st also be made of Tarn’s writings about Antonius and Cleopatra (from which I have learned so much, though compelled to disse

ublic in 27 B.C., or from the new act of settlement four years later, which was final and permanent. Outlasting the friends

iesce, if not actively to share, in the shaping of the new government which a united Italy and a stable empire demanded and i

present inquiry will attempt to discover the resources and devices by which a revolutionary leader arose in civil strife, usu

. Pollio, however, chose the consulate of Metellus and Afranius, in which year the domination of that dynast was establishe

Pollio was a contemporary, in fact no small part of the transactions which he narrated a commander of armies and an arbiter

Cf. below, p. 9. PageBook=>006 free institutions, an assertion which his ferocious and proverbial independence of spee

provinces and nations, kings and tetrarchs. Such were the resources which ambition required to win power in Rome and direct

rief tenure. Another year and he was dead (78 B.C.). The government which he established lasted for nearly twenty years. It

ise and fall: as Rome’s rule extends in Italy, the circle widens from which the nobility is recruited and renewed. None the l

assing. Leadership might therefore fall to that part of the oligarchy which was concentrated about the person of Cato; and Ca

gh the great estates in Italy and the clientela among the Roman plebs which he had inherited from an ambitious and demagogic

he would oppose that alliance of stubborn spirit and political craft which his ancestor used to break the power of a monarch

ived a share in the jury-courts, the tribunes recovered the powers of which Sulla had stripped them. They soon repaid Pompeiu

he eastern lands acknowledged his predominance. The worship of power, which ages ago had developed its own language and conve

cf. Drumann-Groebe, Gesch. Roms IV2, 420 ff.; 486. 4 The manner in which he terminated the trial of Rabirius surely indica

P. Clodius Pulcher, a mild scandal touching the religion of the State which his enemies exploited and converted into a politi

ulate. To this end Caesar was granted the province of Cisalpine Gaul, which dominated Italy, for five years. Pompeius’ purpos

ate. To that end he promulgated popular laws and harried Pompeius, in which activities he got encouragement from his brother

foreign policy, the restoration of Ptolemy Auletes the King of Egypt, which provoked long debate and intrigue, further sharpe

be prolonged. Pompeius emerged with renewed strength from a crisis which he may have done much to provoke. 4 Had he droppe

Balbo and De prov. cons.: the latter is probably not the παλινῳδία to which he refers in Ad Att. 4, 5, 1. PageBook=>038

. 4 The demands for a dictatorship went on: to counter and anticipate which , the Optimates were compelled to offer Pompeius t

w sharper. Ap. Claudius Pulcher, elected to the censorship, an office which was a patent rebuke to his own private conduct, w

e Caesar’s tenure of Gaul beyond the Alps robbed him of a province to which he asserted a hereditary claim. 4 As for Bibulus,

own rectitude and insight derived secret strength from the antipathy which he felt for the person and character of Caesar.

unes and the liberties of the Roman People. But that was not the plea which Caesar himself valued most it was his personal ho

blic in danger, sceptical about its champions. The very virtues for which the propertied classes were sedulously praised by

sly praised by politicians at Rome forbade intervention in a struggle which was not their own. 2 Pompeius might stamp with hi

ς, ἢ ∊ἳ τις έπιβυνλ∊úσ∊ι∊ν, έξώλ∊ις ∊ίναι τυùς υùĸ ἀµúναντας αùτῷ. On which cf. now A. v. Premerstein, ‘Vom Werden und Wesen

e nor the diadem. But monarchy presupposes hereditary succession, for which no provision was made by Caesar. The heir to Caes

state. Hellenic culture does not explain Cato; 3 and the virtus about which Brutus composed a volume was a Roman quality, not

s conferred upon the Roman plebs:3 he could also appeal to the duties which they owed to birth and station. The plebs would n

upy a special rank in the political history of Rome, patrician houses which seem to have formed an alliance for power with th

large bribe. 5 Servilius belonged to a branch of Servilia’s own clan which had passed over to the plebeians long ago but had

. No contemporary or official source gives him the cognomen ‘Bassus’, which occurs only in Gellius (I.c.), Eutropius (7, 5) a

order: not only that Curtius was ‘fortissimus et maximus publicanus’, which should suffice. Eloquent advocacy proclaims that

(Orosius 5, 21, 3). But there may have been others. On the class from which Sulla’s new senators were drawn, cf. H. Hill, CQ

roucillus, Trogus and Gallus were not the only members of this class, which , lacking full documentation, is sometimes disrega

