tirely, from this illuminating work—in an earlier form and draft they were the substance of lectures delivered at Oxford in

peace and by the apparent termination of the revolutionary age, they were willing to acquiesce, if not actively to share, i

as a chameleon. 2 Colour changed, but not substance. Contemporaries were not deceived. The convenient revival of Republica

uctoritas is the word his enemies would have called it potentia. They were right. Yet the ‘Restoration of the Republic’ was

came deeply imbued with the traditional spirit of that order; and all were preoccupied with the fall of Libertas and the def

s and superseding them all. The policy and acts of the Roman People were guided by an oligarchy, its annals were written i

and acts of the Roman People were guided by an oligarchy, its annals were written in an oligarchic spirit. History arose fr

nces and the feuds of the dynasts, monarchic faction- leaders as they were called, the Free State perished NotesPage=>0

rchy. Gaul and the West stood firm; but the horsemen of the Parthians were seen in Syria and on the western shore of Asia. T

essed to be defending the cause of liberty and of peace. Those ideals were incompatible. When peace came, it was the peace o

Book=>010 WHEN the patricians expelled the kings from Rome, they were careful to retain the kingly power, vested in a p

of the Free State, after the ordinances of Sulla the Dictator, there were many senators whose fathers had held only the low

mines, but by the strife for power, wealth and glory. The contestants were the nobiles among themselves, as individuals or i

clan won concentrated support for the rising politician. The nobiles were dynasts, their daughters princesses. Marriage wit

cy, more binding than any compact of oath or interest. Not that women were merely the instruments of masculine policy. Far f

engross history, but the most revolutionary changes in Roman politics were the work of families or of a few men. A small par

ng, the friendly offices of lowly agents such as influential freedmen were not despised. Above all, it was necessary to conc

e splendour and pride of the governing class. For that surrender they were scorned by senators. They did not mind. 1 Some li

d as bankers dominating finance, commerce and industry. The publicani were the fine flower of the equestrian order, the orna

ke against these ‘homines honestissimi’ and never let them down: they were in the habit of requiting his services by loans o

of senators, and thus built up large estates in Italy. Among senators were great holders of property like Pompeius and Aheno

r senatorial, the possessing classes stood for the existing order and were suitably designated as boni. The mainstay of this

sacred army of the wealthy was clearly the financiers. Many senators were their partners, allies or advocates. Concord and

edistributing property or changing the value of money. The financiers were strong enough to ruin any politician or general w

oman conservatism or snobbery, that the leaders of revolution in Rome were usually impoverished or idealistic nobles, that t

that lay behind or beyond it, next to the noble families the knights were the most important. Through alliance with groups

ces. The soldiers, now recruited from the poorest classes in Italy, were ceasing to feel allegiance to the State; military

he provinces. The general had to be a politician, for his legionaries were a host of clients, looking to their leader for sp

eir leader for spoil in war and estates in Italy when their campaigns were over. But not veterans only were attached to hi

ates in Italy when their campaigns were over. But not veterans only were attached to his cause from his provincial command

and whole regions, provinces and nations, kings and tetrarchs. Such were the resources which ambition required to win powe

voked the specious and venerable authority of the Senate. 1 But there were to be found in their ranks a few sincere reformer

century of revolution. The traditional contests of the noble families were complicated, but not abolished, by the strife of

classes even, and of military leaders. Before long the Italian allies were dragged into Roman dissensions. The tribune M. Li

pported by a resurgence of the defeated causes in Italy. The tribunes were only a pretext, but the Marian party the proscrib

