his revenge, imitating the Greek Timagenes, who, quarrelling with his patron and falling from favour, had boldly co

the happy prime of the restored Republic makes a poor enough showing, with Ovid to sustain the splendour and dignity of poet

f the reign of Augustus is artfully coloured by devotion to Tiberius, with vituperation of enemies and rivals. The horror an

, with vituperation of enemies and rivals. The horror and indignation with which this worthy citizen recounts certain court

ciunt? ’1 The satirist Juvenal makes mock of pedigrees. Not, however, with all the fierce, free invective of a robust democr

he dead and usurped privilege and station of the living Vedius Pollio with his fish-ponds, Maecenas in princely gardens, Tit

. The Metelli had backed Sulla: they made a final bid for power when, with the Scipionic connexion, they supported Pompeius.

of consular families that supported Pompeius. Their main line lapsed with Marcellus, the nephew of Augustus, but the name s

ial-place, cf. Mommsen in CIL 12, p. 376. PageBook=>492 Banded with these four families, the Catonian faction suffere

the marriage alliance which the grandson of Caesar’s enemy contracted with the daughter of Antonius and Octavia. Of the fami

twenty noble houses, her ancestors and her kin. 2 Yet Cassius’ stock, with eminent consuls, among them a great jurist, endur

an in rank and leaving no heir; 4 his spirited sister chose to perish with her husband, young Lepidus. Scaurus was spared af

life,5 fit partner for Quirinius’ Aemilia Lepida, who bore him a son with whom the family ended. M. Hortensius Hortalus, th

y of the dying Republic and under the shadow of the Monarchy. Caesar, with the alliance of the Aemilii and certain other pat

tus Clausus, migrating from the Sabine country to Rome, settled there with the company of his clients, the patrician house o

itii Ahenobarbi perpetuated a direct succession in the male line, but with diverse fortune. The Aemilii had been perilously

fortune. The Aemilii had been perilously close to the supreme power, with M. Aemilius Lepidus the Triumvir and L. Aemilius

Aemilius Lepidus, the husband of Drusilla, alleged to have conspired with Lentulus Gaetulicus against Caligula and executed

iting from his father not only great estates but boundless popularity with the plebs of Rome, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus was fo

lly an enemy of Pompeius, and through that feud brought into conflict with Caesar, he followed Cato’s lead and fell at Phars

urvivor of the blood of Augustus. The Junii Silani, connected already with the Aemilii, attain to alarming prominence under

nd of Julia, the granddaughter of the Princeps. The union was blessed with three sons and two daughters, all of whom in turn

citus, Ann. 13, 1). Junia Calvina was relegated on a charge of incest with one of her brothers (Ann. 12, 4); for the date of

ertain noble houses whose pedigrees were closely and fatally entwined with the family tree of the Julio-Claudians. Other fam

The line of the obscure but newly ennobled Appuleii was extinguished with the death of the young son born to Sex. Appuleius

friend of Claudius, was the latest survivor; 4 the Valerii terminated with two characters symbolic of the doom of a class, C

eir rivals and social equals. It was fitting that they should all end with the end of a period. Crassus’ grandson, the amb

etuated the Licinii who merged, by adoption after another generation, with the family of L. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 15 B.C.).

=>497 By paradox all of these families at first escaped alliance with the ruling dynasty, providing no victims at all f

d by a Crassus, married a Scribonia descended from Pompeius, but also with the Julio- Claudians in the various ties of adopt

io- Claudians in the various ties of adoption, betrothal or marriage, with paradoxical and fatal results, dragging other fam

wit of the Republic observed. 3 Yet this family survived the alliance with Pompeius Magnus, inherited from the Scipiones, av

Pompeius Magnus, inherited from the Scipiones, avoided entanglements with Augustus and kept on good terms with Tiberius, ac

Scipiones, avoided entanglements with Augustus and kept on good terms with Tiberius, acquiring a new lease of life. They dis

, however, provide a continuous list of victims, blended and involved with the descendants of Pompeius and Crassus. A son of

descendant of Pompeius; 6 hence a family foredoomed like the Silani, with four brothers all to perish by violent ends, amon

s. Cicero had been the great novus homo of that age: the family ended with his bibulous son. The marshals and admirals of