47, 4, &c. PageBook=>080 citizens as well. The provincia, which received a Roman colony at Narbo as early as 118

ers. The colonial and Italian element is more conspicuous in Spain, which had been a Roman province for a century and a hal

the same time more difficult and less important to discover precisely which worthy nonentities owed admission to the Dictator

iquity. The Aelii Lamiae alleged an ancestor among the Laestrygones,1 which was excessive, frivolous and tainted by Hellenic

ey stamped as a legend upon their coins, and Italia was the new state which they established with its capital at Corfinium. 1

cial revolution. Before peace came another civil war supervened, into which Etruria was dragged along with the stubborn remna

ff.) are highly revealing, above all the coin of the general Q. Silo which shows eight warriors swearing a common oath. 2

en cheated of the full and equal exercise of their franchise, a grant which had never been sincerely made; and many Italians

d as ‘patronus agri Piceni et Sabini’ (Cicero, De off. 3, 74). 6 On which cf. H. Rudolph, Stadt u. Staat im römischen Itali

sions may sometimes be detected in the alien roots of their names, to which they give a regular and Latin termination not so

e numerous new senators from certain older regions of the Roman State which hitherto had produced very few. Cautious or fruga

pears to have persisted in irrational fancies about that Roman People which he had liberated from despotism. As late as July

of Antonius has suffered damage multiple and irreparable. The policy which he adopted in the East and his association with t

it is less easy to escape. The Philippics, the series of speeches in which he assailed an absent enemy, are an eternal monum

m Plutarch, Antonius 10, the only evidence is Cicero, Phil. 2, 71 ff, which betrays its own inadequacy. The fact that Antoniu

to a spirit of concord. The degree of his responsibility for the turn which events took at the funeral will be debated: it wa

oviding they did not interfere with the first object of his ambition, which was to seize and maintain primacy in the Caesaria

Ops apparently some kind of fund distinct from the official treasury, which was housed in the Temple of Saturn. If the myster

he charge of tyranny may be defended by the wide discretionary powers which the constitution vested in the consulate in times

pecially when attacked, later in the year, by his enemies in a manner which on any theory of legality can only be branded as

y good fortune nor spurred to rash activity the appeal to the troops, which certain friends counselled, was wisely postponed.

he People. The tenure of the consular provinces, Syria and Macedonia, which had been assigned to Dolabella and Antonius some

s chance arrived. Certain friends of Caesar supplied abundant funds,1 which along with his own money he expended lavishly at

a Caesarian rival might well force Antonius back again to the policy which he had deserted by the legislation of June 1st to

de reversione primum coeperim cogitare. ’ So at least on the surface, which is all that we know. Yet Antonius may have spoken

nt to surrender his command, hardly even a part of it, the Cisalpina, which may have been Piso’s proposal (cf. Appian, BC 3,

Rome. In Cicero, however, no mention of the Ludi Victoriae Caesaris, which revealed the Caesarian sentiments of the mob and

olitics, had to wait longer for distinction and power. The sentiments which the young man entertained towards his adoptive pa

s war from personal friendship, not political principle. The devotion which Caesar’s memory evoked among his friends was atte

end, whatever his character and station. Antonius imitated his leader which came easy to his open nature: Octavianus also, th

man State to the immortal gods; and he had already promulgated a bill which provided for an appeal to the citizen body in cas

oss the central mountains and intercept three of the consul’s legions which were moving along the eastern coast of Italy towa

perhaps also from a mysterious passage in Appian (BC 3, 66, 270), on which see O. E. Schmidt, Philologus LI (1892), 198 ff.

onary, he invoked both the traditional charges of unnatural vice with which the most blameless of Roman politicians, whatever

y, must expect to find himself assailed, and the traditional contempt which the Roman noble visited upon the family and extra

ch in the company of his step-father: the profit in political counsel which he derived was never recorded. Philippus wished

us and for the Republic, and damaged in repute, surviving a cause for which better men had died, will none the less have stri

the Dictator: they received a share of his fortune through the will, which they are said to have resigned to Octavianus. 4 N

Gaul (BG 2, 2, 1, &c.) and proconsul in Hispania Citerior, after which last command he triumphed at the end of 45 B.C. (

y of the moderns give Octavianus’ friend the name ‘Cilnius Maecenas’, which is false (cf. ILS 7848); ‘Maecenas’ is a gentilic

e to Brundisium, or farther, a part at least of the reserves of money which he needed for his campaigns. It would be folly to

ent to blacken his rival, has preserved instead the public invectives which designate, with names and epithets, the senatoria

suited his way of living to his family tradition and to his fortune, which would not have supported ostentatious display and

lection, though reluctant, to the censorship in 50 B.C., an honour to which many consulars must have aspired as due recogniti

ess loyalty, despite harsh rebuffs and evidences of cold perfidy, for which , through easy self-deception, he chose to blame C

brought Cicero and Caesar together a common taste for literature, to which Pompeius was notoriously alien, and common friend

ity of the Dictator,4 he soon set to work upon a vindication of Cato, which he published, inaugurating a fashion. Caesar answ

of an inevitable clash: on the contrary, relations of friendship, to which they could each with justice appeal. In 49 B.C. A

ius’ return with troops from Brundisium, there was safety in Arpinum, which lay off the main roads. The young revolutionary m

the utmost devotion for Cicero and called him ‘father’ an appellation which the sombre Brutus was later to recall with bitter

hy object in April of the year 44 B.C. he wrote to Dolabella a letter which offered that young man the congratulations, the c

against aspiring to military despotism and would reveal the strength which the Commonwealth could still muster. In public pr

ge=>144 1 For this conception of the De re publica (a book about which too much has been written), cf. R. Heinze, Hermes

