cruing. Essentially, and strictly, therefore, the book is what it was when it first appeared. OXFORD, 1 January 1951 R. S.

utter a prophecy of empire concerning Galba, to whom the power passed when the dynasty of the Julii and Claudii had ruled fo

xplain it. The problem does not exist: Julian was closer to the point when he classified Augustus as a chameleon. 2 Colour c

al man; and the heir of Caesar displayed coherence in thought and act when he inaugurated the proscriptions and when he sanc

oherence in thought and act when he inaugurated the proscriptions and when he sanctioned clemency, when he seized power by f

hen he inaugurated the proscriptions and when he sanctioned clemency, when he seized power by force, and when he based autho

s and when he sanctioned clemency, when he seized power by force, and when he based authority upon law and consent. The Dict

one thing: quite different is the estimate of his political activity when he raised up Caesar’s heir against Antonius. The

vour may be largely assigned to one thing the influence of literature when studied in isolation from history. The writings o

Actium and the Principate of Augustus: the work appears to have ended when the Republic went down at Philippi. That Pollio c

historian was also constrained to omit the period of the Triumvirate when he observed that he could not treat his subject w

and self-defence against aggression was often invoked by a politician when he embarked upon a course of unconstitutional act

, converted into a ruinous political force by the tribune C. Gracchus when he set them in control of the law-courts and in o

lients, looking to their leader for spoil in war and estates in Italy when their campaigns were over. But not veterans onl

o be the leader of a faction. Cicero fell short of that eminence both when a consul and when a consular, or senior statesman

a faction. Cicero fell short of that eminence both when a consul and when a consular, or senior statesman, through lack of

tius Varro Lucullus is not known. PageBook=>022 the right wing when Sulla destroyed the Samnite army at the Battle of

ed without scruple the influence of their husbands. 4 On the whole, when some fifteen years had elapsed since Sulla’s deat

. Domitius Ahenobarbus (cos. 96), was very influential with the plebs when tribune in 104, then carrying a law to transfer s

f Marius. Caesar, who took Cinna’s daughter in marriage, defied Sulla when he sought to break the match. When pronouncing th

influence and his army for personal ends and played an ambiguous game when civil war broke out between Marius and Sulla. Bru

the government. Then, coming back to Rome after six years of absence, when he had terminated the war in Spain against Sertor

ort of Pompeius even though the one of them turned against the People when elected consul and the other lent his services to

action, managed the negotiations between tribunes and army commanders when they united to overthrow the constitution of Sull

d, not at once and automatically after praetorship and consulate, but when an interval of five years had elapsed, was recomm

ion. NotesPage=>039 1 The proposal was not published until 53, when Hirrus was tribune. Cato nearly deprived him of h

by his acts of arrogance towards other principes and by his support, when consul and proconsul, of the domination of Pompei

though not without quarrels and rivalry, Pompeius broke the alliance when he returned from the East; and the consul Metellu

overnment and deprived him of the command against Mithridates. Again, when he landed in Italy after an absence of nearly fiv

ve rival, a spurious and disquieting champion of legitimate authority when men recalled the earlier career and inordinate am

o passed from words to deeds and perished in an armed rising. Cicero, when lauding the clemency and magnanimity of the Dicta

. Again, ‘Sallust’ (Ad Caesarem 2, 9, 3) is neither just nor relevant when he observes: ‘unius tamen M. Catonis ingenium ver

nachronism in a world-empire; and so was the power of the Roman plebs when all Italy enjoyed the franchise. Caesar in truth

men soon refused further support to the rash, self-righteous tribune when he plunged into illegal courses. The political dy

. PageBook=>063 power and noted for their attacks upon Caesar, when Caesar was an ally and agent of the dynast Pompei

had established. Pompeius’ repute was evil enough with his own class; when he formed an alliance with the Metelli he placed

of NotesPage=>066 1 On Q. Fufius Calenus, tribune in 61 B.C. ( when he protected Clodius), praetor in 59, cf. P-W VI,

es which seem to have formed an alliance for power with the plebeians when the latter were admitted to the consulate. 3 Old

