ndividual. Even so, the subject almost baffles exposition. The reader
who
is repelled by a close concatenation of proper na
t is not necessary to praise political success or to idealize the men
who
win wealth and honours through civil war. The h
emies and even the memory of his earlier days, Augustus the Princeps,
who
was born in the year of Cicero’s consulate, lived
nerous in oblivion, regards with indulgence both the political orator
who
fomented civil war to save the Republic and the m
o fomented civil war to save the Republic and the military adventurer
who
betrayed and proscribed his ally. The reason for
assus was in the habit of observing that nobody should be called rich
who
was not able to maintain an army on his income. 2
. The financiers were strong enough to ruin any politician or general
who
sought to secure fair treatment for provincials o
ts of reform or of personal ambition became a mark of the politicians
who
arrogated to themselves the name of populares oft
nister and fraudulent, no better than their rivals, the men in power,
who
naturally invoked the specious and venerable auth
beian nobility in the Marian faction were the Junii and the Domitii,6
who
became firm supporters of the new order. 6 Note
re important by far is that enigmatic faction soon to be led by a man
who
never became consul. Its origins lie at the very
. The youngest Clodia was the wife of L. Licinius Lucullus (cos. 74),
who
divorced her, making shocking allegations (Plutar
uth of the river Danube. A little apart stands M. Licinius Crassus,
who
commanded NotesPage=>021 1 See, above all,
4 L. Licinius Lucullus (cos. 74) and his brother Marcus (cos. 73),
who
was adopted by a M. Terentius Varro, cf. P-W XIII
evious paths and finally to dangerous elevations. Such were the men
who
directed in war and peace the government after Su
the consulate in his turn. 2 His aunt was the wife of Marius. Caesar,
who
took Cinna’s daughter in marriage, defied Sulla w
t sought to avert the penalty of death. It was the excellent consul
who
carried out the sentence of the NotesPage=>0
er Aemilii nor Claudii were quite to be trusted. The elusive Crassus,
who
had supported Catilina as far as his candidature
was aimed at the People’s general. 2 Among the ambitious politicians
who
had publicly spoken for the Lex Manilia were Cice
7, 3; Pliny, NH 9, 171. 2 For example, M. Atius Balbus from Aricia,
who
married Caesar’s sister Julia (Suetonius, Divus A
us (Varro, RR 2, 1, 2), the leading authority on goats (ib. 2, 3, 1),
who
had been a legate of Pompeius in the war against
Italy, and thereby put a double-edged weapon in the hand of Crassus,
who
disliked them both. 4 Nor was Pompeius’ consul ef
military man L. Afranius. The other place was won by Metellus Celer,
who
, to get support from Pompeius, stifled for the mo
comfort in political defeat. 4 Cato went too far. When the knights
who
farmed the taxes of Asia requested a rebate from
other than Brutus, adopted by his maternal uncle Q. Servilius Caepio (
who
died in 67 B.C.) and bearing, as his official nam
. Crassus, was married by now to Cornelia, daughter of that P. Scipio
who
, adopted by Metellus Pius, became Q. Metellus Sci
vourite of the Optimates, T. Annius Milo, a brutal and vicious person
who
had married Fausta, the dissolute daughter of Sul
lic peace, especially Milo, to the dismay and grief of the Optimates,
who
strove in vain to save him. 7 Measures were passe
is support, when consul and proconsul, of the domination of Pompeius,
who
now, for supreme power, seemed likely to throw ov
ion. 3 More spectacular the eclipse of the plebeian Claudii Marcelli,
who
emulated the Scipiones in their great age: obscur
essitudinibus habuisse potiora. ’ 2 Namely Metellus Pius (cos. 80),
who
died in 64, Creticus (69) c. 54, L. Metellus(68)
. 54. 3 L. Cornelius Scipio Asiagenus (cos. 83), a Marian partisan,
who
was proscribed and escaped to Massilia, where he
was his only defence against the party that had attacked a proconsul
who
was fighting the wars of the Republic in the East
led the earlier career and inordinate ambition of the Sullan partisan
who
had first NotesPage=>050 1 Suetonius, Divu
that secret enemies would soon direct that deadly weapon against one
who
had used it with such dexterity in the past and w
eapon against one who had used it with such dexterity in the past and
who
more recently claimed to be asserting the rights
disappointed the rapacity or the idealism of certain of his partisans
who
had hoped for an assault upon the moneyed classes
Civil War. 1 Not everybody was as outspoken or as radical as Caelius,
who
passed from words to deeds and perished in an arm
exploited in two ways. The avenging of Caesar fell to his adopted son
who
assumed the title of Divi filius as consecration
e to time to enhance the contrast between the unscrupulous adventurer
who
destroyed the Free NotesPage=>053 1 Ad fam
PageBook=>054 State in his ambition and the modest magistrate
who
restored the Republic. In its treatment of Caesar
56 1 His imperious and arrogant temper was noted by contemporaries,
who
recalled his behaviour towards certain of the pri
and aloof, seemed to embody that ideal of character, admired by those
who
did not care to imitate. His was not a simple per
is own disloyalty: he composed a pamphlet in honour of the Republican
who
died true to his principles and to his class. The
with Servilia, public and notorious. Above all, to Brutus as to Cato,
who
stood by the ancient ideals, it seemed that Caesa
gt;059 Brutus and his allies might invoke philosophy or an ancestor
who
had liberated Rome from the Tarquinii, the first
RA, 257 ff. Ch. V THE CAESARIAN PARTY PageBook=>061 CAESAR,
who
took his stand on honour and prestige, asserted t
hip might be invoked in excuse. Hence one of the Marcelli, the consul
who
had placed a sword in the hand of Pompeius, mindf
Pompeians; likewise L. Marcius Philippus, the prudent son of a father
who
had passed unscathed through the faction-wars of
unscathed through the faction-wars of Marius and Sulla. 3 A consular
who
could stand neutral without the imputation of lac
ith Ap. Pulcher. 4 Both were spirited and eloquent, especially Curio,
who
had already, despite his youth, won rank by vigou
ors chose Caesar, but young nobiles at that, kinsmen of the consulars
who
supported Pompeius and of Cato’s partisans. 2 C
ly thirty years before. The memory of Sulla was loathed even by those
who
stood by the order he had established. Pompeius’
coup d’état, Pompeius had only one censor on his side, Ap. Claudius,
who
strove to expel Curio from the Senate. His collea
Caesarian C. Sallustius Crispus, a young man from the Sabine country
who
had plunged into politics, a tribune conspicuous
ere revived and strengthened in the generation of Caesar by Servilia,
who
worked steadily to restore the dignity and power
nce person and family. The NotesPage=>069 1 Q. Fabius Maximus,
who
died in his consulate (45 B.C.). 2 Cicero would
d enlightened Postumus lent large sums of money to the King of Egypt,
who
, unable to repay his benefactor in hard cash, did
s as it was soon to be called), there was a chieftain of the Vocontii
who
had led the cavalry of his tribe for Pompeius aga
so have inherited the Spanish connexion of his old associate Crassus,
who
had once raised a private army in the Peninsula.