Antonius’ admiral. 2 M. Titius had no known progeny from his alliance with the patrician Fabii; and other novi homines disap

his grim parent. 4 PageNotes. 498 1 On the descendants of Taurus, with consuls under Claudius, P-W III a, 2198. Calvisiu

III a, 2198. Calvisius’ line, continued by a son (cos. 4 B.C.), ended with his grandson (cos. A.D. 26), legate of Pannonia a

ghter. 1 Quirinius, however, could show no children for two marriages with daughters of the patriciate, a Claudia and an Aem

sans, L. Scribonius Libo and L. Arruntius, acquired a fatal connexion with the Pompeii. 3 Association with the reigning dyna

Arruntius, acquired a fatal connexion with the Pompeii. 3 Association with the reigning dynasty was no less dangerous. Like

-designate, did not outlive the Julio-Claudians; one of them perished with Messallina, his imperial paramour. 3 The last con

Gallus, who came to a miserable end. But Gallus propagated the Asinii with six sons, of whom three at least attained to cons

Tibur had become connected in some way, through marriage or adoption, with a new consular stock of the time of Augustus, the

equence in the early Principate, survive the longest, PIR2, A 62 ff., with consuls in the direct line in A.D. 210, and in A.

s who was the husband of Julia the granddaughter of Tiberius. The tie with the Julio-Claudians is surely too tenuous to have

s. 1 That was the end of a Sabine family. Passienus could not compete with L. Vitellius, three times consul. Vitellius was

ine legions. Under Caligula, after Lentulus Gaetulicus, who conspired with M. Aemilius Lepidus and was suppressed, came anot

s anachronism. Murena would have escaped his doom had he been content with ‘aurea mediocritas’. 2 The last and only refuge o

a great name had to veil himself in caution or frivolity and practise with ostentation the sober virtue of quies or politica

er yet, to make his peace, through subservience or through adulation, with the real forces in politics knights and freedmen,

st resort by the fears of Tiberius and by his reluctance to interfere with the course of justice, with the procedure of a no

berius and by his reluctance to interfere with the course of justice, with the procedure of a nominally independent Senate.

inancial agents of the government, not merely under Augustus but even with Pompeius and Caesar. Once again, Balbus and The

emark of this Republican misanthrope. 1 Succeeding ages looked back with regret to the freedom enjoyed under the tolerant

eedom enjoyed under the tolerant Principate of Augustus. 2 Discontent with their own times drove them to idealize the past.

quo ortus, quos honores quibusque temporibus cepisset’. Atticus dealt with the Junii Bruti, the Marcelli, the Scipiones, the

their betters. The game of traducing the upstart may have originated with the aristocracy: it was cheerfully adopted by the

, the aristocratic partisans of Augustus would have illumined history with a constellation of characters no less vivid and d

for the sole reason of birth. 1 The Sullan oligarchy made its peace with the monarchy. By the end of Augustus’ reign, howe

t: in the cool shade of Tibur Plancus could take his ease and reflect with no little complacency that throughout his campaig

nd wealthy Livia Ocellina (Suetonius, Galba 3, 4); his son, in favour with his stepmother (ib. 4, 1), with Livia Drusilla (i

nius, Galba 3, 4); his son, in favour with his stepmother (ib. 4, 1), with Livia Drusilla (ib. 5, 2) and vainly solicited to

iquit’), is of no independent value whatever. Varus certainly behaved with decision and competence in Judaea in 4 B.C. 3 S

chronic traitor ’morbo proditor’. 1 Fools or fanatics perished along with lost causes: the traitors and time-servers surviv

ius after Philippi and from Antonius before long to Octavianus. Along with Agrippa, Messalla occupied the house of Antonius

e before the death of Augustus, tough and lively to the end, Messalla with failing powers until A.D. 13.7 NotesPage=>51

ly the son of Aeserninus (the grandson was an orator, mentioned along with Messalla and Pollio by Tacitus, Ann. 11, 6 f.).

hy, the parent of despotism. The rule of law had perished long ago, with might substituted for right. The contest for powe

time of Augustus; and many of the nobiles were inextricably bound up with the New State, being indebted to it for their pre

sincere in his principles:3 but the Roman knight who filled his house with the statues of Republican heroes was a snob as we

e to the great past of Rome than a manifestation of active discontent with the present state of affairs. It need not be take

rajan, without a break (ILS 1448). PageBook=>515 The Republic, with its full record of great wars abroad and politica

ome, was a splendid subject for history. Well might Tacitus look back with melancholy and complain that his own theme was du

he root of the trouble lay in the nature of man, turbid and restless, with noble qualities as well as evil the strife for li

ent Seneca, when counselling the young Nero to clemency, could employ with indifference the names of ‘rex’ or ‘princeps’,3 t

when a state had run through the whole cycle of change. The Roman, with his native theory of unrestricted imperium, was f