Ap. Claudius Pulcher in 51 (Ad fam. 8, 6, 1), so he had little choice when it came to civil war. Caesar designated him for t

bankrupts and terrorists; 2 while Pompeians and their leader himself, when war broke out, made savage threats of Sullan pros

ht, and therefore juryman, officer or man of affairs, the progenitor, when he was not the heir, of a family with municipal r

they had acquired varied and valuable experience, now to be employed when they governed provinces and led armies of Roman l

s a kindred name to a deity worshipped at Narnia. 4 Vespasian laughed when adulation invented as ancestor for the Flavii a c

‘Pωµαίων βoνλ∊ντή⍴ιoν ἀναĸ∊λ∊ƞµένoς. No evidence, however, precisely when he became a senator. 3 ILS 8888. Cf. above, p.

Visidius was one of the partisans who watched over the life of Cicero when Catilina, threatening revolution, provoked a sacr

, making enemies and friends in high places. 1 Pollio was with Caesar when he crossed the Rubicon. Herennius was a general

ssienus Rufus (cos. 4 B.C.): the notorious Salvidienus Rufus perished when cos. des. (in 40). C. Billienus had been a potent

; for Caesar had intended that Dolabella should have the vacant place when he resigned and departed to the Balkans. The othe

onstitutional government again. Concord was advertised in the evening when the Caesarian leaders and the Liberators entertai

ary, despised so utterly the plebs of Rome that they felt no scruples when they enhanced its degradation. Even Cato admitted

was not altogether foolish to hope for normal and ordered government when the storm had spent its strength, when the popula

normal and ordered government when the storm had spent its strength, when the popular excitement had subsided: time and for

in control of Italy more than once during the Civil Wars, in 49 B.C. when Antonius was only tribune of the plebs, and after

ected consul for that year, would be left in charge of the government when Caesar departed. Born in 82 B.C., Antonius was

Empire, whose unofficial follies did not prevent them from rising, when duty called, to services of conspicuous ability o

urs circulated before long, to be reinforced by monstrous allegations when proof or disproof was out of the question: in the

and by the need to safeguard his position and his person, especially when attacked, later in the year, by his enemies in a

faithful Favonius and Cicero, who was mercilessly snubbed by Servilia when he embarked upon an all too familiar recital of l

to the session of August 1st is Cicero’s report of what was told him when he was absent from Rome. In Cicero, however, no m

that young man had not seemed a political factor of prime importance when he arrived in Italy. Seven months pass, and he ha

nd family of M. Agrippa, friends or enemies have nothing to say: even when it became safe to inquire or publish, nothing at

onsuls- designate, Hirtius and Pansa, whose counsel Octavianus sought when he arrived in Campania. Friends of Caesar, to who

but by preventing the actions of others. Even a nonentity is a power when consul at Rome. A policy they had, and they might

n and later, both during the struggle between Caesar and Pompeius and when Roman politics again appeared to be degenerating

ion or for political advancement, afterwards became more conservative when he gained the consulate and entered the ranks of

8, 5. PageBook=>138 stronger. Not that Cicero expected war and when war came, even Cato seemed willing to go back upo

d, two days later, the meeting of the Senate in the Temple of Tellus, when Cicero, like other statesmen, spoke for security

ning there till the end of the year, to return under happier auspices when Hirtius and Pansa were consuls. The legislation o

peatedly witnessed more ferocious displays of political invective, as when he contended with L. Piso ten years earlier. Be

t have been reckoned as a political factor by Cicero and P. Servilius when they attacked the consul. However that may be,

professions, how shamefully he had deserted his post after March 17th when concord and ordered government might still have b

place in the history of civilization tempt and excuse the apologist, when he passes from the character of the orator to def

and unsuspecting persons, including Cicero himself. 7 So the orator, when defending Caelius the wayward and fashionable you

a muleteer:8 the fullest elaboration on that theme belongs to a time when it could do him no harm. 9 Nor was it Caesar’s en

lican virtue of libertas, to be regretted more than political freedom when both were abolished. For the sake of peace and th

ecration in the legend Libertatis p. R. Vindex; 6 and centuries later when the phrase Vindex Libertatis appears on the coina