iumph of the young Pompeius. But in Africa the adventurer P. Sittius,
who
had built up a kingdom for himself, was mindful o
ther was called Cn. Cornelius (ILS 8995), and may be a Gallic notable
who
got the citizenship from a Cn. Cornelius Lentulus
77 and estates were characters as diverse as Servilia and P. Sulla1
who
had acquired an evil name for his acquisitions th
ship found him building, a sign of opulence and display. 2 Senators
who
had been adherents of the proconsul, distinguishe
f freed slaves, less raw and alien perhaps than some of the intruders
who
derived from remote and backward parts of Italy t
eius 2, 51, 3. Balbus was quaestor in Hispania Ulterior under Pollio,
who
reports, among other enormities, that he had a Ro
Antonius and the obscure M. Cispius, a man of character and principle
who
had been condemned on a charge of corruption. 3 C
he brothers Caepasii, ‘ignoti homines et repentini small-town orators
who
became quaestors (Cicero, Brutus 242), C. Billien
e quaestors (Cicero, Brutus 242), C. Billienus, ‘homo per se magnus’,
who
was nearly elected consul c. 105–100 (ib. 175), L
k=>082 relegated by the consul Gabinius, and the great Rabirius,
who
inherited the generous virtues and unimpaired for
thers carried his lineage back to Attius Tullus, a king of the Volsci
who
had fought against Rome. 3 Yet there was no lac
ly indicates the village of origin of the Claudii. 5 For a Claudius
who
‘Italiam per clientelas occupare temptavit’ (prob
they did their best, producing that Brutus, himself of Tarquin blood,
who
expelled the tyrants and became the first consul
ruscan. 7 NotesPage=>085 1 Pliny, NH 7, 136 (a Tusculan consul
who
deserted and became consul at Rome in the same ye
). The origin of the Caecilii Metelli is not known. Caeculus, the god
who
founded Praeneste, is said to have been their anc
up hope. An amnesty in the form of an offer of the citizenship to any
who
laid down their arms within sixty days may have w
aecenas from Arretium is named among the strong and steadfast knights
who
offered public opposition to M. Livius Drusus; 4
ition to M. Livius Drusus; 4 and L. Visidius was one of the partisans
who
watched over the life of Cicero when Catilina, th
of the centurions in Bell. Afr. 54, 5. PageBook=>090 proconsul
who
, like him, had crushed the Gauls, the traditional
ius or to Balbus he did not gratify the expectations of Rabirius; and
who
at this time had ever heard of Salvidienus Rufus,
evade detection, certain of the marshals, adherents of long standing
who
had fought in Gaul, conspired to assassinate thei
the Capitol. Their coup had been countered by the Caesarian leaders,
who
, in negotiation with them, adopted a firm and eve
e of the debate, at once thwarting the proposal of Ti. Claudius Nero,
who
demanded special honours for the tyrannicides. Ye
among the authors of disorder was a certain Herophilus (or Amatius),
who
sought to pass himself off as a grandson of C. Ma
edy: for the rest, the aged, the timid and the untrustworthy. Cicero,
who
had lent his eloquence to all political causes in
onths of Caesar’s life, artfully fomented by his enemies; and Caesar,
who
had taken up arms in defence of the rights of the
valrous soldier was no match in statecraft for the astute politicians
who
undermined his predominance, stole his partisans,
ry Petronius, an excellent proconsul of Bithynia (Ann. 16, 18), Otho,
who
governed Lusitania with integrity (ib. 13, 46) an
cum virtutibus’. PageBook=>106 secured for Brutus and Cassius (
who
were praetors) a dispensation to remain away from
sonably secure. At home the one menace was assassination. Republicans
who
cursed the melancholy incompleteness of the glori
n the consular marshals evaded undue prominence, Fufius and Caninius,
who
had been legates of Caesar in Gaul and elsewhere,
n legates of Caesar in Gaul and elsewhere, and Cn. Domitius Calvinus,
who
had fought in Thessaly, Pontus and Africa. There
e with an escort of veterans, much to the disquiet of the Liberators,
who
wrote to him in vain protestation. 2 Hirtius too
Brutus and Cassius were there, also the faithful Favonius and Cicero,
who
was mercilessly snubbed by Servilia when he embar
g of the Senate announced for August 1st; it may also have been known
who
was to take the lead, namely the respected consul
o ĸαί тἀ тῆς δυνασт∊ίας ἔ⍴γα έγίγν∊тo. The motives of the politicians
who
supported Octavianus are thus reproduced: έ⌽ίλoυν
ived at Rome. Servilia promised to pass on her information to Cicero,
who
was jubilant ‘videtur enim res publica ius suum r
In haste Antonius proposed a vote complimentary to his ally Lepidus (
who
had brought Sex. Pompeius to terms) and carried t
tionary in origin, attracting all the enemies of society old soldiers
who
had dissipated gratuities and farms, fraudulent f
nvestors, among them some of the wealthiest bankers of Rome. Atticus,
who
refused to finance the war-chest of the Liberator
and bandits, sinister, fraudulent and murderous Domitius the Apulian
who
poisoned his nephew, Annius Cimber, freedman’s so
Plancus Bursa the incendiary, the histrionic Caesennius Lento, Nucula
who
had written pantomimes, the Spaniard Decidius Sax
manded the legio Martia for Octavianus at Mutina (Ad fam. 10, 33, 4):
who
impelled the legion to desert Antonius is not rec
ong his generals and they are not an impressive company. 1 Senators
who
had come safely through civil war or who owed ran
essive company. 1 Senators who had come safely through civil war or
who
owed rank and fortune to one revolution were not
mpathy, if not support, from some of the more respectable Caesarians,
who
were alienated by the pretensions of Antonius, al
le Cicero stood out as the head and front of the group of politicians
who
intended to employ the Caesarian adventurer to de
verse and unjust to rail and carp at an aspirant to political honours
who
, after espousing various popular causes and suppo
was intimidated by the bloodthirsty threats of the absent Pompeians,
who
would deal with neutrals as with enemies. Spain m
till not beyond hope: to save it, what better champion than a patriot
who
boasted never to have been a party politician? As
not Antonius only, but the neutrals. Cicero was not the only consular
who
professed to be defending the highest good of the
nce of Cicero could not prevail over the doubts and misgivings of men
who
knew his character and NotesPage=>146 1 BC
o him no harm. 9 Nor was it Caesar’s enemies but his beloved soldiery
who
devised the appropriate songs of licence at Caesa
e: but it might be hard to resist the deceitful assertions of a party
who
claimed to be the champions of liberty and the la
emity of civil war. Among Caesar’s allies Pollio was not the only one
who
followed the friend but cursed the cause. The con
si posset aliqua ratione perduci ad sanitatem. ’ PageBook=>159
who
led them: salutary compulsion from the army would
d of all the wars the victor proclaimed that he had killed no citizen
who
had asked for mercy:1 his clemency was published
perhaps he indulged in mild parody of that smooth exemplar. Plancus,
who
had served as Caesar’s legate in the Gallic and i
ches and letters protesting love of peace and loyalty to the Republic
who
did not? But Plancus, it is clear, was coolly wai
cos. suff. 45) and the two consuls of 53, M. Valerius Messalla Rufus,
who
lived on obscure and unrecorded (he was augur for
ate had granted before now imperiutm and the charge of a war to a man
who
had held no public office. But there were limits.
urther, a distinguished knight and an excellent patriot, L. Visidius,
who
had watched over Cicero’s safety during his consu
rst or second day of February the envoys returned, lacking Sulpicius,
who
had perished on the arduous journey, and announci
forced to disown their compromising ally. It was Calenus and no other
who
proposed a motion declaring Dolabella a public en
ally fought at Mutina (Ad fam. 10, 30, 1). It was Q. Terentius Culleo
who
joined Antonius instead of opposing his invasion
lack of principle. They had no quarrel with Antonius; it was not they
who
had built up a novel and aggressive faction, mobi
careerist, but the Stoic Favonius, the friend of Cato and of Brutus,
who
pronounced civil war to be the worst of evils, wo
ped to the West. Men blamed the slowness and indecision of D. Brutus;
who
, for his part, advocated the summoning of Marcus
ir faces the relatives of Caesar (presumably Philippus and Marcellus)