B.C. About the same time Cicero had also been at work upon the Laws, which described in detail the institutions of a traditi

istory. The De officiis is a theoretical treatment of the obligations which a citizen should render to the Commonwealth, that

rincipes is strongly denounced. 2 The lust for power ends in tyranny, which is the negation of liberty, the laws and of all c

ions, he protested bitterly. 4 Whatever be thought of those qualities which contemporaries admired as the embodiment of arist

fect of their kind as are the civic and moral paragons of early days; which is fitting, for the evil and the good are both th

r all: a blended and enigmatic individual, he possessed many virtues, which for a time had deceived excellent and unsuspectin

on. Men practised, however, a more subtle art of misrepresentation, which , if it could not deceive the hardened adept at th

h definite parties or definite policies. They are rather ‘ideals’, to which lip-service was inevitably rendered. Not, indeed,

hucydides with some attention. PageBook=>155 the profession of which ideals no party can feel secure and sanguine, wha

ed’. Next to freedom and legitimate government comes peace, a cause which all parties professed with such contentious zeal

io. 1 Such alliances either presupposed or provoked the personal feud which , to a Roman aristocrat, was a sacred duty or an o

Phil. 5, 7 ff.). Firstly, the law violated Caesar’s Lex de provincia, which fixed two years as the tenure of a consular provi

ntonius perhaps maintained the validity of the Lex Clodia of 58 B.C., which had virtually abolished this method of obstructio

sures. Under the threat of war a compromise might save appearances: which did not meet the ideas of Cicero. That the embass

onduct of their mission by Piso and Philippus. ’2 The conditions upon which Antonius was prepared to treat were these:3 he wo

t days of February:1 from Brutus, an official dispatch to the Senate, which probably arrived in the second week of the month.

taius Murcus and Marcius Crispus, encamped outside the city of Apamea which the Pompeian adventurer Caecilius Bassus was hold

iew, the future was ominous with a war much more formidable than that which was being so gently prosecuted in the Cisalpina.

trial:2 the charge was probably high treason, justified by assistance which Trebonius and his quaestor had given to the enter

March they moved forward in the direction of Mutina, passing Bononia, which Antonius was forced to abandon; but Antonius drew

ong in cavalry. Brutus had none; and the exhilaration of a victory in which his legions had so small a share could not compen

d friend. Octavianus, his forces augmented by the legions of Pansa, which he refused to surrender to D. Brutus, resolved to

ger was manifest. It did not require to be demonstrated by the advice which the Caesarian consul Pansa on his death-bed may o

epublican and Pompeian cause, was so strong that the loyal dispatches which Lepidus continued to send to the Senate should ha

ing a new and more enduring compact of interest and sentiment through which the revived Caesarian party was to establish the

when Antonius deprived Brutus and Cassius of the praetorian provinces which they had refused to take over (P-W x, 1000). This

did not lose hope. In the evening came a rumour that the two legions which had deserted the consul for Octavianus in the Nov

f the State, and now the State made requital. He seized the treasury, which , though depleted, could furnish for each of his s

of nobility. The dynasts made arrangements for some years in advance which provide some indication of the true balance of po

27). PageBook=>189 had few partisans of merit or distinction; which is not surprising. Of his lieutenants, Laterensis

the West, Antonius for the present assumed control of the territories which he claimed by vote of the popular assembly, namel

r opponents all at once, alleging in excuse the base ingratitude with which the Pompeians requited Caesar’s clemency. 1 The C

strange vicissitudes and miraculous escapes adorned the many volumes which this unprecedented wealth of material evoked. 6

gent P. Volumnius Eutrapelus had his eye on it. 8 The town mansion, which had cost 3,500,000 sesterces, fell to the Antonia

had to be found the money to pay the standing army of the Caesarians, which numbered some forty-three legions. So much for pr

So much for present needs. For the future, to recompense the legions which were to be led against the Republicans, the Trium

e, stricken by shame and horror, it was alleged, at the proscriptions which it was his duty to announce. 3 If the three dynas

’s death. 3 Another novelty was the mysterious family of the Cocceii, which furnished Antonius with generals and diplomats an

f. 36) and L. Cocceius Nerva (never consul): the new Fasti have shown which Cocceius was consul in 39. See also below, p. 267

s (Josephus, BJ 1, 317, &c). The name might really be ‘Machares’, which occurs in the royal house of Pontus. 3 Tacitus,

strong position astride the Via Egnatia, invulnerable on the flanks, which rested to the north against mountains, to the sou

envelops his movements: on his own account he obeyed a warning dream which had visited his favourite doctor. 2 The other win

sentful. There followed three weeks of inaction or slow manoeuvres in which the advantage gradually passed to the Caesarians.

an ancient wrong. Political contests at Rome and the civil wars into which they degenerated were fought at the expense of It

sperous and civilized regions Umbria, Etruria and the Sabine country, which had been loyal to Rome then, but had fought for t