d a derisive ring. 3 The friends of peace had to abandon their plea when they spoke for war. Peace should not be confused

r the public good. Cicero had descended to that language years before when he explained the noble motives that induced him t

nwealth excited emulation among the generals of the western provinces when they decided to desert the government, making com

civil passion the task of the apostle of concord was not always easy when he had to deal with enemies whom he had described

the first steps need be hazardous. A proconsul in defence of honour, when trapped by his enemies, invokes the protection of

ibed as the generous investment of a patrimony for the public good; 4 when the legions of a consul deserted, it was taken to

han ‘laying the foundations of constitutional government’. 6 Again, when private individuals seize provinces and armies, t

thus lay ready to hand. All the phrases, all the weapons were there: when the constitution had perished, the will of Army a

the personal safety of the new consuls on the first day of the year, when momentous transactions were announced as though a

the law, and Brutus was insecure. Antonius was patently in the right when summoning him to surrender the province. That poi

ch was the constant and bitter complaint of Cicero through the months when he clamoured for war. 4 ‘The consuls are excellen

not the only irregularity practised by the party of the constitution when it ‘established the Republic upon a firm basis’.

upon a firm basis’. While consul, Antonius was clearly unassailable; when proconsul, his position, though not so strong, wa

from passing over. Such was the situation that confronted C. Antonius when he landed at Dyrrhachium to take over the provinc

onius. So at least he inferred from the measures passed in the Senate when the tidings of Mutina were known. In the victory-

pidus may yet in treachery be held true to the Roman People at a time when patriotism and high principle were invoked to jus

es had prevailed against political hostility in civil wars before now when waged by Roman nobles. 3 Lepidus was declared a p

Brutus did not act until he had news of the session of November 28th, when Antonius deprived Brutus and Cassius of the praet

by his leave:2 let Cicero live on in ignominy. ’3 Even in mid-July, when the end was near, Cicero would not admit to Brutu

4, 387, cf, 74, 303. PageBook=>188 after the Battle of Mutina, when he treated the Antonian captives with honour, sen

concentrated diplomacy decided the fate of the Roman world. Antonius when consul had abolished the Dictatorship for all tim

and such expedients. For Antonius there was some palliation, at least when consul he had been harried by faction and treason

ion, at least when consul he had been harried by faction and treason, when proconsul outlawed. For Octavianus there was none

man class-feeling and the common sentiments of humanity were revolted when Lepidus sacrificed his brother Paullus, Antonius

mies out of the land, thus precluding any armed insurrection in Italy when they settled accounts with the Liberators. Cicero

were established on provincial soil, sparing Italy. A party prevailed when Caesar defeated Pompeius yet the following of Cae

thority in the Senate there was a singular dearth, recalling the days when Cinna was dominant at Rome. In December of the ye

d, the brutal and the unscrupulous: even youth became a commendation, when possession of neither traditions nor property cou

ipse in the East. Brutus and Cassius now took counsel for war. Even when Antonius joined Lepidus and Plancus, Brutus may n

and the extermination of the Liberators had not been Antonius’ policy when he was consul. But with Caesar’s heir there could

t is true, were Caesarian veterans. Yet the soldiers welcomed Cassius when he arrived in Syria more than eighteen months ear

ervour such as can have attended none of his more recent predecessors when they had liberated Rome from the domination of a

nutius, the tribune who had presented Caesar’s heir before the people when he marched upon Rome for the first time. 1 Death

ia and the investment of Perusia, it may be that he had no cognizance when he arrived at Tyre in February of the year 40, bu

yre in February of the year 40, but learned only after his departure, when sailing to Cyprus and to Athens. 3 The War of Per

its very nature is peculiarly liable, that of subsequent manipulation when exact fulfilment has been frustrated or postponed

y alone of the senators they had sought to defend Caesar the Dictator when he was assailed by the Liberators. 1 In the eye

litary repute secured him the larger share of credit for making peace when the fortune of war had been manifestly on his sid

son no obstacle, however, in high politics. The college of pontifices when consulted gave a politic response, and the husban