who
appeared to be supporting the ambition of Octavia
utus refused to concur in the hounding down of the family of Lepidus,
who
had married his own half-sister. Family ties had
my friends’, the young man observed. 1 But even now there were some
who
did not lose hope. In the evening came a rumour t
ul along with Q. Pedius, an obscure relative of unimpeachable repute,
who
did not survive the honour by many months. The ne
. Canidius Crassus and Rufrenus were fervent Antonians; 1 M. Silanus,
who
had carried his messages to Antonius, soon fell a
the private rights of citizenship no disproportionate revenge for men
who
had been declared public enemies. Rome shivered
iumvirate according to the Pact of Bononia. There were many men alive
who
remembered Sulla. Often enough before now proscri
estates were no doubt invented or enhanced by many astute individuals
who
owed security, if not enrichment, to the Caesaria
4 On this, cf. especially M. A. Levi, Ottaviano Capoparte 1, 229 ff.
who
perhaps emphasizes too much the impersonal charac
n a famous lawsuit. 7 Namely L. Quinctius, of unascertained origin,
who
perished at sea (Appian, BC 4, 27, 114). 8 Pro
ilies, such as the Aelii Lamiae from Formiae or the Vinicii of Cales,
who
are not known to have been proscribed, either enj
peius, noted for his fish-ponds. 4 Statius, the octogenarian Samnite,
who
survived the Bellum Italicum and became a Roman s
a Roman senator, now perished for his wealth; 5 so did M. Fidustius,
who
had been proscribed by Sulla, and the notorious C
r to the Liberators, curtailed their own survival. 4 Few men indeed
who
already belonged to the Senate before the outbrea
. XIII, part 1); and perhaps Q. Marcius Crispus, if he be the Marcius
who
also was cos. suff. in that year. Nothing is know
ninius Gallus, T. Peducaeus, M. Herennius the Picene and L. Vinicius,
who
have left no record of service to the rulers of R
m the ancient colony of Norba, P-W xvii, 926. Canidius may be the man
who
was with Cato in Cyprus in 57 B.C. (Plutarch, Cat
ius is unknown: but observe the Roman knight from Picenum, Q. Sosius,
who
attempted to set fire to the public archives (Cic
f action. From the beginning, the faction of Octavianus invited those
who
had nothing to lose from war and adventure, among
e across the Adriatic under C. Norbanus Flaccus and L. Decidius Saxa,
who
marched along the Via Egnatia across Macedonia, p
there was delay. Octavianus turned aside to deal with Sex. Pompeius,
who
by now had won possession of all Sicily, sending
k swept over the Caesarian lines and captured the camp of Octavianus,
who
was not there. A certain mystery envelops his mov
Ionian Sea intercepted and destroyed the fleet of Domitius Calvinus,
who
was conveying two legions to Dyrrhachium. 3 It wa
nothing but a contest of despots over the corpse of liberty. The men
who
fell at Philippi fought for a principle, a tradit
t no help. He was actively hindered by the other consul, L. Antonius,
who
, aided by the faithful and imperious Fulvia, the
his confidential agent, Caecina of Volaterrae, and L. Cocceius Nerva,
who
was a personal friend of Antonius, on an urgent m
in the hope of effecting a junction with the generals of his brother
who
held all the Gallic provinces. Octavianus, with
tion was precarious. He had already recalled his marshal Salvidienus,
who
was marching to Spain with six legions to take ch
ears, been carried out, perhaps owing to the recalcitrance of Pollio,
who
had adopted an ambiguous and threatening attitude
ing north-eastwards with Agrippa, he confronted Pollio and Ventidius,
who
, undecided and at variance, refused battle and re
. 3 Further, he composed poems of traditional obscenity about Pollio,
who
evaded the challenge with a pointed sneer at the
The remainder were put to death among them Ti. Cannutius, the tribune
who
had presented Caesar’s heir before the people whe
Perusia, with the exception, it is said, of one man, an astute person
who
in Rome had secured for himself a seat upon the j
d resource in a confused war against T. Sextius, the former governor,
who
had remained in the province, was at last overcom
icily and gave pledge of his sentiments by taking to wife Scribonia,4
who
was the sister of that Libo whose daughter Sex. P
Glaphyra,4 succumbed with good will but did not surrender. The Queen,
who
was able to demonstrate her loyalty to the Caesar
BC 5, 52, 217): they brought with them Julia, the mother of Antonius,
who
had fled to Sicily. Ti. Claudius Nero and his wif
antiquity with confidence instal a younger son of Pollio, Saloninus,
who
duly smiled at birth and conveniently perished al
n their new alliance, Antonius revealed the treachery of Salvidienus;
who
was arraigned for high treason before the Senate
essalla, Bibulus and others transferred their allegiance to Antonius,
who
, though a Caesarian, was one of themselves, a sol
istocrats would have disdained to associate with the young adventurer
who
had made his way by treachery and who, by the vir
ciate with the young adventurer who had made his way by treachery and
who
, by the virtue of the name of Caesar, won the sup
d by Pacorus, the King’s son, and by the renegade Roman, Q. Labienus,