, and thus win for her absent and unsuspecting consort the sole power which he scarcely seemed to desire. Octavianus, while

ent erected in memory of the war the men of Nursia set an inscription which proclaimed that their dead had fallen fighting fo

ds to the veterans of Philippi were Octavianus’ share in a policy for which they were jointly responsible. The victor of Phil

his soldiers. His own share was the gathering of funds in the East in which perhaps he had not been very successful. 2 He fel

us committed a serious and irreparable error of political calculation which is not so certain. 6 The envoys were L. Scribon

d. To the inferior Lepidus the dynasts resigned possession of Africa, which for three years had been the theatre of confused

rundisium, the new Caesarian alliance formed in September of the year which bore as its title the consulate of Pollio and Cal

onaries for two thousand years; it has been aggravated by a hazard to which prophetic literature by its very nature is peculi

ous riots: Sex. Pompeius expelled Helenus the freedman from Sardinia, which he was trying to recapture for Octavianus,2 and r

t, Saloninus. Pollio’s province was clearly Macedonia, not Illyricum, which lay in the portion of Octavianus, cf. CQ xxxi (19

udien XXXVI (1914), 84 f., or at least influenced by court tradition, which embellishes the role of Octavia, cf. M. A. Levi,

e role of Octavia, cf. M. A. Levi, Ottaviano Capoparte 11, 71. 3 On which question, cf. Rice Holmes, The Architect of the R

iscredited. The military glory of Antonius was revived in the triumph which his partisan Ventidius now celebrated over the Pa

e eastern lands, raised a private army of three legions in Asia, with which force he contended for a time against the Notes

ng the title of pontifex maximus, Lepidus was banished to Circeii, in which mild resort he survived the loss of honour by twe

ompeius, senatorial or equestrian in rank, were put to death. 2 After which stern measures Octavianus, sending Taurus to occu

his own town of Velitrae:1 to say nothing of aliens and freedmen, of which support Pompeius had no monopoly, but all the odi

ny about Q. Laronius is a tile from Vibo in Bruttium (CIL X, 804118), which was presumably his home, cf. ILS 6463. 3 In who

ere not merely noble but of the most ancient nobility, the patrician; which did not in any way hamper them from following a r

4 Calvisius was septemvir epulonum and curio maximus (ILS 925), in which latter function he was probably succeeded by Taur

ears made vast conquests in Illyricum, including the whole of Bosnia: which is neither proved nor probable. PageBook=>24

er of a military age. Some at least of the merits of the plain style, which could claim to be traditional and Roman, might be

mpose a monumental work on the theory and practice of agriculture, of which matter, as a landowner with comfortably situated

o inverecundo. ’ PageBook=>250 thoughts and darker operations, which it never lost so long as the art was practised in

epoch of the kings who inherited the empire of Alexander. To discern which demanded no singular gift of perspicacity: it is

life, his treatment not harsh and truculent, but humane and tolerant: which suited his own temperament. Nor would the times n

for Alexandrianism, a proper regard for those provinces of human life which lie this side of romantic eroticism or mythologic

commanded success, and even earned repute, in the well-ordered state which he almost lived to see firmly established. 1 T. P

te, of Plancus in 43 B.C. (Ad fam. 10, 18, 1). 4 ILS 891 (Miletus), which describes him as ‘cos. des. ’ and ‘proconsul’ (pr

sides were preparing. The cause or rather the pretext was the policy which had been adopted by Antonius in the East and the

uest of Armenia. 1 The Roman general celebrated a kind of triumph, in which Artavasdes, the dethroned Armenian, was led in go

speculate upon the policy and intentions of Antonius, the domination which Cleopatra had achieved over him and the nature of

Roman People. The system of dependent kingdoms and of Roman provinces which he built up appears both intelligible and workabl

t up appears both intelligible and workable. Of the Roman provinces which Antonius inherited in Asia, three were recent acq

r the whole world? Again the argument is from intentions intentions which can hardly have been as apparent to Antonius’ Rep

they were a pretext in the strife for power, the magnificent lie upon which was built the supremacy of Caesar’s heir and the

took his stand upon legality and upon the plighted word of covenants, which was a mistake. Antonius complained that he had be

ement of his acta and the demand for their ratification to a document which he dispatched before the end of the year to the c

the new year. So far official documents and public manifestoes, of which there had been a dearth in the last few years. La

political advantage; 5 he was soon to be requited with the consulate which Antonius should have held. Republican freedom of

tonius (Charisius, GL 104, 18; 129, 7; 146, 34). 6 The whole topic, which has provoked excessive debate, does not need to b

ok office on January 1st. They did not read the dispatch of Antonius, which they had received late in the preceding autumn. T

ius, with strong abuse of Octavianus; he proposed a motion of censure which was vetoed by a tribune. That closed the session.