2. 7 The problem of Scribonia’s husbands, intensified by Suetonius when he describes her as ‘nuptam ante duobus consulari

traditional policy of family alliances, though the day was long past when that alone brought power at Rome. His brother-in-

his triumviral partner to perform his share and subdue the Parthians, when there would be no excuse for delay to restore con

, reinforced in devotion, but had attached few senators of note, even when four years had elapsed since the foundation of th

, 1937, 62. 6 Appian, BC 5, 54, 229, cf. Groag, PIR2, C 1331. If or when he was consul is uncertain, for Velleius describe

or from a motive of family insurance not uncommon in the civil wars, when piety or protection might triumph over political

s received or usurped the privilege of an elephant for his conveyance when he returned home from banquets, a token of change

us; and his Republican following, already considerable, was augmented when the last adherents of Sex. Pompeius passed into h

can triumph (June 30th, 34 B.C.) to Illyricum, took charge of affairs when Octavianus departed (Dio 49, 38, 4). 2 The prec

ith a new nobility. No record stands of the sentiments of the nobiles when they contemplated the golden crown worn by a man

ce of public speaking at Rome had recently been carried to perfection when Hortensius, the master of the florid Asianic styl

ies designed for use in schools, that he drew the parallel so clearly when alluding to the behaviour of the veteran armies.

of the senator that it was held a matter of note, if not of scandal, when an inferior person presumed to tread such august

icius, Cinna, and others of their friends were found on Caesar’s side when war came. 1 The men were dead, and their fashio

the inventor of Roman elegy. He first emerges into authentic history when Pollio in a letter to Cicero mentions ‘my friend,

poet may have served as an equestrian officer on the staff of Pollio when he governed the Cisalpina for Antonius (41-40 B.C

ctively). 5 The various statements concerning the date and occasion when Virgil’s estate was confiscated, the manner and a

been touched by contemporary politics and quickened to grander themes when the pastoral poet celebrated in mystical splendou

ian Varius Rufus, they journeyed together to Brundisium, at that time when the rulers of the world were to meet not far away

ned to break out during the Sicilian War. 1 When public order lapsed, when cities or individuals armed for protection, briga

ranks of the Senate a number of men who had come to maturity in years when Rome yet displayed the name and the fabric of a f

us probably died not long after this. PageBook=>258 brief lull when many feared the imminent clash and some favoured

dominance was confirmed by the renewal of the Triumvirate at Tarentum when that office lapsed, Antonian consuls would be in

t to Rome, but to Pompeius their patron, whose cause suddenly revived when young Labienus broke through the Taurus with a Pa

h alliance with the men of property and influence. 1 A day would come when the ruling class in the cities of Asia might hope

se, could not bring them to battle. It was already late in the season when he appeared before the walls of Phraaspa, dangero

eason when he appeared before the walls of Phraaspa, dangerously late when , after a vain siege, he was forced to retreat. Th

icily in 36 B.C. to help Octavianus, and was governor of Syria in 32, when he died (Appian, BC 4, 38, 162; Syr, 51). 3 Des

fies close identification. 6 The total of noble names is impressive when contrasted with the following of the rival Caesar

e denounce the strange pageantry that Alexandria witnessed in 34 B.C. when Antonius returned from the conquest of Armenia. 1

tonius. There was Cleopatra. Antonius was not the King of Egypt,1 but when he abode there as consort of Egypt’s Queen, the f

ld hardly have differed from that of Antonius. The first man in Rome, when controlling the East, could not evade, even if he

nfamiliar, from the arbitrary rule of the Triumvirate. Since the time when the entry into office of new consuls last portend

if the Senate decided to discuss the acta of Antonius one by one, as when Pompeius requested confirmation of his ordering o

ismissed the Senate, instructing it to assemble again on a fixed day, when he would supply documentary evidence against Anto

ans and constitutional purists could recall the situation in 49 B.C., when the Pompeian consuls departed from Rome without s

Complete silence envelops the discreet Cocceii; and there is no sign when Atratinus and Fonteius changed sides. A number of