who
styled himself Tarthicus imperator’,4 the horseme
tulation of Samosata. Ventidius departed, and in November the Picene,
who
had been led a captive by Pompeius Strabo fifty-o
already being hampered by the claims and acts of his young colleague,
who
, as in his revolutionary début, had everything to
help of Antonius, sending Maecenas on a mission to Greece. Antonius,
who
wished to have his hands free of western entangle
y had been driven or duped. Ahenobarbus kept away from Sex. Pompeius,
who
gave guarantee neither of victory nor even of per
r Saturninus is the Sentius Saturninus Vetulo, one of the proscribed,
who
, along with Libo conducted Julia, the mother of A
his son, C. Sentius Saturninus (cos. 19 B.C.), a better-known person (
who
is clearly referred to by Velleius, 2, 77, 3). Th
he tribune Livius Drusus),2 she married a kinsman, Ti. Claudius Nero,
who
had fought for Caesar against Pompeius, for L. An
of the year. 5 One of the suffect consuls was L. Marcius Philippus,
who
had probably followed the discreet and ambiguous
he moment Antonius was loyal to the Caesarian alliance; but Antonius,
who
came to Brundisium but departed again without a c
egions in Messana, offered to surrender. Lepidus, overriding Agrippa,
who
was present, accepted the capitulation in his own
cribed Marian consul, be accorded this rank: Norbanus was the general
who
along with Saxa opened the operations against the
fell at Mutina for the Republic or for Octavianus. 3 Sex. Peducaeus,
who
had served under Caesar in the Civil Wars, was on
for the first time among his generals or active associates seven men
who
had held or were very soon to hold the consulate,
isan of Antonius. 5 L. Cornificius (cos. 35) was the astute careerist
who
undertook to prosecute the absent Brutus under
Lepidus went with Caesar’s heir from hatred of his triumviral uncle (
who
had proscribed his father) or from a motive of
S 925), in which latter function he was probably succeeded by Taurus,
who
was also augur (ILS 893a). Taurus held ‘complura
mage, and literature meant more to him than war and politics; Sosius (
who
triumphed in 34) constructed a temple to Apollo;
and from Cicero alike. The young men of promise, C. Licinius Calvus,
who
stood in the forefront of political speakers, and
ommend itself to mystical inclinations. How far Atticus and Balbus,
who
still lived on without public signs of their exis
time of Sulla come again; in a larger sphere, the epoch of the kings
who
inherited the empire of Alexander. To discern whi
it of the least pretentious of contemporary writers, Cornelius Nepos,
who
compiled brief historical biographies designed fo
d a school of Roman poets had disappeared almost to a man. Lucretius,
who
turned into epic verse the precepts of Epicurus,
alerius Cato, the instructor of young poets, nor M. Furius Bibaculus,
who
wrote epigrams, elegies and an epic, were probabl
apidly. Young Propertius came too late. The consular Pollio, however,
who
had ties with the new poets, survived to write ve
he north after Philippi; and Pollio is the earliest patron of Virgil,
who
was the son of an owner of property from the town
cus was the son of a wealthy freedman from Venusia, a city of Apulia,
who
believed in the value of education and was willin
s still to be found in the higher ranks of the Senate a number of men
who
had come to maturity in years when Rome yet displ
cia, had disappeared, mainly for the benefit of Amyntas the Galatian,
who
received a vast domain, embracing Galatia, Pisidi
aesar and won a kingdom for his reward; 2 and Antipater the Idumaean,
who
had lent help to Gabinius and to Caesar, governed
enobarbus had been governor of Bithynia since the Pact of Brundisium:
who
was his successor in that province, and who held
e the Pact of Brundisium: who was his successor in that province, and
who
held Macedonia with the command of Antonius’ Balk
r and a legate of Plancus in Gaul. 5 Other diplomats were Q. Dellius,
who
deserted Dola-bella and Cassius in turn, and the
us in turn, and the elegant C. Fonteius Capito, a friend of Antonius,
who
journeyed from Rome to the conference of Tarentum
ntonius had trained Sosius, the conqueror of Jerusalem, and Canidius,
who
had marched on Pompeius’ path to the Caucasus. 7
ng the Antonians were M. Licinius Crassus, M. Octavius and a Metellus
who
defies close identification. 6 The total of nob
sar true son of the Dictator and ruler in conjunction with Cleopatra,
who
was to be ‘Queen of Kings’ over the eastern depen
e abode there as consort of Egypt’s Queen, the father of her children
who
were crowned kings and queens, his dual role as R
rent, not only to Antonius, but to other contemporaries for Antonius,
who
, more honest, still employed the name, again offe
38). CN. Pompeius was the son of Q. Pompeius rufus (tr. pl. 52 B.C.),
who
was the offspring of the marriage between the son
arty of Antonius should be Roman, not regal. Not so Munatius Plancus,
who
set himself to win the favour of Cleopatra, prono
s hated the Queen and was averse from war. Yet it was not Ahenobarbus
who
ran away, but Plancus. Accompanied by his nephew