Roman, with his native theory of unrestricted imperium, was familiar with the notion of absolute power. The Principate, tho

ist. It was the part of prudence to pray for good emperors and put up with what you got. 3 Given the nature of man ’vitia er

nd inherent in the New State from the beginning, was soon formulated, with its own exemplars and its own phraseology. Quies

amittuntur. 4 Tacitus, his father-in-law and his emperor join hands with the time-servers and careerists a century earlier

rs magna iustos dominos volunt’. 5 The two were now to be reconciled, with constitutional monarchy as a guarantee of freedom

re: hie ames dici pater atque princeps. 4 The notion of parent brings with it that of protector: optime Romulae custos g

g Rome in his consulate, had been hailed as pater patriae. But Sulla, with well-grounded hate, was styled ‘the sinister Romu

l, if ever rule was, and his position became ever more monarchic. Yet with all this, Augustus was not indispensable that was

eal to the old, Augustus justified the new; by emphasizing continuity with the past, he encouraged the hope of development i

ly on a united Italy and a coherent Empire, was completely renovated, with new institutions, new ideas and even a new litera

was already classical. The doom of Empire had borne heavily on Rome, with threatened ruin. But now the reinvigorated Roman

einvigorated Roman People, robust and cheerful, could bear the burden with pride as well as with security. Augustus had al

ple, robust and cheerful, could bear the burden with pride as well as with security. Augustus had also prayed for a succes

d destiny for glory or for politics: none can have fabricated history with such calm audacity. Other generals had their memo

Res Gestae in their final form were composed early in A.D. 13, along with the last will and testament, to be edited and pub

e title-deeds of his divinity. 1 If explained they must be, it is not with reference to the religions and kings of the Helle

-A.D. 14 were edited and published in CIL 12, Part I (1893), together with the full evidence of the texts, epigraphic and li

year acquires a praenomen, Lucius, thus disproving the identification with P. Cornelius Scipio (for whom cf. 35 B.C.). It is

rided by Tacitus, 358; his influence and partisans, 384, 437 f., 505; with C. Caesar in the East, 428; his fall, 489, 509; h

rrangements about provinces in 44 B.C., 107, 110, 115, 170; relations with the Liberators, 108, 117 ff.; with Octavianus, 11

.C., 107, 110, 115, 170; relations with the Liberators, 108, 117 ff.; with Octavianus, 115 ff., 141 ff.; with Cicero, 140 f.

with the Liberators, 108, 117 ff.; with Octavianus, 115 ff., 141 ff.; with Cicero, 140 f.; actions in the autumn, 123 ff.; a

estige of Antonius, 221 f.; actions in 39–37 B.C., 221 ff.; relations with Cleopatra, 214 f., 260 f., 273 ff., 281; organiza

263 f.; ulterior designs, 273 ff.; acta of Antonius, 276, 278; breach with Octavianus, 276 ff.; testament of Antonius, 282;

., 357 ff., 501 ff.; see also Nobiles. Armenia, Antonius’ relations with , 224, 265, 270; after Actium, 301; Augustus’ poli

; in 42 B.C., 202; in the Cisalpina, 189, 207 f., 252, 462; relations with Virgil, 218 f., 252 f., 460; with Gallus, 75, 252

a, 189, 207 f., 252, 462; relations with Virgil, 218 f., 252 f., 460; with Gallus, 75, 252; in the Perusine War, 209 ff.; di

ty, 127 ff.,201, 234 ff., 349 ff.; political funds, 130 f.; relations with Cicero, 114, 134, 141 ff., 181 ff.; his position

via, 229, 340; the Bellum Siculum, 230 ff.; in Illyricum, 240. Breach with Antonius, 276 ff.; position in 32 B.C., 277 f.; i

, 329 f., 373, 393 ff.; control of elections, 325, 370 ff.; relations with the Senate, 313 ff., 370, 406, 408, 410 f.; with