, bequeathed legacies to the children of Cleopatra and directed that, when he died, he should be buried beside her in Alexan

trant communities, would pay the price in confiscation of their lands when the war was over. 2 In the constitutional crisi

of Rome’s enemy. And so Octavianus, like Cicero twelve years earlier when he so eloquently justified a Catilinarian venture

l notion against Rome by the peoples of Italy, precisely the Italiciy when they fought for freedom and justice in 90 B.C Tha

despotism, the threat of oriental monarchy was distant and irrelevant when compared with the armed domination of Octavianus

ive. The Paelignian town of Sulmo had opened its gates to M. Antonius when he led troops for Caesar in the invasion of Italy

A. Levi, Ottaviano Capoparte 11, 153. 2 As seventeen years before, when Caesar’s invasion of Italy was imminent, bankers

across the Adriatic a force superior to his own—still less feed them when they arrived. Fighting quality was another matter

with a mastery that neither Pompeius nor the Liberators had achieved when they contended against invaders coming from Italy

ork must begin without delay. He had not gone farther east than Samos when he was himself recalled by troubles in Italy. The

lemency to extenuate the guilt of civil war. 3 Likewise did his heir, when murder could serve no useful purpose : he even cl

s heir to the power of Antonius in the East he confirmed their titles when he did not augment their territories. It had been

atever they were worth, Octavianus naturally cancelled; for the rest, when he had completed his arrangements, the territory

nvasion of Asia and Syria there was no danger to be apprehended, save when civil war loosened the fabric of Roman rule. Ther

iliation in Rome and Italy. Pompeius destroyed the Sullan system; and when enlisted in an emergency, he turned his powers to

ten been believed that the words allude to the coniuratio of 32 B.C., when an extraordinary manifestation of the will of the

inion there may well have been. No record would be likely to survive, when an important public event of the year has barely

torians before Livy stated that Cornelius Cossus won the spolia opima when military tribune: but Augustus told Livy that he

k=>309 Yet Crassus was granted the bare distinction of a triumph when a convenient interval had elapsed (July, 27 B.C.)

a benevolent and unmilitary adjective, ‘dux bone! ’2 Even later Ovid, when writing his Fasti, discovered in the word ‘dux’ a

of the title of ‘princeps’ and eager for warlike glory was flattered when his poets called him ‘dux’ and ‘ductor’. 4 So m

ss was completed in a session of the Senate on January 13th, 27 B.C., when he solemnly announced that he resigned all powers

t. The whole career of Pompeius was violent and illicit, from the day when the youth of twenty-three raised a private army,

It would not do to revive such memories, save by covert apology, or when an official historian sought to refute Sallustius

n of the Free State against military despotism. Virgil in the Aeneid, when he matched the rival leaders, made Aeneas’ guide

y of his adherents desired change and disturbance. Well might he say, when asked his verdict on Cato, that anybody who does

tus the Princeps. Nor was Brutus a good imperialist. As he pronounced when he attacked the domination of Pompeius, for the s

law, and provided from his own pocket the bounty for the legionaries when they retired from service. NotesPage=>322

ening, of despotic power. Such at least was the conception of Tacitus when he referred elsewhere to the legislation of 28 B.

ion of powers and extent of provincia might later be modified how and when he pleased. One thing could never change, the sou

s, probably earned ennoblement by service as legates or as proconsuls when praetorian in rank. 4 Augustus was consul every

. At need, he could revive the imperium consulare, ostensibly reduced when the Republic was restored. Such were the powers

atter the fabric, that the Commonwealth should stand and endure, even when its sovran organs, the Senate and People, were im