dynast. Such at least was the plea and profession. The local gentry,
who
controlled the policy of the towns, could create
riends and partisans. It would be a brave man, or a very foolish one,
who
asserted the cause of liberty anywhere in the vic
the East, was in himself no menace to the Empire, but a future ruler
who
could hope to hold it together. But Antonius vict
probably received some kind of assurance. PageBook=>291 Those
who
were not deceived by the artifices of Octavianus
2 The author was a son of the relegated Lepidus: his wife, Servilia,
who
had once been betrothed to Octavianus, bravely fo
: he even claimed that after his victory he spared all Roman citizens
who
asked to be spared. 4 dementia became one of his
ing given in marriage to Juba, the prince of the Numidian royal stock
who
became King of Mauretania. Such was the fate of
to her stability than did any foreign enemy. After Actium, the victor
who
had seduced in turn the armies of all his adversa
ind him. Treachery destroys both the credit and the confidence of any
who
deal in that commodity. No ruler could have faith
ceded since Actium to other proconsuls, and to one commander at least
who
was perhaps not a proconsul and was certainly not
and ambitious, succumbed to imprudence or the calumny of his enemies,
who
no doubt were numerous. Octavianus disowned him,
e son of Octavianus’ half-sister, followed Taurus in Spain. Messalla,
who
triumphed from Gaul on September 25th, 27 B.C., w
ty. Crassus was a noble, from a great house, the grandson of a dynast
who
had taken rank with Pompeius and Caesar; in milit
d Caesar; in military glory he was a sudden rival to the new Romulus,
who
tried to engross and concentrate on his own perso
ity of the State, that was due to the ruinous ambition of politicians
who
sought power illegally and held it for glory and
elucidated by Premerstein (Vom Werden und Wesen des Prinzipats, 227),
who
demonstrates that after 27 B.C. the consulate was
equired was not the ambitious and perfidious dynast but that Pompeius
who
had fallen as Caesar’s enemy, as a champion of th
ostly and sanctified Cato were not the only victims of the Civil Wars
who
could be called up and enlisted in the service of
great patriot. ’2 But any official cult of Cicero was an irony to men
who
recalled in their own experience—it was not long
ance. Well might he say, when asked his verdict on Cato, that anybody
who
does not wish the present dispensation to be alte
tatus auctor’. 2 He called it the Optimus status’ himself: the writer
who
has transmitted these unexceptionable observation
to, however, was not merely ‘ferox’ but ‘atrox’. 4 His nephew Brutus,
who
proclaimed a firm determination to fight to the e
Names might change: Augustus was none the less a revolutionary leader
who
won supreme power through civil war. All that he
they are praetorian in a majority. That was to be expected. Consulars
who
had governed vast provinces as proconsuls, who ha
be expected. Consulars who had governed vast provinces as proconsuls,
who
had fought wars under their own auspices and had
pe of a triumph. 3 The wars of Augustus were waged in the main by men
who
reached the consulate under the new order. The
5 B.C. (PIR2, A 71); L. Sempronius Atratinus and L. Cornelius Balbus,
who
triumphed in 21 and 19 B.C. respectively (CIL 12,
ountaineers rose again and again. In Ulterior the brutal P. Carisius,
who
continued in command, was a match for them. 6 P
ostensibly prophetic, in an Ode addressed to Licinius (2, 10, 9 ff.)
who
is probably Murena. 3 Dio 53, 24, 2. 4 Ib. 54
cius; and a new generation of nobiles was growing up, the sons of men
who
had fallen in the last struggle of the Republic,
lius Gallus and P. Petronius, were dim figures compared with the poet
who
had commanded armies in the wars of the Revolutio
lf in the island of Lesbos, a pleasant resort and well chosen for one
who
wished to keep watch over the Balkans as well as
eader and political successor of Caesar the Dictator, and Octavianus,
who
was his heir in name and blood. The sentiments
oman loathed the effeminate and sinister descendant of Etruscan kings
who
flaunted in public the luxury and the vices in wh
biguous charms of the actor Bathyllus; 1 he despised the vile epicure
who
sought to introduce a novel delicacy to the banqu
itas beyond all others, he could invite to a share in his rule allies
who
would not be rivals. It was hardly to be expect
.C Some made quick repentance, joining the company of those renegades
who
rose to high office, Crassus, Titius and M. Juniu
eritate lectus. ’ 3 C. Sosius was among the XVviri sacris faciundis
who
supervised the celebration of the Secular Games i
now revivified the economy of Italy. The speculators and the bankers
who
supported with their funds, willing or constraine
uestrian order, that is to say, for knights (including senators’ sons
who
had not yet held the quaestorship). Ex-centurions
n, had a son of equestrian rank, T. Flavius Sabinus the tax gatherer,
who
was the father of a Roman Emperor. 3 By the time
his type. Note also P. Considius (BG 1, 21, 3), a centurion or knight
who
had served in the armies of Sulla and of Crassus.