ulation (like the meaning of the word ‘uxor’) complicate the question which is perhaps in itself not of prime importance. Ant

en detected in peculation by Antonius. PageBook=>282 qualities which men always cared afterwards to remember and perpe

ore an oath of allegiance to me and chose me as its leader in the war which I won at Actium. ’4 So Augustus wrote in the maje

front was not achieved merely through intimidation. Of the manner in which the measure was carried out there stands no recor

rather the culmination in the summer of a series of local agitations, which , though far from unconcerted, presented a certain

bara? (37, 11) furnishes the text of an oath of allegiance to Drusus, which is significant though the phraseology cannot be g

da, by intimidation and by violence, Italy was forced into a struggle which in time she came to believe was a national war. T

nceps civitatis. 4 Nor is surmise entirely vain about the manner in which the NotesPage=>288 1 Horace, Epodes 9; Ode

ompromising Pollio. He had been a loyal friend of old to Antonius, of which fact Antonius now reminded him. Pollio in reply

little loss of Roman blood, as fitted the character of a civil war in which men fought, not for a principle, but only for a c

martial populations of Macedonia and Galatia. Perhaps the picked army which he mustered in Epirus was composed in the main of

hen all is obscure. Months passed, with operations by land and sea of which history has preserved no adequate record. Antoniu

the Bellum Alexandrinum. Cleopatra survived Antonius by a few days which at once passed into anecdote and legend. To Octav

polia opima. An arbitrary decision denied him the title of imperator, which had been conceded since Actium to other proconsul

triumph when a convenient interval had elapsed (July, 27 B.C.), after which he disappears completely from history. In robbi

at despotic office had expired years before: in law the only power to which he could appeal if he wished to coerce a proconsu

unhindered. Some would have military provinces in their charge, about which due foresight would be exercised— few legions for

ery common occurrence in the first three books of the Odes of Horace ( which appeared in 23 B.C.). Propertius uses it but once

in protest. The senators adjured him not to abandon the Commonwealth which he had preserved. Yielding with reluctance to the

es, stood as a guarantee against any recurrence of the anarchy out of which his domination had arisen. But Augustus was to

could be shown to be in harmony with ancestral custom, ‘mos maiorum’— which in practice meant the sentiments of the oldest li

eant a certain rehabilitation of the last generation of the Republic, which in politics is the Age of Pompeius. In his youth

eneca, NQ 5, 18, 4. 5 Tacitus, Ann. 4, 34, on the interpretation of which , JRS XXVIII (1938), 125. 6 Aen. 6, 834 f. 7 l

ailure and dejection he composed a treatise, namely De re publica, in which Scipio Aemilianus and certain of his friends hold

nor reveal to a modern inquirer any secret about the rule of Augustus which was hidden from contemporaries. In so far as Ci

d, pliable to a changed order. So Brutus thought. 1 In the New State, which was quite different from Dictatorship, Cicero wou

herefore both appropriate and inevitable that the unofficial title by which he chose to be designated was ‘princeps’. Auctori

e formulation of the powers of the military leader in the res publica which he sought to ‘establish upon a lasting basis’ is

e was simply the Antonian province (Syria and Cilicia Campestris), to which Cyprus, taken from Egypt after Actium, was at fir

the Princeps encroached in Illyricum and in Macedonia, the basis from which the north-eastern frontier of empire was extended

y and a serious illness of Augustus revealed the precarious tenure on which the peace of the world reposed. Meagre and confus

g the supreme magistracy year by year. In the place of the consulate, which gave him a general initiative in policy, he took

f that were needed, by the five edicts found at Cyrene (for a text of which , cf. J. G. C Anderson in JRS XVII, 33 ff.). It is

the last struggle of the Republic, or the descendants of families to which the consulate passed as an inherited prerogative.

powers in public law might be described as magisterial, an impression which was carefully conveyed by their definition to a p

formal changes have been summarily described, the arguments indicated which might have been invoked for their public and plau

vid and exact anticipations of the reforms that Rome expected and for which Rome had to wait five years longer. Again Augustu

nferences plausibly to be derived from the social and moral programme which he was held to have inspired. He was no puppet: b

ich he was held to have inspired. He was no puppet: but the deeds for which he secured the credit were in the main the work o

k of others, and his unique primacy must not obscure the reality from which it arose the fact that he was the leader of a par

of Etruscan kings who flaunted in public the luxury and the vices in which his tortured inconstant soul found refuge silks,

s, by no means insensible, it was rumoured, to those notorious charms which the poet Horace has so candidly depicted. 5 Mae

red earlier history. PageBook=>343 Some at least of the perils which this critical year revealed might be countered if

it might end in wrecking the Caesarian party. In the secret debate which the historian Cassius Dio composed to illuminate

ppa did not stop at aqueducts. He composed and published a memorandum which advocated that art treasures in private possessio

ccretions supervened later during the arbitrary rule of a Triumvirate which was not merely indifferent, but even hostile, to

ently, though not frankly, plutocratic. Capital received guarantees which it repaid by confidence in the government. More

provided the discharged legionaries with land, Italian or provincial, which he had purchased from his own funds. After that,

ot be excluded, if they had acquired the financial status of knights ( which was not difficult): but there was no regular prom

personal agents and secretaries, especially in financial duties; 9 in which matter Augustus inherited and developed the pract