. 3 Apart from the Acta Triumphalia, no record of any fighting save when Taurus was there (Dio 51, 20, 5). Orosius, howeve

ena was implicated. The criminals were condemned in absence, captured when evading arrest, and put to death. The Senate sanc

heir perished by disease or by the dagger, there might come again, as when Caesar the Dictator fell, dissension in their ran

for use that the Princeps took a partner and strengthened his powers when he appeared to divide them. Before the end of the

l as by Augustus:2 falsely, perhaps, but it was disquieting. However, when Augustus in prospect of death made his last dispo

istocratic stock, Tiberius could rise above class and recognize merit when he saw it. In Agrippa there was a republican vi

e between Augustus and Agrippa. 3 Absurd for the aftermath of Actium, when the lines were composed, they are not even approp

e lines were composed, they are not even appropriate to a later date, when Agrippa’s power had been accorded status and defi

cked the unique auctoritas of the predestined leader. Therefore, even when Agrippa subsequently received proconsular power l

he matter of Marcellus. Ultimately Marcellus might become Princeps, when age and merit qualified. For the moment, it did n

atesmen require powerful deputies and agents, as a historian observed when speaking of these men. 1 Such a triumvirate exi

order that the sovran assembly should recover dignity and efficiency when the Free State was restored, Octavianus and Agrip

conservative party may be very large and quite heterogeneous. Cicero, when defining the Optimates (or champions of property

iat of Italy menaced and shattered the Roman Republic: none the less, when offered some prospect that their aspirations for

of its origin as a private army in the Revolution. Not until A.D. 6, when large dismissals of legionaries were in prospect,

f Egypt found peer and parallel in the middle years of Augustus’ rule when a pair of Roman knights was chosen to command the

k=>359 It was not so: the property qualification was low indeed, when judged by the standards of Roman financiers; 1 an

th material goods. But Augustus was sometimes disappointed, precisely when he had every reason to expect the right kind of s

contrast between Italy and the provinces is misleading and erroneous when extended to colonies of full citizen-rights in th

ed until 18 B.C., the year of the introduction of the new moral code, when , in face of opposition and by complicated methods

cord. One of them was removed by violence. A certain Egnatius Rufus when aedile several years before had organized his pri

Arruntius, M. Lollius, P. Silius Nerva and C. Sentius Saturninus; and when Saturninus resigned late in the year 19 B.C. he w

was there all the time, with no official standing. 1 Rome was glad when Augustus returned. His rule, now more firmly cons

gates of consular standing. Yet this was apparent by 12 B.C at least, when four or five large commands already existed. 4 It

three claims to the consulate. An orator might make mock of a jurist when urging a soldier’s claims to the consulate. 2 Non

ld prevail alone. Neither law nor oratory would carry a man far, save when a conspicuous dearth of ability drove a group of

y their contemporaries. Messalla raised vigorous and public complaint when inferior Valerii sought to graft themselves upon

us:3 Cicero himself was still owing money to Caesar for a timely loan when the Civil War broke out. 4 But the Triumvirate so

ore acquiring the coveted dignity of augur, which fell to M. Antonius when of quaestorian rank: Antonius was a noble. But An

e fight for liberty during the Bellum Perusinum and committed suicide when all was lost. 4 NotesPage=>383 1 For examp

ippa was active in the East in 23-22 B.C., in the West in 20-19 B.C., when he completed the pacification of Spain. But the c

to exercise hereditary rights hence the resentment of an Ahenobarbus when Caesar monopolized Gaul for many years. It does n

as Dessau argued, adducing ILS 102. Perhaps in the period 16–13 B.C., when the Princeps himself visited Spain. Two armies st

ve class. Four men of note governed Galatia at different times, one when praetorian, the others consular. M. Lollius (cos.

til Lollius emerges as guide and counsellor to the young Gaius Caesar when he went to the East in 1 B.C.4 L. Calpurnius Piso

e war, and Suetonius (De rhet. 6), describing a case tried before him when he was proconsul, at Mediolanium, are very puzzli

d on the Rhine, a more searching trial for the Princeps and his party when Drusus was dead and Tiberius in exile. Whatever h

missed in the years 7-2 B.C. But no ground was lost during the decade when Tiberius was absent from the conduct of Rome’s fo

LS 8965) is quite uncertain. A. v. Premerstein argues for 14–13 B.C. ( when he is in fact attested in Illyricum at the beginn

rvices received was the duty of the aediles and of the censors if and when censors were appointed. NotesPage=>401 1 P

. The years before the final struggle witnessed a grandiose spectacle when the leading partisans of Antonius and Octavianus