d before he devoted himself to the study of rhetoric. Pompeius Macer,
who
was the son of the Mytilenean historian, was proc
aef. | fabr. II, pro leg. II.’ Cf. also ILS 2707, the inscr. of a man
who
was ‘trib. mil. leg. x geminae | in Hispania anni
ht of giving his daughter Julia in marriage to the knight Proculeius,
who
was commended by a blameless character and a heal
ith a name of this type is Sex. Vitulasius Nepos, cos. suff. A.D. 78,
who
probably comes from the land of the vestini (ILS
d Valgius) there are in all the years 15 B.C. A.D. 3 very few consuls
who
are not of consular families. The mere six novi h
ius Lamia (cos. A.D. 3) was highly respectable, the grandson of a man
who
had been ‘equestris ordinis princeps’. Nothing de
ly by such as take the rule of the People as their ideal. The Romans,
who
distrusted democracy, were able to thwart the exe
: ‘manent posteri eorum. ’ 2 Junius Gallio, a speaker of some note,
who
adopted one of the three sons of Seneca the Elder
k upon his earlier supporters the plebs, the veterans and the knights
who
had won the War of Actium. In the crisis of 23 B.
e brutal among the grosser anomalies, men designated to the consulate
who
had never been senators, such as Balbus the Elder
the Fasti of the years following are to be discovered the aristocrats
who
rallied to the Principate, receiving the consulat
le might be a mere form, but it could not be abolished by a statesman
who
claimed to have restored the Free State. That was
thy which was held to be right and proper, a debt repaid to ancestors
who
had deserved well of the Roman People. 6 Yet ther
that conferred the consulate upon C. Valgius Rufus, an erudite person
who
wrote poems and composed a treatise on the scienc
m mentiri clarorum imagines erat aliquis virtutum amor. ’ 4 Nobiles
who
miss the consulate are, for example, Cornelius Su
rn. To receive Julia, Tiberius was compelled to divorce his Vipsania,
who
fell to Gallus, Pollio’s ambitious son. What wo
by her two marriages: from the first, C. Marcellus and two Marcellas,
who
soon became available for matrimonial alliances,
e Princeps had seized all the prerogatives of the nobility. The youth
who
had invested his patrimony for the good of the St
lege that celebrated the Secular Games; 5 and it was C. Ateius Capito
who
then interpreted the Sibylline oracle no doubt to
fore long the more important of his provinces were held by consulars,
who
are the principal ministers of state and therefor
Sallustius Crispus. The great minister also adopted his friend’s son,
who
became in time the husband of two princesses of t
Aelia Galla, the daughter, it may be presumed, of that Aelius Gallus
who
was the second Prefect of Egypt,6 and who was sub
umed, of that Aelius Gallus who was the second Prefect of Egypt,6 and
who
was subsequently to adopt the son of Seius Strabo
and in the East,1 found successors in the New State; and the freedmen
who
managed the private finances and political machin
ial rank for M. Salvius Otho, the consulate for M. Plautius Silvanus,
who
was the son of her intimate friend Urgulania. 4
t Narcissus that he owed the command of a legion. 3 The four emperors
who
followed Nero in the space of a single year were
consul, it is true; but the authority of Agrippa, Maecenas and Livia,
who
ruled Rome in secret, knew no name or definition
ous years. 3 So it was Tiberius, as legate of Illyricum, not Agrippa,
who
subdued the Pannonians and Dalmatians (12-9 B.C
nobiles can hardly be said to fare any better. 3 To the military men
who
served the dynasty and the State, Augustus and hi
rritories and armies of his provincia through his legati pro praetore
who
, for reasons various and cumulative, were almost
When Pompeius got for Caesar the Gallic command he gave him Labienus,
who
must have had previous experience. 2 Another Pomp
anish wars and against Mithridates. 3 He was one of the three legates
who
governed Spain for Pompeius. Of the others, the o
itary reasons: elderly novi homines were safe. Lollius and Quirinius,
who
won the consulate by ‘militaris industria’, subse
n of the political danger. But Agrippa departed in 13 B.C. M. Titius,
who
possessed a long experience of the East from his
f. 5 Dio 54, 34, 6, cf. Anth. Pal. 6, 241. 6 Orosius (6, 21, 22),
who
assigns to him an Alpine war, and Suetonius (De r
elogium from Tibur (ILS 918). This inscr. records the career of a man
who
was legate of Augustus in a province the name of
uleius (cos. 29 B.C.); 2 the next legate was L. Domitius Ahenobarbus,
who
marched across Germany from the Danube to the Elb
lorus 2, 28 f.; Tacitus, Ann. 4, 44), cf. now E. Groag, PIK2, C 1379,
who
demonstrates that he is the consul of 14 B.C., no
B.C.–A.D. 6. PageBook=>401 As for the Rhine, it is not certain
who
followed Tiberius in 6 B.C.1 Before long, however
arge of other roads radiating from Rome, fell to some of his generals
who
had recently celebrated triumphs both Messalla an
any years. They were Plancus and Paullus Aemilius Lepidus, colleagues
who
proved discordant with each other and perhaps rec
city of marble. 3 The observation was true in every sense. Augustus,
who
waived the name of Romulus, could justly claim to
lass of provincial magnates recall by their gentilicia the proconsuls
who
gave them the franchise; the newer Roman, however
ost ground. When life ebbed along with power, the descendant of kings
who
had led to battle the legions of Etruria surrende
soldier. Next in power and next in crime was C. Sallustius Crispus,
who
inherited the name, the wealth and the luxurious
nas had suppressed the conspiracy of young Lepidus: it was Sallustius
who
procured the removal of Agrippa Postumus. 1 Histo
ships of the imperial provinces. But it was a freedman called Licinus
who
assessed and exploited for Augustus the resources
. esp. T. Frank, JRS XXIII (1933), 143 ff. 8 The freedman Polybius,
who
