ublican, but a partisan of Caesar and of Antonius. This also explains what is said about Cicero and about Livy. Yet, in the

t details accruing. Essentially, and strictly, therefore, the book is what it was when it first appeared. OXFORD, 1 Januar

r to enlist a man of principle on their side, celebrated as integrity what was often conceit or stupidity and mistook craft

stion of ultimate intentions becomes irrelevant. Caesar was slain for what he was, not for what he might become. 6 The assum

entions becomes irrelevant. Caesar was slain for what he was, not for what he might become. 6 The assumption of a Dictatorsh

er of Libertas. Dubious history and irrelevant. 1 The Liberators knew what they were about. Honourable men grasped the ass

King of Egypt, who, unable to repay his benefactor in hard cash, did what he could and appointed him chief minister of fina

n of interest between Senate and knights. 5 The episode also revealed what everybody knew and few have recorded bitter disco

lands in Epirus. 4 On the whole, Antonius was distinctly superior to what Rome had learned to expect of the politician in p

uble front, both Caesarian and Republican, and advancing steadily. To what end? Primacy in the Caesarian party was now his:

ittle. PageBook=>116 as well as extreme Republicans. They knew what the last extended command in Gaul had meant. Tw

and Roman scorn for the mob. The enterprises of Herophilus had shown what dominance the memory of Caesar retained over the

iations leading up to the session of August 1st is Cicero’s report of what was told him when he was absent from Rome. In Cic

dignified bearing, the demagogy and the bribes of Caesar’s heir. With what consummate art he worked upon this material in th

ns. The new Pompeius now had an army. He was at first quite uncertain what to do with it. Was he to stand at Capua and preve

at Alba Fucens. They would listen neither to argument nor to bribes: what he offered was miserable in comparison with the l

could not raise the semblance even of being a party. It was in truth what in defamation the most admirable causes had often

ral in the Civil War. Returning from his province of Cilicia, he made what efforts he could to avert hostilities. He showed

d Brutus later remarked ‘as long as Cicero can get people to give him what he wants, to flatter and to praise him, he will p

he cause of ordered government was still not beyond hope: to save it, what better champion than a patriot who boasted never

until November (ib. 16, 11, 4). 5 This may perhaps be supported by what St. Augustine records about the De re publica (De

inspired the veteran statesman in his last and courageous battle for what he believed to be the Republic, liberty and the l

whether they employ to that end calumny or silence: they often betray what they strive most carefully to conceal. But certai

for the actions of Octavianus. 2 His policy violated public law with what chance of success on a long calculation, or even

lic view seemed all eyebrows and antique gravity. What dissimulation, what inner turpitude and nameless orgies within four w

itimate government. That was precisely the question at Rome where and what was the legitimate authority that could demand th

constitution: no paradox, but the supreme and authentic revelation of what each was worth. The realities of Roman politics

life derives in the main from the speeches of Cicero. On the surface, what could be more clear than his categories and his ‘

uivalent to the spirit and practice of Republican government. Exactly what corresponded to the Republican constitution was,

find that the constitution was being perversely invoked against them: what if the People should appear misguided in the use

through legal provisions, namely the acta of Caesar the Dictator. But what of the official recognition of Caesar’s heir? Sen

sular year. Nothing extraordinary in that. Compare, in the next year, what P. Lentulus says (Ad fam. 12, 14, 5): ‘qua re non

in name alone. Four were veteran, the rest raw recruits. Plancus knew what recruits were worth. 4 A lull followed. Antoniu

described Servilius as ‘homo furiosus’. 6 If a consul was required, what more deserving candidate than Cicero himself? A

cacious Brutus. Two letters reveal his insight. 5 The one to Atticus ‘ what is the point of overthrowing Antonius to install

rial evoked. 6 NotesPage=>190 1 Appian (BC 4, 8, 31 ff.) gives what purports to be their official manifesto. 2 lb.

egions. The proletariat of Italy, long exploited and thwarted, seized what they regarded as their just portion. A social rev