33, 5. 8 Tacitus, Ann. 6, 11. PageBook=>404 Ten years later, when Augustus departed on his second visit to the prov

sted throughout his reign, being especially useful in the last years, when the Princeps seldom cared to enter the Curia; in

rationarium imperii was kept by Augustus, to be divulged only if and when he handed in his accounts to the State. 9 Notes

road to Spain), Macedonia(the Egnatia) and the dimensions of Cilicia when Cicero was its governor. 2 Seneca, De ben. 6, 3

on of the city imposed Claudius in succession to his nephew Caligula, when Rome lacked a government for two days and in the

intentions. Rumour asserted that the adoption of Hadrian was managed, when Trajan was already defunct, by Plotina his wife a

hat bound Tiberius to the reigning house. Tiberius was not consulted; when he knew, he vainly interceded for his wife. Augus

as ‘pervicax adulter’, alleging a liaison that went back to the time when Julia was the wife of Agrippa. On the greater imp

us, not heard of since Actium, but probably appointed legate of Syria when Agrippa left the East (13 B.C.,) C. Sentius Satur

n. Lollius was favoured by Augustus, loathed by Tiberius. In 17 B.C., when governor of Gaul, Lollius had suffered at the han

Velleius 2, 102, 1 f. 2 As Cn. Piso (cos. 7 B.C.) found to his cost when trying to control Germanicus. 3 Pliny, NH 9, 11

t in Rome as a private citizen. Even though the other Caesar, Lucius, when on his way to Spain succumbed to illness and died

erciless towards Julia and the five nobiles her allies; and in A.D.I, when his son and heir was consul, he came safely throu

n of Agrippa and Julia. Of the true sentiments of Senate and People when the Claudian returned to power, no testimony exis

e, p. 400. PageBook=>432 The final blow was to fall in A.D. 6, when the armies of the Rhine and of Illyricum invaded

alleled since Crassus, the constitutional crisis in Rome, supervening when the first man in the Empire was absent, might tur

her husband had been put to death, then recalled, but finally exiled when she proved incorrigible in her vices. If this cou

go back upon it, even if he had wished. The mandate was not exhausted when the State was saved from a foreign enemy. The sol

sciences, the fine arts and mere literature were clearly superfluous, when not positively noxious. 1 Philosophy studied to e

i. Augustus did not strip him of that honour, ostentatious in scruple when scruple cost him nothing. He could wait for Lepid

an only, but Italian, ingrained in the Sabines of old and in Etruria, when Etruria was martial. 6 The fiercest of the Italic

nd intolerably moral. The Italian bourgeoisie had their sweet revenge when the New State was erected at the expense of the n

Political invective was vigorous, ferocious but indiscriminate, save when there was a government in being. Then it mustered

opulent city of Patavium certainly had to endure severe requisitions when Pollio governed the Cisalpina: the wealthy went i

xpression in the versions of Horace and Propertius. Propertius again, when singing the praises of Italy in a patriotic vein,

amily policy of the New State was vividly and triumphantly advertised when a sturdy plebeian from Faesulae marched to the Ca

the poets expressed the spirit of the national programme. In 13 B.C., when both Augustus and Agrippa had returned from the p

generals offered prayers before going to their armies or thanksgiving when returning from successful wars. PageNotes. 470

temple of Mars the Avenger had been vowed by Caesar’s son at Philippi when he fought against the assassins of his parent, th

Caesar’s heir were seen, recalled or invented everywhere, especially when the guarantors had disappeared. 1 The wife of C

sovranty from Jupiter, and recognized again by Cicero on the next day when he had the first sight of Caesar’s grandnephew in

egiance to the military leader in the War of Actium: it did not lapse when he became a magistrate at Rome and in relation to

r oath, it may be presumed, was administered to the Eastern provinces when they were reconquered from Antonius. Later at lea

often engaged in active warfare; and the vigorous Amyntas was killed when attempting to extirpate the Homonadenses. The pri

a rising which Varus the governor of Syria put down. Ten years later, when Archelaus the ethnarch was deposed, Augustus deci

enty years before, would have risen again at the earliest opportunity when Roman armies were absent. Other subject peoples c

ristocracy knew the truth and suffered in bitter impotence, not least when they derived profit and advancement from the pres

n public, must have been privately canvassed and derided as offensive when they were not palpably fraudulent. His personal c

e very least, that his native caution was happily seconded by fortune when the soldiers of Brutus broke into the camp and te