, had been extirpated; and the other Sabellic peoples of the Apennine were broken and reduced. But Etruria, despoiled and re

estroyed Sulla’s system but left the nobiles nominally in power. They were able to repel and crush the attempt of the patric

ses suffered defeat in the struggle for power, and long eclipse, they were saved from extinction by the primitive tenacity o

f the Etruscan Tarquinii collapsed, the earliest heirs to their power were the Valerii and the Fabii. 1 To the Fasti of the

ook=>019 Aemilii, ambitious, treacherous, and often incompetent, were depressed by a recent catastrophe. 1 So, too, wer

often incompetent, were depressed by a recent catastrophe. 1 So, too, were the Aemilii:2 but neither house resigned its clai

ls, or grasping personal power under cover of liberal politics. There were two branches of their line, unequal in talent the

others had lapsed for a time. The Fulvii, the Sempronii and the Livii were almost extinct; and the Claudii Marcelli, in abru

a great naval battle and whose father had defeated the Cimbri; there were several families of the Licinii, great soldiers a

g other eminent houses of the plebeian nobility in the Marian faction were the Junii and the Domitii,6 who became firm suppo

ame consuls by prerogative or inevitable destiny; and their daughters were planted out in dynastic marriages. In their great

, shows these relationships clearly. Cf. Table I at end. 5 The sons were Ap. Claudius Pulcher (cos. 54), C. Claudius Pulch

y in its last struggles, M. Porcius Cato. 1 With these three groups were linked in some fashion or other almost all the ch

, rare in that age, earned general recognition: brilliance and vigour were lacking. Hortensius, dominant in law-courts and S

usurped a cognomen for petty exploits in a pirate-ridden island. Nor were the kinsmen of the Metelli inactive. Ap. Pulcher

s with better fortune for four years in Cilicia. Most glorious of all were the two Luculli, sons of a Metella and first cous

, RA, 328 ff. For the stemma, see Table II at end. The other children were Q. Servilius Caepio (P-W 11 A, 1775 ff.), Servili

lled him to devious paths and finally to dangerous elevations. Such were the men who directed in war and peace the governm

nition, as a faction or gang. 2 The ramifications of this oligarchy were pervasive, its most weighty decisions taken in se

, or to curb a general hostile to the government. 3 But the Optimates were solid only to outward show and at intervals. Rest

it broke their spirit. Certain of the earliest consuls after Sulla were old men already, and some died soon or disappeare

he governing party might assert the claims of birth and talent. There were two young Metelli, Celer and Nepos in capacity no

ulate and claiming their support in requital. From of old the Claudii were the great exponents of this policy; and the Claud

ressed his candidature, championing all popular causes, but none that were hopeless or hostile to the interests of property

3. 4 P. Clodius was an ally of Cicero against Catilina. The Claudii were presumably trying to capture this useful orator.

sulate and public glory, shaming the mediocrity of their elders. They were Caesar and Cato, diverse in habit and morals, but

os. 88 B.C.) had married Sulla’s eldest daughter. 5 His competitors were Q. Lutatius Catulus and P. Servilius Vatia (Pluta

the nobiles. The Optimates stood sorely in need of a leader. There were dangerous rifts in the oligarchy, the wounds of f

ligarchy, the wounds of feud and faction. Neither Aemilii nor Claudii were quite to be trusted. The elusive Crassus, who had

Gloria, dignitas and clientelae, the prerogative of the aristocracy,5 were now being monopolized by one man. Something mor

f Cn. Papirius Carbo (cos. III), a benefactor of Pompeius, these acts were remembered, cf. Val. Max. 6, 2, 8; ‘Sallust’, Ad

IUS PageBook=>028 THE Pompeii, a family of recent ennoblement, were of non-Latin stock, as the name so patently indic

ter, ‘hated by heaven and by the nobility’, for good reasons. 4 There were no words to describe Cn. Pompeius the son. After

cay of the Republic, the impulsion towards the rule of one imperator, were patent and impressive. 1 To the maritime comman

ithridatic War, voted by the Lex Manilia, for the financial interests were discontented with Lucullus, the Senate’s general.