, 370 ff.; relations with the Senate, 313 ff., 370, 406, 408, 410 f.; with senatorial provinces, 314, 330, 336, 394 f., 406;

22 f., 340, 349 ff., 419 ff., 473 ff. (see also Clientela); relations with the nobiles, 238 f., 291, 328, 368, 372 f., 376 f

328, 368, 372 f., 376 ff., 382, 404 f., 419 ff.,453, 490 ff., 510 f.; with knights and novi homines, 129 ff., 235 ff., 289 f

vi homines, 129 ff., 235 ff., 289 f., 328, 349 ff., 375 ff., 453 ff.; with the plebs, 322, 370, 468 ff., 478 f.; with Italy,

349 ff., 375 ff., 453 ff.; with the plebs, 322, 370, 468 ff., 478 f.; with Italy, 284 ff., 359 ff., 449 f., 453 f., 465 f.,

478 f.; with Italy, 284 ff., 359 ff., 449 f., 453 f., 465 f., 472 f.; with the Empire, 323, 365f., 473 ff., 476 f., 521. His

ufus, M., parentage of, 63; origin, 88; defended by Cicero, 150; feud with Ap. Pulcher, 41; disillusion and death, 53; talen

Piso, C. (cos. A.D. 111), 497. Calpurnius Piso, Cn. (cos. 23 B.C.), with the Liberators, 199, 206; accepts the consulate,

Piso Caesoninus, L. (cos. 58 B.C.), father-in-law of Caesar, 36; feud with Cicero, 135; as censor, 66, 135; attitude during

2, 43, 45, 112, 164, 197; neutral in the Civil War, 62, 64; relations with Octavianus, 142, 182; death, 217; character, 128;

the brigand, 259. Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, 6, 214, 259; relations with Caesar, 275; donations by Antonius, 260, 270, 300

ions by Antonius, 260, 270, 300 f.; her rapacity, 260, 270; relations with Antonius and the problem of their marriage, 261,

498. Cornelia Fausta, daughter of Sulla, 39; 242; alleged adultery with C. Sallustius Crispus, 250. Cornelii, 10, 18, 6

1; great wealth, 77, 381; does not enter the Senate, 80 f.; relations with Octavianus, 114, 131, 133; consulate, 220; at the

ius Cinna Magnus, Cn. (cos. A.D. 5), 269, 299, 328, 349 f., 425, 496; with Sex. Pompeius, 269; dubious conspiracy of, 414, 4

5, 36, 44 f., 61. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, P., the Younger, 45; with the Liberators, 171, 198, 206. Cornelius Lentulus

Etruria and the Italians, 87 f.; his Dictatorship, 17, 52; comparison with Caesar, 47, 51 f.; proscriptions, 65, 190; Sullan

Nerva and Trajan, 517; as a pessimistic monarchist, 516 ff.; compared with Lucan, 507 f.; with Juvenal, 489. Cornificius,

7; as a pessimistic monarchist, 516 ff.; compared with Lucan, 507 f.; with Juvenal, 489. Cornificius, L. (cos. 35 B.C.), p

, 494, 495; their interest in Gallia Transalpina, 44, 75, 79 f.; feud with Plancus, 281. Domitiopolis, in Cilicia, 281.

rmanicus, 438. Duces, honoured by Augustus, 449, 470 f.; comparison with , 522. Dux, 288; as used of Augustus, 311 f., 51

scribed, 195. Financiers, activities of, 14 f., 355, 477; relations with senators, 14; detested by Cato, 26; hostile to Lu

hostile to Gabinius, 67, 149 f.; supported by Crassus, 34; relations with Caesar, 73, 81 f.; afraid of the Pompeians, 73; s

354; wealth, 76, 195, 354; of Caesar, 76, 130; of Pompeius, 76, 385; with Sex. Pompeius, 228; holding military commands, 20

senators, 5, 251, 420, 485; Republican tone of, 5, 420; preoccupation with ‘clari viri’, 508; archaism, 485; conservatism, 5

Hortalus, Q., as a Caesarian, 63, 64; governor of Macedonia, 110 f.; with the Liberators, 171, 198; death at Philippi, 205.

nexions, 25, 64, 68; early career, 25, 29, 32; consulate and alliance with Pompeius, 8, 33 f.; his consular province, 36; at

