or convenience, the books and papers mentioned in the footnotes. It will at once be evident how much the conception of the

unction with the list of consuls and the seven genealogical tables it will sometimes reveal facts or connexions not explicit

has been deduced from family, nomenclature, or rank; and most of them will be unfamiliar to any but a hardened prosopographe

re so, precisely, because there is so much in the present volume that will make him raise his eyebrows. Its imperfections ar

ed by a brief analysis of the working of government in the new order, will reinforce their verdict and reveal a certain unit

y to be abandoned to the moralist or the casuist. The present inquiry will attempt to discover the resources and devices by

preface of Sallust’s Histories, combined with Tacitus, Hist. 1, 1–3, will give some idea of the introduction to Pollio’s wo

Republic went down at Philippi. That Pollio chose to write no further will readily be understood. As it was, his path was ha

in this design a depreciation of Augustus: his ability and greatness will all the more sharply be revealed by unfriendly pr

but in different garb. They are the government of the New State. It will therefore be expedient and salutary to investigat

open strife. 1 Augustus is the heir of Caesar or of Pompeius, as you will . Caesar the Dictator bears the heavier blame for

ours (Cicero, De legibus 3, 30). PageBook=>015 of their enmity will be reckoned Lucullus, Catilina and Gabinius. It

ing to Spain, but forced by the Optimates, not altogether against his will , to demand a legion from Caesar. The pretext was

The laudatory epithets here attached by Cicero to the other consulars will not mislead: too much is known about these people

n of Appius. PageBook=>046 The policy arose from the brain and will of Marcus Cato. His allies, eager to enlist a man

f their own order. Liberty and the laws are high-sounding words. They will often be rendered, on a cool estimate, as privile

ity of theme than the careers and exploits of the successive leaders, will yet help to recall the ineffable complexities of

s 65, 2), the son of the orator, joined Caesar (Ad Att. 10, 4, 6). It will hardly be necessary to quote the evidence for Cat

ss, the presence of members of the same noble house on opposing sides will be explained not always by domestic discord and y

competence: Lepidus had influence but no party, ambition but not the will and the power for achievement. Caesar, offering t

073 classes or high finance against Caesar. 1 The financier Atticus will have been able to forecast events with some accur

a might be found among the officers and friends of Pompeius; 3 and it will not have been forgotten that his father had secur

e Senate was full of them, it was alleged. Only ignorance or temerity will pretend that the Dictator promoted partisans from

hy and talented individuals from the towns of Spain and southern Gaul will have been more acceptable to the Roman aristocrac

tion. About the early admissions to power and nobility at Rome much will remain obscure and controversial. In itself, the

in motive or in effects. That he was aware of the need to unify Italy will perhaps be inferred from his municipal legislatio

7 Brutus, indeed, an especial friend and favourite, was named in his will among the heirs by default. 8 Brutus was a nobi

ther- in-law, L. Piso, the Senate decided to recognize the Dictator’s will , granting a public funeral. Antonius had played

nfidelissima. ’ PageBook=>099 the benefactions bestowed by his will upon the people of Rome, the crowd broke loose an

r these idealistic or snobbish young men from the towns possessed the will and the resources for action, and eventually for

and W. Sternkopf (ib. XLVII (1912), 321 ff.). The views of Sternkopf will here be accepted for the most part. PageBook=&g

able to the moral and patriotic propaganda of his rival. Most of that will be coolly discounted. From the influence of Cicer

Dolabella, did not participate in the African and Spanish campaigns, will not be put down to his cowardice or to Caesar’s d

the acts and intentions of Antonius in the year of his consulate, it will be necessary to forget both the Philippics and th

e of his responsibility for the turn which events took at the funeral will be debated: it was certainly in his interest to a

2). The same historian’s cool treatment of the virtuous Emperor Galba will not escape notice (Hist, 1, 49) ’magis extra viti