the ambitious politicians who had publicly spoken for the Lex Manilia were Cicero and Caesar, not ceasing to solicit and cla

oth provinces of Gaul. The power and glory of the master of the world were symbolized in three triumphs won from three conti

sole rule, but by that alone and not in solid permanence. The nobiles were much too stubborn to admit a master, even on thei

vities of the tribune Labienus and his associates on Pompeius’ behalf were more open and more offensive: a decree of the Peo

him. Baffling enough after an absence of five years, Roman politics were further complicated by the affair of P. Clodius P

only talent for civil life being the art of dancing. 7 The Optimates were exultant. Catulus and Hortensius had led the oppo

in rancour. To maintain power, the government needed consuls. The men were not easy to find. Cato gathered a great fund to

eeded armies in the provinces and instruments at Rome. Certain armies were already secured. But Pompeius required for his al

inces, Syria and Macedonia, through special laws. Gabinius and Piso were the most conspicuous, but not the only adherents

cessors, L. Marcius Philippus and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus, were not strong political men. But Philippus had recen

for five years to purchase and control corn for the city. The powers were wide, but perhaps fell short of his designs. 1 Th

hole board of tribunes. Proconsulare imperium and tribunicia potestas were the two pillars of the edifice. The principes s

he head of an Italian confederation. In the capital of the world they were anachronistic and ruinous. To the bloodless but v

.C. the logical end was armed conflict and despotism. As the soldiers were the proletariat of Italy, the revolution became s

dictatorship went on: to counter and anticipate which, the Optimates were compelled to offer Pompeius the consulate, withou

nd grief of the Optimates, who strove in vain to save him. 7 Measures were passed to check flagrant abuses. One law, prescri

nearly deprived him of his office (Plutarch, Pompeius 54). But there were strong and authentic rumours the year before, cf.

r. Two years passed, heavy with a gathering storm. Caesar’s enemies were precipitate and impatient. Early in 51 the consul

year, along with another previously lent by Pompeius to Caesar. Both were retained in Italy. Though Pompeius or the enemi

t the consular elections, that was no unmixed advantage. The Marcelli were rash but unstable, other consuls timid or Notes

s (Val. Max. 9, 1, 8) and his capacity (Caesar, BC 1, 4, 3; 3, 31, 1) were pretty dubious. 2 Ad fam. 8, 4, 4. Marcellus’ f

ce of the law of 52 B.C. the other provinces from Macedonia eastwards were in the hands of men loyal to the government, or a

3 and all the kings, princes and tetrarchs, remembering their patron, were ready to bring their levies at his command. Magnu

y Pompeius. But the feud was not bitter or beyond remedy: the Metelli were too politic for that. Three years later Nepos was

tuli may not unfairly be surmised. 1 The patrician Cornelii Lentuli were noted more for pride of birth and political cauti

faction of Cato. Of his allies and relatives, Lucullus and Hortensius were dead, but the group was still formidable, includi

father of Marcellinus (cos. 56), cf. P-W IV, 1390. 2 Not that they were all, or consistently, allies of Pompeius: Lentulu

The party of the Republic was no place for a novus homo: the Lentuli were synonymous with aristocratic pride, Ap. Claudius

hether it came to war or not, in either way gaining the mastery. They were not duped they knew Pompeius: but they fancied th

ll not mislead: too much is known about these people. 2 The Lentuli were Spinther (cos. 57) and Crus (49); the Marcelli, M

capture the government and perhaps reform the State. Caesar’s enemies were afraid of that and so was Pompeius. After long wa

igarchy. Further, the proconsul’s proposals as conveyed to the Senate were moderate and may not be dismissed as mere manoeuv

e end of the year 49 B.C. are still matters of controversy. 1 If they were ever clear, debate and misrepresentation soon clo

his rank, prestige and honour, summed up in the Latin word dignitas, were all at stake: to Caesar, as he claimed, ‘his dign

ut its champions. The very virtues for which the propertied classes were sedulously praised by politicians at Rome forbade

culation: before the summer was out the generals of Pompeius in Spain were outmanœuvred and overcome. Yet even so, until the

saries secured the crowning victory. But three years more of fighting were needed to stamp out the last and bitter resistanc

man, the hireling of a foreign king. Dead, too, and killed by Romans, were Caesar’s rivals and enemies, many illustrious con

usurped the respectable garb of legality. Many of Caesar’s partisans were frank adventurers, avid for gain and advancement,

feated faction he behaved with public and ostentatious clemency. They were members of his own class: he had not wished to ma

ictator’s task might well demand several years. In 46 B.C. his powers were prolonged to a tenure of ten years, an ominous si

n these weighty matters. But Cicero’s hopes of res publica constituia were soon dashed. The Dictator himself expressed alarm