wrote out a part of Augustus’ will (Suetonius, Di
f Augustus’ will (Suetonius, Divus Aug. 101, 1) is perhaps the person
who
turns up as a studiis and a libellis under Claudi
e matters Augustus required expert advisers. As time went on, knights
who
had served in the provinces as procurators became
g committee enabled the Princeps to keep in touch with the Senate but
who
decided the business to be brought before that co
ve played his part along with the diplomatic Plancus. It was Messalla
who
twenty-five years later introduced the decree of
ph. Ep. VIII, p. 317, probably of 21 B.C., mentions a Cn. Dom[itius],
who
can hardly be anybody else. On this, and on other
ate Calvinus’ colleague in the consulate, M. Valerius Messalla Rufus,
who
wrote on augury, may still have been alive. Messa
s averted by a veiled coup d’état on the part of certain military men
who
constrained Nerva to adopt and designate as his s
His career was ended, his life precarious. Of that, none could doubt
who
studied dynastic politics and the working of huma
n, M. Annaeus Lucanus from Corduba. Among the nobiles were magnates
who
stood close to Augustus in the inner circle of th
ight never return. On her own side of the family she lacked relatives
who
might be built up into a faction. 2 To be sure, t
onius, Galba 4, 1), was a distant relative. Likewise Livia Medullina,
who
died on her wedding day (Suetonius, Divus Claudiu
consular Marcellus is Aeserninus (22 B.C.), a person of no great note
who
had been a partisan of Caesar the Dictator. As fo
l connexions, such as that mild-mannered person P. Quinctilius Varus,
who
were not so deeply committed to the court faction
Pompeius; 1 and there were now descendants of Pompeius and Scribonia,
who
intermarried with certain Livii, kinsfolk of Tibe
btle and eloquent Ti. Sem-pronius Gracchus,4 an Ap. Claudius Pulcher,
who
may have been the son or grandson of the consul o
hand of Livia might have been suspected, bearing heavily on the Julii
who
supplanted her son. But no ancient testimony make
came to Samos with due submission to pay his respects to the kinsman
who
had supplanted him; he returned again to his retr
ed to studious neglect of the head of the Claudian house. 5 Tiberius,
who
honoured, if ever a Republican noble did, the sac
ate function of guiding C. Caesar succeeded P. Sulpicius Quirinius,
who
had paid assiduous court to the exile of Rhodes w
f Lanuvium was accorded a public funeral on the instance of Tiberius,
who
took occasion to remind the Senate of Quirinius’
139). 3 Above, p. 418, n. 2. Cf. E. Hohl, Klio xxx (1937), 337 ff.,
who
argues that the conspiracy of L. Aemilius Paullus
ng the power to the Claudii only. He was constrained to adopt a youth
who
perpetuated the descent of the municipal Octavii,
perhaps, and more solid achievement than is indicated by a historian
who
omits Ahenobarbus and is as cool about the servic
, were dead, others discredited, others displaced. Astute politicians
who
had not committed themselves too deeply were quic
history for his loyalty to Tiberius perhaps the son of that Lucilius
who
was the friend of Brutus and of Antonius. 1 Tiber
cessor, though only for a year, was L. Aelius Lamia, a lively old man
who
enjoyed high social distinction although the firs
a, with one legion, was governed by the proconsul L. Nonius Asprenas,
who
was succeeded in that office by L. Aelius Lamia.
ugust 19th, A.D. 14, the Princeps died at Nola in Campania. Tiberius,
who
had set out for Illyricum, was recalled by urgent
ged the personnel, but not the character, of government. The same men
who
had won the wars of the Revolution now controlled
d revolution, enamoured of ease after trouble, and the newly enriched
who
aped the extravagances of the aristocracy without
The Secular Games were therefore held in 17 B.C. Q. Horatius Flaccus,
who
composed the hymn, extolled, along with peace and
dom exemplars of the domestic virtues of the Roman matron the Claudia
who
domum servavit, lanam fecit. 7 PageNotes. 444
in marriage. The emancipation of women had its reaction upon the men,
who
, instead of a partner from their own class, prefe
perhaps ex-magistrates). 2 The municipia, or rather the local dynasts
who
controlled them, were sufficiently aware of the q
as the virile peasant soldier, rusticorum mascula militum proles,
who
had stained the seas red with Carthaginian blood,
litum proles, who had stained the seas red with Carthaginian blood,
who
had shattered Pyrrhus, Antiochus and Hannibal. 5
ortem ducibus’; also the lists of names in Odes 1, 12 (with a Scaurus
who
hardly belongs there) and in Virgil, Aen. 6, 824
a contemporary historian, cf. the Sabine Sp. Ligustinus (Livy 42, 34)
who
inherited from his father one iugerum of land and
lord. It was observed with malicious glee that neither of the consuls
who
gave their names to the Lex Papia Poppaea had wif
eation conscious or unconscious of patriotic historians or publicists
who
adapted to Roman language Greek theories about pr
aly, for it included the descendants of Italian colonists and natives
who
had received the Roman citizenship equally Roman
paragons will be set the figure of the earliest Narbonensian senator
who
attained prominence in Rome, Cn. Domitius Afer, o
itedius (ib. 85); Bruttedius (3, 66). Note also the orator Murredius,
who
dragged in obscene jokes (Seneca, Controv. 1, 2,
public liberty; but it does not follow that the poets and historians
who
lent their talent to the glorification of the new
ed and confused. There was patriotic recollection of the great Marius
who
had saved Italy from the German invader, there wa
had saved Italy from the German invader, there was devotion to Caesar
who
had championed the communities of Italia Transpad
ll the realities of reconciliation, there must still have been Romans
who
were a little shocked at hearing the army of the
14. 6 Ib. 4, 1, 127 ff. 7 Aelia Galla, wife of Postumus (3, 12),