. Ch. VIII CAESAR’S HEIR PageBook=>112 BY the terms of his will Caesar appointed as heir to his name and fortune

ired the new and legal designation of C. Julius Caesar Octavianus. It will be understood that the aspirant to Caesar’s power

in 45 B.C., was enrolled among the patricians; and Caesar drew up his will , naming the heir, on September 13th (Suetonius, D

the use of that name, possessing the sanction of literary tradition, will here be maintained, though it is dubious and misl

lopment between youth and middle age. The personality of Octavianus will best be left to emerge from his actions. One thin

ng the Adriatic, he landed near Brundisium. When he learned about the will , he conceived high hopes, refusing to be deterred

d damaged in repute, surviving a cause for which better men had died, will none the less have striven through intrigue to ma

ews of the Dictator: they received a share of his fortune through the will , which they are said to have resigned to Octavian

et people to give him what he wants, to flatter and to praise him, he will put up with servitude. ’3 But Cicero was able to

equent breach between Antonius and Octavianus. Yet of these events he will perhaps have had cognizance at Leucopetra. Only a

rds a parent and a benefactor. That facile and partial interpretation will be repulsed in the interests, not of Octavianus,

r and Pompeius had fallen short of genuine renown. The good statesman will not imitate those military dynasts: but he needs

oritas senatus, concordia ordinum, consensus Italiae? A cool scrutiny will suggest doubts: these terms are very far from cor

, all the weapons were there: when the constitution had perished, the will of Army and People could be expressed, immediate

th Antonius, his ally in the days following the Ides of March; and he will have reflected that next to Antonius he was the m

lancus. 4 To Lepidus he was abrupt and overbearing ‘in my opinion you will be wiser not to make meddling proposals for peace

to Cicero. His style had lost none of its elegance: he protested good will and loyalty, explained how weak his forces were,

t him no instructions; nor could he have marched to Italy against the will of the ambiguous Lepidus; further, his troops had

ny of the three Antonii; only practise a salutary severity, and there will be no more civil wars. 5 The plea of Brutus was p

The news of armies raised in Italy and Caesar’s heir marching on Rome will have convinced him at last that there was no room

mself to servitude and seeks a propitious master. Brutus for his part will continue the fight against all powers that set th

the ancient monarchy was returning and died upon the spot, of his own will . 2 The scene may have been impressive, but the pr

Plancus were also on the lists. 5 Pollio’s rivals among the Marrucini will likewise have been found there:6 his own father-i

but avid and unscrupulous in their secret deeds. The town of Larinum will surely have lived up to its reputation. 8 Elsewhe

k. 3 A large number of local aristocrats supported Caesar; 4 and some will have remained loyal to the Caesarian party. Certa

us, fresh from the Cappadocian charmer Glaphyra,4 succumbed with good will but did not surrender. The Queen, who was able to

>214 1 Appian, BC 5, 4, 15 ff. 2 Plutarch, Antonius 25. 3 It will not be necessary to repeat Plutarch’s dramatic an

n, however, the Caesarian legions bent the Caesarian leaders to their will and saved the lives of Roman citizens. They refus

he legend ‘Q. Salvius imp. cos. desig. ’ (BMC, R. Rep. 11, 407 f.) It will not be necessary to add that we possess only the

ative people dwelling in the hinterland of Dyrrhachium. 1 The Dardani will also have felt the force of the Roman arms Antoni

the course of the following year they were modified and completed. It will be convenient to mention later in one place the t

is daughter was to marry Polemo, King of Pontus. PageBook=>263 will . Regard for Hellenic sentiments would reinforce p

amnesty from Caesar the Dictator. Of the company of the assassins in will and sympathy, if not in the deed, he fought at Ph

nce that Octavianus so urgently required. They told him that the last will and testament of Antonius reposed in the custody

portune that forgery might be suspected, though the provisions of the will do not perhaps utterly pass belief. 1 Octavianus

erided the revelations of the renegade Plancus. 2 None the less the will was held genuine, and did not fail in its working

ncus. 3 If Dio is to be believed (50, 4, 2). The publication of the will is not given so much importance and effect by Plu

hence came Cornelius Gallus and the ancestors of Cn. Julius Agricola, will have displayed no hesitation. The native populati

s cos. suff. in 30 B.C. PageBook=>307 meaning of this ‘reform’ will emerge later. Octavianus himself assumed the ti

not all of them surely: the scope and force of this act of indemnity will have depended upon the will and convenience of th

scope and force of this act of indemnity will have depended upon the will and convenience of the government. How far was

the coniuratio of 32 B.C., when an extraordinary manifestation of the will of the people delegated its sovranty, passing bey

l validity of the inferences thence derived is another question. It will be doubted whether Augustus, his counsellors or h

ases, and even of ideas, that were current in the previous generation will neither evoke surprise nor reveal to a modern inq

es were direct appointments of Augustus, responsible to him alone. It will be conjectured that the Senate’s choice of govern

ned their doom by its publica auctoritas. 1 The truth of the matter will never be known: it was known to few enough at the

of the Liberators. 3 The choice of Sestius, like the choice of Piso, will attest, not the free working of Republican instit