. ‘Caesarem se, non regem esse. ’3 Beyond doubt the Dictator’s powers were as considerable as those of a monarch. Caesar wou

been long enough, whether reckoned in years or in renown. ’ The words were remembered. The most eloquent of his contemporari

terity has seen fit to condemn the act of the Liberators, for so they were styled, as worse than a crime a folly. The verdic

o’s martyr-death and posthumous fame, his studies in Greek philosophy were already an object of misrepresentation to his con

dicted. Brutus might well have been a Caesarian neither he nor Caesar were predestined partisans of Pompeius. Servilia reare

istake about the meaning of that act; and Servilia disapproved. There were deeper causes still in Brutus’ resolve to slay th

rtas. Dubious history and irrelevant. 1 The Liberators knew what they were about. Honourable men grasped the assassin’s da

ily tradition and the primacy of civic over private virtue, all these were in the game. Yet in the forefront of this varied

s Crassus Mucianus (Cicero, De re puhlica i, 31). Pulcher and Crassus were the fathers-in-law of Ti. and C. Gracchus respect

te of precarious peace. 2 In all, twenty-six men of consular standing were alive in the year of Pharsalus. The Pompeians ded

educted, fourteen remain: no match, however, in eminence. Few of them were of any use to Caesar or to the State. During the

ween Scipio, Lentulus Spinther and Ahenobarbus). PageBook=>062 were debarred from public life until restored by the D

ar’s father-in-law, the virtuous L. Calpurnius Piso. When hostilities were imminent, Piso offered to mediate between Caesar

o much for the principes: before long, most of the Pompeian consulars were dead, and few, indeed, of the Caesarians or neutr

deserve remark in warfare or politics ever after. As Caesar’s enemies were the party in power, being the most active and inf

talent or ideas on the other side. The newer movements in literature were sponsored by a brilliant circle of orators and po

Pompeius. They now turned against the oligarchs. Catullus and Calvus were dead: their friends and companions became Caesari

io his friend, Caelius had contracted a feud with Ap. Pulcher. 4 Both were spirited and eloquent, especially Curio, who had

lass in society, men went with a leader or a friend, though the cause were indifferent or even distasteful. Of Caesar’s own

distasteful. Of Caesar’s own relatives by blood or marriage, certain were neutral. 3 The young Marcus Antonius, however, wa

es. 4 Old associations that might have appeared negligible or tenuous were faithfully recorded and honoured, for example, by

s consistent in his politics as in his friendships. His earliest ties were not forgotten; and his ascension revived the part

n or late to the Sullan system and the cause of Pompeius. But not all were now Pompeians P. Sulpicius Rufus, a kinsman, it m

esar’s consulate, managed to hold their own. 1 Catilina and Clodius were dead but remembered. Rapacious or idealistic enem

he Optimates under the third consulate of Pompeius. 5 Luxury and vice were alleged against Sallustius: the enemies of Ap. Cl

s and governing provinces under the Dictatorship. 6 Some, it is true, were disappointed or ungrateful: yet of the whole numb

. Roms IV2, 420 ff.; 486. 4 Among Caesar’s earliest legates in Gaul were T. Labienus, Q. Titurius Sabinus, whose father se

ination, winning the office of pontifex maximus: the Julii themselves were an old sacerdotal family. 4 Sulla and Caesar, bot

s the heir of Sulla and the protector of the oligarchy. More numerous were the decayed patricians that pinned their hopes on

have formed an alliance for power with the plebeians when the latter were admitted to the consulate. 3 Old ties were revive

plebeians when the latter were admitted to the consulate. 3 Old ties were revived and strengthened in the generation of Cae

formidable and far-sighted Servilia. But Servilia’s ambitious designs were seriously impaired by Cato’s adhesion to Pompeius

, his uncle Cato and Pompeius his father’s murderer. The patricians were loyal to tradition without being fettered by cast

five, as stated by Appian, BC 2, 129, 539. Other Caesarian patricians were the consular Messalla Rufus and Ser. Sulpicius Ga