33 f.; his consular province, 36; at Ravenna and Luca, 37; relations with Pompeius, 40 ff.; responsibility for the Civil Wa

42. His partisans and adherents, 41, 51, 59, 61 ff., 94 f.; relations with the Marian party, 65, 89, 94; partisans among the

he East, 262; his legates, 67, 94; secretariat, 71 f., 407; relations with financiers, 52 f., 72 f.; confiscations, 76; incr

ia, 45; marries Porcia, 58; his hatred of Pompeius, 27, 58; relations with Caesar, 58; motives for the assassination, 57 ff.

he Ides of March, 97 ff.; political prospects, 99 ff.; his friendship with Antonius, 98, 106, 203, 206; actions in summer, 4

ure from Italy, 119, 140; seizure of Macedonia, 171 f., 184; quarrels with Cicero, 183 f.; his distaste for civil war, 183 f

etorician and senator, 367. Junius Montanus, T., equestrian officer with long service, 356. Junius Silanus, D. (cos. 62 B.

(cos. 25 B.C.), notorious renegade, 325, 349; legate of Lepidus, 178; with Sex. Pompeius, 189, 227; an Antonian, 268; desert

sta, 506. Liberty, nature of, at Rome, 2, 59, 154 ff.; incompatible with peace and order, 9, 59, 512 ff.; guaranteed by mo

his character, 22; wealth, 12; a dictum about politics, 12; connexion with the Metelli, 22, 36; with the Scipiones, 36; rela

12; a dictum about politics, 12; connexion with the Metelli, 22, 36; with the Scipiones, 36; relations with Catilina, 26, 6

connexion with the Metelli, 22, 36; with the Scipiones, 36; relations with Catilina, 26, 60; with financiers, 34, 72; Span

lli, 22, 36; with the Scipiones, 36; relations with Catilina, 26, 60; with financiers, 34, 72; Spanish clientela, 75; desc

, and a Caesarian, 22, 36, 64. Licinius Crassus, M. (cos. 30 B.C.), with Sex. Pompeius, 269; with Antonius, 266, 269; dese

, 64. Licinius Crassus, M. (cos. 30 B.C.), with Sex. Pompeius, 269; with Antonius, 266, 269; deserts Antonius, 296; procon

sul of Macedonia, 303, 308, 327, 349; claim to spolia opima and clash with Octavianus, 308 f.; descendants, 424, 496 f. Li

istorian, 6; on Camillus, 305; Caesar, 317; Alexander, 441; relations with Augustus, 317, 464; as a ‘Pompeianus’, 317, 464;

398; in Galatia, 338, 398; in Macedonia, 391, 406; in Gaul, 398, 429; with C. Caesar, 398, 428 ff.; disgrace and death, 428;

aesar, 398, 428 ff.; disgrace and death, 428; his son, 435; connexion with the Valerii, 362, 379; wealth, 381; alleged venal

s of, 213, 217, 224, 225; in charge of Rome, 233, 292, 298; relations with poets, 242, 253 f., 460, 466 f.; in 23 B.C., 340,

17. Marcius Philippus, L. (cos. 56 B.C.), 35 f., 62, 197; relations with Octavianus, 114, 128, 134, 142, 147, 164, 167, 16

.; in relation to Italians, 86 f.; and novi homines, 94; relationship with the Julii, 25, 76; his memory, 65, 89 f. Marius

gustus, 305, 438, 522. Media, Antonius’ invasion, 264 f.; relations with , 265 f.; and Octavianus, 301. Mediolanium, 150,

us Rufus, L. (cos. 4 B.C.), remarkable novus homo, 93, 362; relations with Sallustius Crispus, 384, 501; proconsul of Africa

ition in 62 B.C., 30; dynastic marriages, 31 f., 36, 40, 43; alliance with Crassus and Caesar, 8, 34 f.; his control of prov

02; helps Servilia, 102, 192; in the proscriptions, 192 f.; relations with Antonius and Octavianus, 257; deathbed of, 257; h

or their moral reform, 442; rivals of Tiberius, 433 f.; in comparison with Augustus, 311, 404, 521 f. Privato consilio, 16

from, 310, 328; appointment of, under the Principate, 330, 382, 395; with armies under the Principate, 314, 328, 330, 394;

78; by Caesar, 78 ff.; social status of, 80 ff.; Triumviral, 196 ff.; with Octavianus at Actium, 293, 349. Senatus consult