who
is presumably C. Propertius Postumus (ILS 914). T
erature, a composite or rather an imaginary figure. The poet himself,
who
had married three times, was not unhappy in his l
ves could be commended Augustus set up a monument in honour of a girl
who
had produced five children at one birth. 5 For re
tae, from Aeneas and Romulus in the beginning down to recent worthies
who
had held triumphs or received the ornamenta trium
would come in due course, from merit and for service, as to Hercules,
who
had made the world habitable for mankind, and to
the Civil Wars he had put to death no citizen of his enemies’ armies
who
had asked that his life be spared. 3 The claim wa
3 The claim was impudent: it is refuted by one of his own historians
who
, praising the ‘lenitas ducis’ after Actium, excla
ncy in the last emergency, if believed, would reveal one man at least
who
was killed though begging for life. 5 It was a co
cause in politics. 2 As he had been among the earliest of the nobiles
who
fought at Philippi to pass from Antonius to Octav
s it might appear, but is rather a subtle compliment. It was Messalla
who
proposed in the Senate, with moving and patriotic
by Pollio and rescued through the personal intervention of Augustus,
who
came to the court and sat there. 2 He did not nee
and allies: he was able to preserve from justice a certain Castricius
who
had given him information about the conspiracy of
ubstance and treatment appropriate to the writing of history. Pollio,
who
came from a poor and infertile region of Italy, k
l. Thus did Augustus have his revenge, imitating the Greek Timagenes,
who
, quarrelling with his patron and falling from fav
emned and publicly burned. That did not matter, said Cassius Severus,
who
had them all by heart. 7 But Cassius did not go u
, his mother a baker’s daughter turned prostitute. 1 It was Cassius
who
defined for all time the character and capacity o
gainst the State. Not all emperors, however, were succeeded by rulers
who
had an interest in the deification of their own p
t scandals is matched by his depreciation of the generals of Augustus
who
encroached upon Tiberius’ monopoly of military gl
. Next to Virgil he names among epic poets the grandiloquent Rabirius
who
had written about the War of Actium. 1 Government
leum passed to another branch of the patrician Cornelii, the Lentuli,
who
had also decided for Pompeius against Caesar, but
d a man of infamous life,5 fit partner for Quirinius’ Aemilia Lepida,
who
bore him a son with whom the family ended. M. Hor
ld look back through the annals of the family to that Appius Claudius
who
had promoted the aristocratic reform programme of
nce under the Principate. M. Junius Silanus, grandson of the renegade
who
became consul in 25 B.C., married Aemilia Lepida,
led the ‘golden sheep’, down to Junia Calvina, ‘festivissima puella’,
who
survived until the last year of the Emperor Vespa
andson, the ambitious proconsul of Macedonia, perpetuated the Licinii
who
merged, by adoption after another generation, wit
their ally Seianus, was shattered by the ruin of Lentulus Gaetulicus,
who
was suppressed for alleged conspiracy against Cal
the reign of Claudius. Pollio was survived by only one son, Gallus,
who
came to a miserable end. But Gallus propagated th
e of Nerva married Rubellia Bassa, daughter of that Rubellius Blandus
who
was the husband of Julia the granddaughter of Tib
he descendants or the peers of colonial magnates or of native dynasts
who
received the citizenship from proconsuls of the l
tional rule, Augustus employed not a single nobilis among the legates
who
commanded the armies in his provincia, and only t
ders of the Rhine legions. Under Caligula, after Lentulus Gaetulicus,
who
conspired with M. Aemilius Lepidus and was suppre
bertas. Of the authentic champions of that ideal, Brutus and Cassius,
who
had fought against Caesar’s heir at Philippi, cou
ppus (ib., 1917/8, ι f.: Corinth). This Balbillus is probably the man
who
was Prefect of Egypt in A.D. 55 (cf. A. Stein, PI
he action has begun. Like Sallustius and Pollio, the senator Tacitus,
who
admired Republican virtue but believed in ordered
escribed as ‘The Decline and Fall of the Roman Aristocracy’. Lucan,
who
narrated recent and authentic history in epic ver
f other classes in society. It is precisely the sons of Roman knights
who
have handed down the most typical and most malici
the effort either to arraign or to rehabilitate the robust careerists
who
helped to found the monarchy. Like violence, guil
a memoir to be published after Plancus’ death; 3 and it was Messalla
who
coined as a title for Dellius the phrase ‘desulto
urion, may have been sincere in his principles:3 but the Roman knight
who
filled his house with the statues of Republican h
nd complain that his own theme was dull and narrow. But the historian
who
had experienced one civil war in his own lifetime
cal dissensions of the last age of the Republic. Few were the nobiles
who
passed unscathed through these trials, from cauti
r a time to Lollia Paullina, and the venerable L. Volusius Saturninus
who
survived all the perils of the Julio- Claudian ag
tile and ostentatious opposition of certain candidates for martyrdom,
who
might be admired for Republican independence of s
Earth and Sea. Sailors from Alexandria paid public observance to him
who
was the author of their lives, liberty and prospe
. When he was dead, Augustus would receive the honours of the Founder
who
was also Aeneas and Romulus, and, like Divus Juli
Cocceius of the Fasti Biondiani (ib., p. 65). 38 B.C. The Cornelius
who
was cos. suff. in this year acquires a praenomen,
Cornelius Scipio (for whom cf. 35 B.C.). It is not certain, however,
who
he was. 36 B.C. The suffecti are revealed, L. N
atulus to the Domitii cf. Münzer, RA, 286 f.; on Q. Servilius Caepio,
who
adopted Servilia’s son Brutus, cf. ib. 333 ff.