rn provinces, some of them quite small and comparable to the commands which were accessible to a minor proconsul, but one mor

patrician or plebeian, affected to despise knights or municipal men; which did not, however, debar marriage or discredit inh

of Roman financiers; 1 and the Princeps himself, by a pure usurpation which originated in Caesar’s Dictatorship, proceeded to

the pomp, the extravagance and the dangers of the senatorial life; of which very rational distaste both Augustus’ own equestr

m Ferentinum in Latium, cf. esp. ILS 5342 ff. (of the Sullan period?) which show an A. Hirtius and a M. Lollius as censors of

ing in ‘-a’ since the Etruscan M. Perperna, cos. 92 B.C. To precisely which branch of the great Volaterran gens this Caecina

rt the exercise of popular sovranty through a republican constitution which permitted any free-born citizen to stand for magi

of a natural process. How soon and how far it would go beyond Italy, which of the personal adherents of the new dynasty the

ematic contrast between Caesar the Dictator and Augustus the Princeps which may satisfy the needs of the moralist, the pedago

geBook=>367 Caesar’s liberalism is inferred from his intentions, which cannot be known, and from his acts, which were li

ferred from his intentions, which cannot be known, and from his acts, which were liable to misrepresentation. Of his acts, on

, they held procuratorships and high equestrian posts under Augustus, which gave them rank comparable to the consulate in the

or retard the provinces of the West and that part of the Roman People which extended far beyond the bounds of Italy. NotesP

stitution. Sulla the Dictator had probably fixed thirty as the age at which the quaestorship could be held, forty- two the co

haps one hundred and thirty strong. 2 For the basis of calculation ( which omits certain names), see above, p. 243 f. For th

onquests and by the creation of Moesia to the seven military commands which the developed system could show in the last years

yricum (probably taken over by the Princeps at this point) and Spain, which probably still had two armies, cf. below, p. 394

Descent from consuls secured the consulate even to the most unworthy which was held to be right and proper, a debt repaid to

itas industriis sed novis praetulit, non sine ratione. ’ The examples which Seneca adduces support his contention, namely Pau

s talent, propagated in Rome the detestable Asianic habit of rhetoric which he was happy to advertise as proconsul in the cli

son who wrote poems and composed a treatise on the science of botany, which he dedicated to Augustus. 7 NotesPage=>375

sar. 2 Certain Lentuli took the cognomen ‘Maluginensis’ (ILS 8996), which apparently recalls an extinct and otherwise unkno

litical allies. Corruption had been banished from electoral contests: which confirmed its power in private. With the fortune

endowment in money on a princely scale. Egypt was his, the prize upon which politicians and financiers had cast greedy eyes a

L. Tarius Rufus, acquired a huge fortune from the bounty of Augustus, which he proceeded to dilapidate by grandiose land spec

came a senior consular before acquiring the coveted dignity of augur, which fell to M. Antonius when of quaestorian rank: Ant

had brothers, cousins and an uncle of consular rank. 7 The patronage which he could exert would have been formidable enough,

he ruler has his intimates, amici and comites, so designated by terms which develop almost into titles; and there are grades

Book=>388 The years before Actium filled up the gaps. The Senate which acclaimed Augustus and the Republic restored coul

Augustus in the same year promulgated regulations of pay and service which recognized at last the existence of a standing ar

. conquered the whole of Bosnia and the Save valley down to Belgrade ( which no ancient source asserts) and that the operation

Velleius says that Agrippa and Vinicius began the Bellum Pannonicum, which was continued and completed by Tiberius. 3 Dio

there is a singular lack of historical evidence for the nine years in which Tiberius was absent from the service of Rome (6 B

ference to 11 B.C., assigns as cause the need for military protection which fits his conception of the original partition of

395 1 Cyprus and Narbonensis in 22 B.C. (Dio 54, 4, 1). The date at which Baetica was severed from Hispania Ulterior and tr

e was governor at the time of the surrender of the Parthian hostages, which may fall in 19 B.C. and not, as usually assumed,

career of a man who was legate of Augustus in a province the name of which is lost but which earned him ornamenta triumphali

ho was legate of Augustus in a province the name of which is lost but which earned him ornamenta triumphalia for a successful

sar. 3 Three or four years later he was appointed legate of Syria, in which capacity he annexed Judaea after the deposition o

. These men all held high command in the provinces of the East with which , indeed, both Silvanus and Piso could recall here

somewhere. Though ILS 918 could be claimed for Quirinius (and the war which he fought as legate of Galatia- Pamphylia c. 9-8

nish command of Paullus Fabius Maximus and the Syrian governorship to which P. Quinctilius Varus passed after his proconsulat

ition of the élite of the governing class, to set forth the manner in which the principes were employed. Including the four g

till his death, with the help of a large staff of slaves and workmen which he had recruited and trained. 5 That could not

tain unpopular functions like that renewed purification of the Senate which he desired and which he was himself compelled to

ons like that renewed purification of the Senate which he desired and which he was himself compelled to undertake four years

and 116. PageBook=>403 Then came the affair of Egnatius Rufus, which showed how dangerous it was to resign functions o

s provided for the health, the security and the adornment of the city which was the capital of Italy and the Empire. He boast

54, 20, 3) in Macedonia; and, no doubt, many others. The language in which the cities of Asia extol Paullus Fabius Maximus i

ρχήαν καθ- ξοντ∈ςκτλ. 5 In 19 B.C., but only for a few years, after which Augustus established an imperial mint at Lugdunum

questions of governmental policy. That was the work of other bodies, which kept and left no written records. Their existence

revenues from his own provinces that Augustus paid into the aerarium, which he also subsidized from his own private fortune.