Antonius, however, a former public enemy, was now invading Italy with what remained of the Republican armed forces. His admi

55 Horace had come to manhood in an age of war and knew the age for what it was. Others might succumb to black despair:

nity, both in style and in subject, already setting forth in practice what he was later to formulate as a literary theory a

nt clash and some favoured Caesar’s heir, none could have foreseen by what arts a national champion was to prevail and a nat

had begun nine years ago: Cleopatra was his wife. As for Octavianus, what about Salvia Titisenia, Rufilla, Tertulla and Ter

powers after the date fixed for their expiry, as in 37 B.C. This was what Antonius did in 32 B.C. On the other, the stateme

civil war fleets and legions are not the most important things. Under what name and plea was the contest to be fought? For R

all the apparatus of oriental luxury. That was absurd; and they knew what war was like. On a cool estimate, the situation w

most nearly allied to them by the ties of family or business. 2 But what if the partition of the world was to be perpetuat

t was secure, or deemed secure, in the keeping of a Roman knight. But what of Syria and Macedonia? Soon after Actium, Messal

nment. How far was the process of regulating the State to go, under what name were the Caesarian party and its leader to r

from his own power to the discretion of the Senate and the People. By what right had it been in his hand? He indicates that

nius Gallus (ILS 89s, cf. Dio 51, 20, 5). It is not certain, however, what position he was holding in Gaul (above, p. 302).

is friends and allies—and perhaps with neutral politicians. They knew what they were about. In name, in semblance and in the

vranty of Senate and People had been restored. It remains to discover what it all amounted to. On the face of things, the

lawyers and historians of more recent times. Augustus knew precisely what he wanted: it was simple and easily translated. M

te, being in a majority the partisans of Augustus, were well aware of what was afoot. To secure the domination of the Caesar

mand deep thought or high debate in the party councils. Augustus took what he deemed necessary for his designs, the consulat

form and definition. If an exact date must at all costs be sought in what is a process, not a series of acts, the establish

te, the gains of the Revolution were to be consolidated and extended: what had begun as a series of arbitrary acts was to co

mere proconsul of Crete or Cyprus; and the Prefect of the Guard knew what little power resided in the decorative office and

a part of the Roman State, or in wealthy cities of old civilization, what of the backward regions of Italy that had only be

es concerning the magistracies: it is therefore hard to discern under what conditions they were liberated from control and r

ntil the fall of Lollius, Augustus remained obdurate. He now gave way what Livia had been unable to achieve was perhaps the

ive, they shaped their history, their traditions and their concept of what was Roman in deliberate opposition to what was Gr

tions and their concept of what was Roman in deliberate opposition to what was Greek. Out of the War of Actium, artfully con

ith an emotional content. To a Roman, such a word was ‘antiquus’; and what Rome now required was men like those of old, and

, 532 ff., cf. 167 ff. PageBook=>451 It is by no means certain what class of cultivator the Georgics of Virgil were i

ian bourgeoisie. 2 But they were a tough and military stock. That was what was wanted. Nor indeed was recruiting for the l

kes much Augustan poetry seem an inspired anticipation and shows with what startling fidelity the poets expressed the spirit

g governors are recorded in the time of Augustus: one of them reveals what Asia had to suffer from a murderous proconsul. 4

ory. Pollio, who came from a poor and infertile region of Italy, knew what Patavium was a city notorious for material prospe

finally, the whole moral and romantic view of history. 1 Pollio knew what history was. It was not like Livy. Augustus’ hi

n themselves. They have left no personal and authentic record to show what they thought of the Principate of Augustus. They

writing, Tacitus abandoned the Empire and the provinces and turned to what some have regarded as a narrow and outworn theme.

It was the part of prudence to pray for good emperors and put up with what you got. 3 Given the nature of man ’vitia erunt d

ents and character of his rule. The record is no less instructive for what it omits than for what it says. The adversaries o

is rule. The record is no less instructive for what it omits than for what it says. The adversaries of the Princeps in war a