PageBook=>481 Though there were notorious instances of mercy, as when Cinna was pardoned after a not very well authenti

olitical ambition, to waive that solemn duty in the autumn of 44 B.C. when he made a pact with Pompeians; and when uniting w

duty in the autumn of 44 B.C. when he made a pact with Pompeians; and when uniting with Antonius at Brundisium he had condon

an ally and benefactor. The plea and battle-cry of pietas was resumed when convenient. As for the fourth of the cardinal vir

real impotence of their enemies. 4 The strength of Augustus’ position when Princeps enabled him to permit freedom of speech

questioned the veracity of Caesar; in his contemporaries, especially when they dealt with the period of which he had person

5 Dio 56, 27, 1. 6 Seneca, De ira 3, 23, 4 ff. Pollio harboured him when he was expelled from Augustus’ house. 7 Seneca,

allies. The Metelli had backed Sulla: they made a final bid for power when , with the Scipionic connexion, they supported Pom

ica (Ann. 1, 53). PageBook=>494 That was fitting. From the day when the great ancestor, Attus Clausus, migrating from

e long, however, they became entangled, not only among themselves, as when a Piso, adopted by a Crassus, married a Scribonia

the wives of Caligula, and also a candidate for the hand of Claudius when the sword removed Valeria Messallina, was the bea

dependent Senate. The nobiles might savour a brief taste of revenge when scandal and crime rent the reigning house or when

ef taste of revenge when scandal and crime rent the reigning house or when a powerful upstart, Gallus, Lollius or Seianus, w

her than the origins of the process, which belong generations earlier when provincials were already equestrian officers and

ate without scandal or inconvenience. Cato was already out of the way when Octavianus took up arms against the State. But Ca

for thwarting the cult, suggested perhaps by his own felicitous reply when his friend Seius Strabo asked his opinion of Cato

the better cause for which Cato fought had prevailed after his death when the Roman People was saved from despotism and res

t. Political liberty had to go, for the sake of the Commonwealth. But when independence of spirit and of language perished a

ealth. But when independence of spirit and of language perished also, when servility and adulation took the place of liberta

o despotism and the unwilling instrument of the process, was sickened when men of his own class abandoned their Roman tradit

fessed an unswerving devotion to Libertas. But Libertas was destroyed when Virtus was shattered at Philippi. Political liber

The historian Tacitus, commenting on the stability of the new régime when the power was to pass from Augustus to Tiberius,

elled eloquence of the closing days of the Republic. 4 He might pause when he reflected that great oratory is a symptom of d

ators any more, for long speeches in the Senate or before the People, when one man had the supreme decision in the Commonwea

monarchy. Names did not matter much. Before long the eloquent Seneca, when counselling the young Nero to clemency, could emp

best form of government. It was also primeval, fated to return again when a state had run through the whole cycle of change

n intention of writing in his old age the history of that happy time, when freedom of thought prevailed and freedom of speec

, and ‘dux’ became beneficent, ‘dux bonus’. Ovid perhaps went too far when he spoke of ‘dux sacratus’. 3 But Dux was not eno

f the colony of Pisa showed more restraint, but meant the same thing, when they celebrated the ‘Guardian of the Roman Empire

dals and by disasters on the frontiers of empire. 1 Yet for all that, when the end came it found him serene and cheerful. On

made provision for his own immortality. 3 During the Spanish wars, when stricken by an illness that might easily have bee

uces and principes, intended to outshine them all. At the very moment when he was engaged upon the ostensible restoration of

Caesar had endured to the end. He died on the anniversary of the day when he assumed his first consulate after the march on

and policy, he remained true to himself and to the career that began when he raised a private army and ‘liberated the State

valuable clue to ready identification; and cognomina are added, even when they do not occur in the documents that attest th

eir conventional or most familiar names. Names of places are included when important for their political allegiance or as th