Dio 40, 63, 5.) PageBook=>070 constitution did not matter they were older than the Roman Republic. It was the ambitio

ncement, whatever their station in life. Fides, libertas and amicitia were qualities valued by the governing class, by Caesa

so he told people at Hispalis, misguided Spaniards. 4 The centurions were allies and political agents as well as officers.

a type). PageBook=>071 in Gaul and in the Civil Wars. 1 There were other representatives of his class, excellent men

ere other representatives of his class, excellent men. Many knights were to be found in the following of a proconsul, in a

proconsul, in a variety of functions. Such equestrian staff officers were Mamurra, an old Pompeian from Formiae, notorious

expert manager of supplies and transport. 3 Among Caesar’s friends were his secretaries, counsellors and political agents

he proconsul developed into the cabinet of the Dictator. Most of them were Roman knights: but Pansa, and possibly Hirtius, h

ive or intimidate his enemies. Through these agents repeated assaults were delivered upon the wavering and despondent loyalt

in of the politicians whose methods earned them the name of populares were hostile to the financial interests and eager, fro

to apprehensive clients have not been preserved. Many of the bankers were already personal friends of Caesar: it may be pre

n the West, in Africa and throughout Asia, towns, provinces and kings were bound to the imperator of the Roman People by per

stance, was the friend and host of the proconsul:4 among his officers were knights from the aristocracy of the towns. 5 Bene

ere knights from the aristocracy of the towns. 5 Benefits anticipated were more potent than benefits conferred. The Transpad

anticipated were more potent than benefits conferred. The Transpadani were eager for the full Roman citizenship. Caesar had

of Rome, but only so long as his power subsisted. Enemies and rivals were waiting to exploit a change. In Egypt Caesar coul

hed his partisans, from senators down to soldiers and freedmen? There were to be no proscriptions. But Caesar acquired the r

, 36, 4f.). 7 Plutarch, Caesar 51. PageBook=>077 and estates were characters as diverse as Servilia and P. Sulla1 w

sul, distinguished neutrals, astute renegades or reconciled Pompeians were rapidly advanced to magistracies without regard f

g body and the hierarchy of administration. Many of Caesar’s measures were provisional in purpose, transient in effect. This

ons shrinks upon scrutiny to a single example. 1 Caesar’s adherents were a ghastly and disgusting rabble: among the new se

dherents were a ghastly and disgusting rabble: among the new senators were to be found centurions and soldiers, scribes and

be in possession of the census of a Roman knight. Caesar’s centurions were notorious for their loyalty, and for the rewards

family with municipal repute and standing at least not all centurions were rustic and humble in origin. The centurionate was

re may have been others. On the class from which Sulla’s new senators were drawn, cf. H. Hill, CQ XXVI (1932), 170 ff. 2 I

ration or two earlier. Caesar’s friends Troucillus, Trogus and Gallus were not the only members of this class, which, lackin

o imperial history with two consuls in the reign of Caligula. 5 There were immigrant Roman NotesPage=>079 1 C. Fufici

ans, equestrian or new senators, from the provinces of the West, some were of Italian, others of native extraction. The anti

r. 28, 2, cf. Münzer, P- W VI A, 1557. For the possibility that there were one or two provincial senators even before Caesar

undesirable or morally reprehensible nominees of Caesar the Dictator were in truth highly respectable Roman knights, men of

the Italian towns, men of station and substance, whether their gains were derived from banking, industry or farming, pursui

e outshines the cities of Italy, suppressing their history. Yet these were individual communities, either colonies of old or

tested the repute of his maternal grandfather from Nursia. 5 Attempts were made to create a senatorial and even a patrician

heir name perpetuated in a modern river of the vicinity. 7 The Cilnii were dominant in Arretium, hated for their wealth and

chs of foreign stock had ruled at Rome. More important than the kings were their rivals and heirs in power, the patricians,

alien origin. When Alba Longa fell, her gods and her ruling families were transplanted to Rome: hence the Julii and the Ser

the ancestor of the gens Claudia. 1 Sabine, too, in high probability were the Valerii, perhaps the Fabii. 2 These baronia

he Roman State and the history of the Roman People. The Secular Games were once an observance of the Valerii; 3 and men coul

l and alien provenance. 4 In strife for power at Rome, the patricians were ready to enlist allies wherever they might be fou