. When Augustus recovered, he offered to read out the articles of his will in order to allay suspicion. 3 The Senate refused

tion provoked their resistance. The freedman Isidorus declared in his will that he suffered severe financial losses during t

ius 2, 2; ILS 1335 (Magius). The dedication made by the Tarraconenses will support the conjecture that Magius had been a pro

refore Scapula’s prefecture of Egypt (Riv. di fil. lxv (1937), 337) will fall after 2 B.C. The command over the Vigiles wa

ne sentiment. But Cicero spoke for the existing order even had he the will , he lacked the power to secure admission to the S

rone and found a dynasty of Spanish and Narbonensian rulers. Augustus will hardly have desired or sought to stem their stead

ing of history. 3 The difference between the policy of the two rulers will be explained in large measure by circumstances by

minate candidates that would have been invidious and superfluous. His will prevailed, in virtue of auctoritas. 3 In the fi

19 B.C. he was replaced by M. Vinicius, another of the marshals. Nor will it be forgotten that Taurus was there all the tim

ius Capito won promotion as a politician more than as a lawyer. 5 Nor will the orator Q. Haterius have shown any alarming in

in an oligarchical society, it is evident that sacerdotal preferment will be conferred, not upon the pious and learned, but

cian Ser. Sulpicius Galba were handsomely rewarded by legacies in her will . 1 Much worse than that was suspected and rumoure

nistic rule of the Princeps; and special commands could be created at will , to face an emergency or to promote a partisan.

inty cannot be attained, or even precision in detail. But this dating will fit the military situation and the condition of t

anagement of the Empire demanded expert counsel and many advisers. It will not be imagined that there was any permanent body

143 ff. 8 The freedman Polybius, who wrote out a part of Augustus’ will (Suetonius, Divus Aug. 101, 1) is perhaps the per

the Senate should confer the name of Augustus upon Caesar’s heir. It will be inferred that the motion was inspired in every

s absent on provincial commands, men like Lollius, Quirinius and Piso will have had something to say. NotesPage=>412

a. Tiberius had few kinsmen. Yet the excellent L. Volusius Saturninus will not have forgotten altogether that his father had

urned to power, no testimony exists. 2 In his own order and class, it will be presumed, no lack of open joy and welcome, to

nd Pompeian antecedents. Like the departure, the return of Tiberius will have changed the army commands. Most of the gen

vino madentem. ’ PageBook=>437 They never let out a secret. It will be recalled that Seius Strabo had a wife from one

d. On April 3rd of the previous year Augustus had drawn up his last will and testament. 4 About the same time, it may be i

entic religious sentiment here than has sometimes been believed. 4 It will suffice to observe that Augustus for his part str

cipia, had mostly been born, or had lived, on country estates; and it will be recalled that such apparently sophisticated ty

3 1 Odes 2, 15, 10 ff. 2 Dio 56, 10, 3. PageBook=>454 That will not suffice to prove that the Princeps was merely

y and advancement. The moralist or the student of Italic nomenclature will observe with mixed feelings the disreputable cond

e same accepted terminology and standards. Beside provincial paragons will be set the figure of the earliest Narbonensian se

tus of the recruit often defies but cannot always evade detection: it will seldom have been high. Indeed, natives from the r

k courage to assail openly the leading men in the State; and Augustus will have preferred to condone the vices or the rapaci

storical criticism. To turn from the scandalous to the ridiculous, it will be observed that the Princeps was by no means as

ot above reproach. With all allowance made for hostile propaganda, it will have to be conceded, at the very least, that his

of Antonius in which he had participated; 2 the disasters of Antonius will not have been underestimated. Even Agrippa took u

nteresting document have not been preserved. Of the style at least he will have approved, if it recalled the unpretentious s

a historian. Both writers had practical experience of affairs; and it will be a fair inference that Pollio, the eminent cons

orum civilium’. 4 Yet, on a cool estimate, Pollio as well as Messalla will be reckoned among the profiteers of the Revolutio

their final form were composed early in A.D. 13, along with the last will and testament, to be edited and published by Tibe

his great merits and for reasons of high politics. None the less, it will not help to describe the Res Gestae as the title-