B.C.), the future status of Judaea was debated in a crown council at which were present Gaius Caesar, the adopted son of the

heavy calamity and much bewailed, was compensated by a new policy, in which Agrippa and the sons of Livia in turn were to be

fulgor suus orientium iuvenum obstaret initiis’. That was the reason which Tiberius himself gave at a later date (Suetonius,

verat. ’ 4 Res Gestae 14. PageBook=>418 Thus the two orders, which with separate functions but with coalescence of i

2 B.C.) and A. Plautius (cos.suff. 1 B.C.) descend from that family: which cannot be proved. As perhaps with certain other f

party spirit. Piso’s family became related to the Crassi, an alliance which brought enhanced splendour and eventual ruin to b

. Nonius Asprenas, cos. suff. A.D. 6, of a family of the new nobility which can show highly eminent connexions at this time:

ed by public and nocturnal debauch the Forum and the very Rostra from which the Princeps her father had promulgated the laws

ared in the East. For some years disturbances in Armenia, a land over which Augustus claimed sovranty, while not seriously im

it was advisable to display the heir apparent to provinces and armies which had seen no member of the syndicate of government

3 Pliny, NH 9, 118. Velleius speaks of sinister designs of Lollius which the King of Parthia disclosed ‘perfida et plena s

conceived a violent distaste for the life of active responsibility to which he was doomed by his implacable master:4 it is al

31 There was no choice now. Augustus adopted Tiberius. The words in which he announced his intention revealed the bitter fr

vity. If his death occurred in the midst of the frontier troubles, in which , close upon the gravest foreign war since Hanniba

m. ’ PageBook=>433 The strength of body and intractable temper which he had inherited from his father might have been

more authentic, was the report of one of his latest conversations, at which the claims and the dispositions of certain princi

he MS. of Tacitus has ‘M. Lepidum’. Lipsius altered to ‘M’. Lepidum’, which most editors, scholars and historians have follow

29); his son, cos. A.D. 6 (ib., 1130). For their Pompeian connexions, which help to explain their prominence, cf. above, p. 4

udian faction. In the background, however, stand certain noble houses which , for all their social eminence, do not seem to ha

, three state-papers were composed or revised, namely, the ceremonial which he desired for his funeral, a list of the militar

and obligations of the government and the Index rerum a se gestarum, which was to be set up on tablets of bronze in front of

mox senatus milesque et populus. ’ 4 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 101, on which E. Hohl, Klio xxx (1937), 323 ff. 5 Tacitus, An

the State, such as Asinius Gallus, played without skill the parts for which they had been chosen perhaps in feigned and malig

XIX. THE NATIONAL PROGRAMME PageBook=>440 SO far the manner in which power was seized and held, the working of patrona

rted into a spontaneous and patriotic movement, arose a salutary myth which enhanced the sentiment of Roman nationalism to a

a few men. Cicero and his contemporaries might boast of the libertas which the Roman People enjoyed, of the imperium which i

boast of the libertas which the Roman People enjoyed, of the imperium which it exerted over others. PageNotes. 440 1 Taci

, and again in the next year, he was offered the cura legum et morum, which he declined, professing it inconsistent with the

inexorably read out to a recalcitrant Senate the whole of the speech which a Metellus had once delivered in the vain attempt

dynasts who controlled them, were sufficiently aware of the qualities which the Princeps expected. To the governing class t

eadiness to admit new members to the citizen body. 3 This generosity, which in the past had established Rome’s power in Italy

leges, calling again to life the ancient guild of the Arval Brethren: which meant enhanced dignity for the State and new reso

1 Pliny, NH 14, 49 ff. Seneca bought the vineyard from Remmius (on which unsavoury character, cf. also Suetonius, De gramm

ited from his father one iugerum of land and the ‘parvum tugurium’ in which he was born. He produced eight children. 5 Ib.