Samnite country, reinforced the new nobility. 6 These foreign dynasts were taken up and brought in by certain patrician hous

e earliest consular Fasti and the annals of Regal and Republican Rome were not immune from their ambitious and fraudulent de

re not immune from their ambitious and fraudulent devices. The Marcii were powerful enough to obtrude an ancestor upon the l

he central highlands, had not belonged to the Roman State at all, but were autonomous allies. Italy had now become political

ucania rose against Rome and fought for freedom and justice. 3 They were all hardy, independent and martial peoples, the M

suffered sieges, massacre and expropriation: Arretium and Volaterrae were totally disfranchised. 5 NotesPage=>087 1

r been sincerely made; and many Italians had no use for it. Loyalties were still personal, local and regional. A hundred tho

negades. Pompeius Strabo had a large following in Picenum:3 but these were only the personal adherents of a local dynast and

e memory of Cato and of Marius but it was for himself, as though they were his own ancestors. 3 He desired that the sentimen

atilina. It is not merely that so many of his soldiers and centurions were recruited from the impoverished or martial region

his time largely, but not wholly, disappointed Sullan veterans. There were plots or risings almost everywhere, including Pic

memory of Sertorius in the Caesarians Vatinius and Sallustius. 6 They were no doubt followed by knights whom Caesar promoted

xions in towns like Puteoli, Cales and Nuceria. The Granii of Puteoli were notoriously Marian:7 a certain Granius Petro is f

blicae, proponere. nosti optime homines. ’ 7 P-W VII, 1817 ff. They were a noted commercial family, trading with the East

at Delos see BCH XXXI (1907), 443 f; XXXVI (1912), 41 f.). Two Granii were among the partisans declared public enemies in 88

from the colony of Acerrae. 2 Some of Caesar’s municipal partisans were already in the Senate before the outbreak of the

can show a senator; 4 the leading families of the Paeligni and Marsi were broken and impoverished; 5 and most of the great

n and impoverished; 5 and most of the great landowners in Samnium now were not of Samnite stock. 6 But the Caesarian general

th senatorial rank before the outbreak of the Civil War. Five of them were nobiles, with patricians in high and striking rel

with patricians in high and striking relief. 6 The four novi homines were all signalized by military service in Gaul. 7 N

e two consuls was of patrician extraction: and three of the plebeians were Claudii Marcelli. 5 Among his legates is found

46), Q. Fabius Maximus (45) and P. Cornelius Dolabella(cos. suff. 44) were patrician, while P. Servilius Isauricus (48) was

n March 16th he occupied the Forum with armed men. Lepidus and Balbus were eager for vengeance; 1 Antonius, however, sided w

e acta of the Dictator and even his last projects, as yet unpublished were to have the force of law. The need of this was pa

s entertained one another to banquets. The next day, further measures were passed. On the insistence of Caesar’s father- in-

ation against the Liberators neither Antonius nor the Caesarian party were securely in power. The earliest contemporary evid

d colour and strength (Phil. 2, 91). Even if the letter Ad fam. 11, I were to be dated immediately after the funeral (see th

eed but a childish lack of counsel. ’2 Brutus and Cassius, since they were praetors, should have usurped authority and summo

ity, to be mastered from its citadel. The facts and elements of power were larger than that. To carry through a Roman revolu

, the auctoritas of the ex-consuls and the acquiescence of the Senate were requisite. Of the consuls, Antonius was not to be

ntonius. PageBook=>100 Hirtius and Pansa, honest Caesarians, were moderate men and lovers of peace, representing a

restige and confidence. The majority was for order and security. They were not to be blamed. Of consulars, the casualties in