, 21, 23 f., 136, 185; her ambition and influence, 23 f., 69; liaison with Caesar, 35, 58; her hatred of Pompeius, 58, 69; a

123; his policy, 134, 135, 136, 147; praised by Cicero, 164; quarrels with Cicero, 170, 182; appointed an envoy, 172; relati

4; quarrels with Cicero, 170, 182; appointed an envoy, 172; relations with Octavianus, 182, 189; his second consulate, 197,

eius Magnus, 29, 37, 42, 405; clientela of the Pompeii, 75; relations with Caesar, 75; Caesarian partisans, 80; in 44–43 B.C

. Statius the Samnite, senator at Rome, 88, 195. Stendhal, compared with Pollio, 485. Stertinius Xenophon, C., Greek in

a in A.D. 6, 399, 476; attribution of the Titulus Tiburtinus, 398 f.; with Gaius Caesar in the East, 429; loyal to Tiberius,

agenes, Greek historian, 486. Tisienus Gallus, defends Nursia, 210; with Sex. Pompeius, 228. Titedius Labeo, minor novus h

s from Spain, 80. Titius, M. (cos. suff. 31 B.C.), proscribed, 193; with Sex. Pompeius, 227; as an Antonian, 232, 264, 266

d consulate, 24 f., 29 f., 32; as a novus homo, 11, 13, 94; relations with publicani, 14; with Cato, 137 f., 146; with Pompe

29 f., 32; as a novus homo, 11, 13, 94; relations with publicani, 14; with Cato, 137 f., 146; with Pompeius, 29 f., 37, 45,

mo, 11, 13, 94; relations with publicani, 14; with Cato, 137 f., 146; with Pompeius, 29 f., 37, 45, 137 f.; with Caesar, 138

ni, 14; with Cato, 137 f., 146; with Pompeius, 29 f., 37, 45, 137 f.; with Caesar, 138 f.; activity in 60 B.C., 34; exile,36

f.; with Caesar, 138 f.; activity in 60 B.C., 34; exile,36, 135; feud with Piso, 135, 140; in the Civil War, 45, 137 f.; und

; in the summer of 44 B.C., 139 ff.; attacks Antonius, 123; relations with Octavianus, 141 ff.; policy in 44–43 B.C., 143 ff

and acts in 43 B.C., 167–86; and the consulate, 182 f.; disagreements with Brutus, 147 f., 183 ff.; proscription and death,

d rank in history, 4, 146. Tullius Cicero, M. (cos. suff. 30 B.C.), with the Liberators, 198, 206; his consulate, 339; gov

ne poet, 251. Valerius Catullus, C., his origin, 74, 251; relations with Caesar, 152; as a poet, 251, 460, 461; his friend

Illyricum, 110, 164, 171; his triumph, 197; his origin, 90; relations with Cicero, 144, 152; alleged vices and enormities, 1

Venus victrix, 67. Venusia, 254. Vergilius Maro, P., relations with Pollio, 218 f., 252 f.; with Maecenas, 253, 460;

ia, 254. Vergilius Maro, P., relations with Pollio, 218 f., 252 f.; with Maecenas, 253, 460; at Tarentum, 225; the Eclogue

ianus, 125; changes of side, 159; pacifism of, 180 f.; Roman compared with Hellenistic, 250; provision for, 111, 196, 207 ff

m, 343, 413; disliked by nobiles, 344; hates Maecenas, 341; relations with Tiberius, 344; honours declined or accepted, 231,

turninus, L. (cos. suff. 12 B.C.), 362, 381, 434, 435, 438; connected with Tiberius, 424; descendants, 500. Volusius Sat

E METELLI The family tree of the Caecilii Metelli has been compiled with the help of the tables of Münzer (P-W III, 1229 f

Aemilius Lepidus (cos. 21 B.C.). Groag’s elucidation of the connexion with the descendants of Pompeius and Sulla through the

ere first investigated by C. Cichorius, Hermes xxxix (1904), 461 ff. ( with a stemma, ib. 470). In the matter of his connexio

04), 461 ff. (with a stemma, ib. 470). In the matter of his connexion with the Cornelii Lentuli, however, the views of E. Gr

This is based upon the stemma worked out by E. Groag, P-W XVII, 870, with the addition, by conjecture, of Nonia Polla. On t