farmers. Compare the precepts touching agriculture and the good life which the retired military tribune C. Castricius caused

t enough. More than that, the whole conception of the Roman past upon which he sought to erect the moral and spiritual basis

s might observe with some satisfaction that he had restored a quality which derived strength from memories of the Roman past,

ublic, thus adding a sublime crown to the work of earlier generations which had transformed the history of Rome by assiduousl

source soon became available, no less than the biographical memoir in which the Princeps recorded his arduous and triumphant

hree were on terms of personal friendship with Augustus. The class to which these men of letters belonged had everything to g

resentatives of the propertied classes of the new Italy of the north, which was patriotic rather than partisan. The North, un

came from Asisium, neighbour city to unhappy Perusia, from that Italy which paid the bitter penalty for becoming involved in

thy as well as with elegance. More than all this, however, the lament which he composed in memory of a Roman matron, Cornelia

ullus Aemilius Lepidus, reveals a gravity and depth of feeling beside which much of the ceremonial literature of Augustan Rom

any active complicity on the part of Ovid; the mysterious mistake to which the poet refers was probably trivial enough. 2 Bu

the excellent water, so the Princeps pointed out, from the aqueducts which his son-in-law had constructed for the people. 1

sar accepted honours from whomsoever voted, no doubt in the spirit in which they were granted: policy and system cannot be di

eanour of citizens or free men, the fervent zeal may be imagined with which kings, tetrarchs and petty tyrants promoted the c

Gallia Narbonensis and the more civilized parts of Spain. The Gaul which Caesar had conquered received special treatment.

ngerous nationalism. It was a neat calculation. The different forms which the worship of Augustus took in Rome, Italy and t

was the loyalty of the provinces or rather of the propertied classes which the Empire preserved and supported all over the w

overnment. Herod’s death showed his value it was followed by a rising which Varus the governor of Syria put down. Ten years l

of 23 B.C., the secession of Tiberius and the mysterious intrigue for which Julia was banished and Iullus Antonius killed the

His limbs were well proportioned, but his stature was short, a defect which he sought to repair by wearing high heels. Nor we

se and bathing rarely: he could not stand the sun, even in winter, in which season he would wear no fewer than four under-shi

l to the nobiles, were the domestic parsimony and petty superstitions which the Princeps had imported from his municipal orig

ate he once launched a savage attack upon the patriotic gymnastics in which one of his grandsons had broken a leg. 4 The gr

courts and Senate; from the assemblies of the People, the function of which was now to ratify the decisions of the Princeps i

in his contemporaries, especially when they dealt with the period of which he had personal experience, he must have found mu

tter cause. Q. Dellius described the eastern campaigns of Antonius in which he had participated; 2 the disasters of Antonius

rant insincerity of public oratory and by the wars of the Revolution, which stripped away shams and revealed the naked realit

from favour, had boldly consigned to the flames an adulatory history which he had formerly composed in honour of the Princep

h vituperation of enemies and rivals. The horror and indignation with which this worthy citizen recounts certain court scanda

omitii, however, survived and prospered through the marriage alliance which the grandson of Caesar’s enemy contracted with th

Some were unable to perpetuate their name and establish the families which their resplendent fortune could so handsomely hav

of Augustus, the Aelii Lamiae. 7 The last Lamia was consul in 116, by which time that name stood for the bluest blood. 8 The

Silvanus Aelianus (ILS 986) is probably an Aelius Lamia by birth, of which house after the consul of A.D. 3 no direct descen

duced is nothing more than the perpetuation of the schematic contrast which virtuous and pushing novi homines of Republican d

rgues that it applies to families consular before A.D. 14 the year in which election by the people was abrogated. W. Otto s d

s 2, 10, 5. 3 Martial (5, 28, 4; 8, 70, 1) lauds the quies of Nerva which he refers to himself in an edict (Pliny, Epp. 10,

rtisan interpretation. At the same time, however, a new scourge arose which , for the aristocracy at least, counterbalanced ot

but they indicate the climax rather than the origins of the process, which belong generations earlier when provincials were

d his opinion of Cato. 2 Augustus composed a pamphlet on the subject, which he was in the habit of delivering as a lecture. 3

been an enthusiastic supporter of the New State; the better cause for which Cato fought had prevailed after his death when th

spared these evils. Well-ordered commonwealths, lacking that ‘licence which fools call liberty’, left no record in the annals

t and usage had never quite meant unrestricted liberty; and the ideal which the word now embodied was the respect for constit

ered. It was claimed that they were united in the Principate of Nerva which succeeded the absolute rule of Domitian. 1 There

s and Velleius Paterculus termed the Principate, the ‘optimus status’ which Augustus aspired to create and which Seneca knew

Principate, the ‘optimus status’ which Augustus aspired to create and which Seneca knew as monarchy. 1 Concord and monarchy,

conjectured that some such document was included in the state papers which the Princeps, near to death, handed over to the c

copies, bears the hall-mark of official truth: it reveals the way in which Augustus wished posterity to interpret the incide

potentia. There is no word in this passage of the tribunicia potestas which , though elsewhere modestly referred to as a means

whole document even a hint of the imperium proconsulare in virtue of which Augustus controlled, directly or indirectly, all

er with the full evidence of the texts, epigraphic and literary, from which they derive; and W. Liebenam printed a convenient

suffecti are revealed, L. Nonius (Asprenas) and a fragmentary name of which enough survives to show that it was Marcius. 35

on Brutus, cf. ib. 333 ff. III. THE FAMILY OF AUGUSTUS This tree, which is designed in the main to illustrate the politic