Wars had been heavy: only two of the Pompeians, professed or genuine, were left. 1 Hence a lack of experience, ability and l

inhabitants of the towns of Italy. With the veterans, the Liberators were at once confronted by a solid block of vested int

rs were at once confronted by a solid block of vested interests. They were careful to profess in public an intention to main

lic an intention to maintain all the grants of the Dictator. Promises were added and privileges, generous but not carrying f

dded and privileges, generous but not carrying full conviction. 1 Nor were the veterans to be won merely by material advanta

The honour of the army had been outraged. Though Rome and the army were degenerate and Caesarian, respect for liberty, fo

as guarded by the devoted loyalty of all Italy. 3 Brutus and Cassius were warmly welcomed by the propertied classes in the

maintenance of public order and the new government. Various intrigues were afoot. Dolabella had suppressed a recrudescence o

at he might be induced to support the Liberators. 1 Further, attempts were made to convert Hirtius to their cause. 2 But Dol

ing to a private fund: with small success the men from the municipia, were notorious and proverbial for parsimony. Then the

hink that it was necessary. At the time of Caesar’s death, the armies were held by his partisans, save that certain arrangem

the armies were held by his partisans, save that certain arrangements were still pending the Dictator appears to have design

or the most part. PageBook=>103 and before the Dictator’s acta were ratified on March 17th, it was feared that the co

it may be presumed, Trebonius went to Asia, Cimber to Bithynia. There were no legions at all in Asia and in Bithynia, only t

war two years before, seizing the strong place of Apamea. His forces were inconsiderable, one or two legions; and Apamea wa

PageBook=>104 on the field of Pharsalus. But Antonius’ talents were not those of a mere soldier. Caesar, a good judge

defects of character and judgement that time and the licence of power were to show up in deadly abundance. The frank and chi

ch he adopted in the East and his association with the Queen of Egypt were vulnerable to the moral and patriotic propaganda

d in Italy rather than with the troops and in the provinces. Yet they were nothing new or alarming in the holders of office

virtutibus’. PageBook=>106 secured for Brutus and Cassius (who were praetors) a dispensation to remain away from Rome

Brutus, to salvage political concord and public order. The Liberators were certainly a problem; yet Antonius was amicable, n

omy reports; 4 some, like Balbus and Oppius, dissembled; others again were frankly willing to make the best of the new dispe

d tranquil, the danger of popular outbreaks was averted, the veterans were kept in hand. Property and vested interests seeme

ucceed to sole and supreme power at Rome as though the fate of Caesar were not a warning. Moreover, Antonius may have lacked

from ambition, considered or reckless, and the lust for power. There were surely alternatives to Caesar’s autocracy. Chance

by neutrals even by Republicans. As for the Caesarian party, there were rivals here and potential adversaries. Antonius

long, no indication. For the present, the other provinces of the West were a counterbalance to D. Brutus. 2 They were in the

ther provinces of the West were a counterbalance to D. Brutus. 2 They were in the charge of Caesarians: Plancus took Gallia

usty and experienced Caesarian partisans P. Vatinius and T. Sextius were in command of the armies of Illyricum and of Afri

imber might have Asia and Bithynia: the only armies east of Macedonia were the six legions under the Caesarian generals bele

t and just claims not to be disregarded, as the Liberators themselves were well aware. Antonius occupied himself with the

ng of military colonies. He was absent for a month. Various intrigues were devised against him but came to nothing. When he

y of the Dictator. 2 Other prominent members of the Caesarian faction were approached: Hirtius and Pansa were certainly in t

t members of the Caesarian faction were approached: Hirtius and Pansa were certainly in the neighbourhood. 3 But the youth

had meant. Two other measures of a Caesarian and popular character were passed, a law permitting all ex-centurions, wheth

e tribune was to be president of a board of seven commissioners. They were chosen, as was traditional at Rome, from partisan

Cassius to an extraordinary commission for the rest of the year: they were to superintend the collection of corn in the prov

e post was really an honourable pretext for exile. Brutus and Cassius were in doubts whether to accept. A family conference

t once devoted himself to Caesarian propaganda. Games and festivals were customary devices for the organization of popular

135 f. 2 Ad Att. 15, 11 (June 8th). The wives of Brutus and Cassius were there, also the faithful Favonius and Cicero, who

te meant by Cicero is quite certain. PageBook=>118 These hopes were shattered at a blow. The prospect of a split betw

de a cause of civil war and their proud conviction that wherever they were , there stood Rome and the Republic. 2 Cassius, ho

times obscure the nature and sources of political power at Rome. They were patent to contemporaries. For the ambitious Octav

unician college. More costly but more remunerative as an investment were the soldiers of Caesar, active in the legions or

me. As the months passed, the Caesarian sentiments of the legionaries were steadily reinforced and their appetites whetted b

he most eminent of the Caesarians already held office and preferment, were loyal to Antonius or to settled government, he mu

e end. But this was no time for an ideal and patriotic appeal. Such were the resources that Octavianus gathered in late su

avianus gathered in late summer and autumn of the year. Men and money were the first thing, next the skill and the resolutio

entiments which the young man entertained towards his adoptive parent were never revealed. The whole career of the Dictator,

less easily perhaps. Only two of his associates, so it was recorded, were ever thrown over, and that was for treachery. 2

nless caused by delusion or indecision. The treacheries of Octavianus were conscious and consistent. To assert himself aga

litical intriguesIX went wrong, and hopes of concord or of dissension were frustrated. Brutus and Cassius did not return to

us and Cassius did not return to Rome and the rival Caesarian leaders were reconciled through the insistence of the soldiery

vate sources. It was reported that the legions at Alexandria in Egypt were riotous, that Cassius was expected there. 3 Furth

e central mountains and intercept three of the consul’s legions which were moving along the eastern coast of Italy towards C

Senate and public support from senior statesmen. In vain his backers were timid or absent. He had to be content with the pl

oops confronted the consul: the leaflets and the bribes of Octavianus were doing their work. To restore discipline Antonius

is hands. Of the legal point, no question: Octavianus and his friends were guilty of high treason. NotesPage=>125 1 N

incriminate or to intimidate his secret accomplices. Might and right were on the side of the consul. But the advantage pass

he situation was too serious. Not only his soldiers but his partisans were being seduced a report came that another legion

ment of praetorian provinces for the following year. Crete and Cyrene were taken from Brutus and Cassius, while Macedonia wa

to join the remaining legions and occupy Cisalpine Gaul. Fresh levies were needed. Octavianus had not carried all Campania w

Caesarian leader his primacy was menaced. Senate, plebs and veterans were mobilized against him. His enemies had drawn the

men provide the nucleus of a Roman faction. Yet Octavianus’ relatives were not numerous; 2 and he got little NotesPage=>

retrieved eminence of his illustrious house. Philippus and Marcellus were both desperately anxious not to be openly comprom

the present but their chance might come. Octavianus’ other relatives were of little consequence. Q. Pedius, a knight’s son,

ic and Civil Wars, and a mysterious person called L. Pinarius Scarpus were nephews of the Dictator: they received a share of

ation-members of the faction. In his company at the camp of Apollonia were Q. Salvidienus Rufus and M. Vipsanius Agrippa, ig

nd M. Vipsanius Agrippa, ignoble names and never known before. 1 They were destined for glory and for history. When Salvidie

in his party terrified the holders of property. But not for long they were a minority and could be held in check. The cause

ned families from the local gentry of the towns of Italy. The hazards were palpable, and so were the rewards land, money and

local gentry of the towns of Italy. The hazards were palpable, and so were the rewards land, money and power, the estates an

oney due to Caesar’s heir perhaps unjustly. The legacies to the plebs were paid after all by Octavianus, perhaps not wholly

une and the generous loans of his friends. Further, Caesar’s freedmen were very wealthy. The heir could claim their services

de, none satisfactory. Λ∈ύκιος might be Balbus but Balbus’ activities were usually less obtrusive. L. Cornificius (cos. 35 B

a legionary commander whom he had seduced from the consul. 3 These were the earliest of his senatorial associates and (ex

al distinction or active talent. Many of its most prominent members were neutral, evasive, playing their own game or bound

bound to Antonius; and some of the best of the Caesarian military men were absent in the provinces. The earliest and most

he provinces. The earliest and most efficient of Octavianus’ agents were NotesPage=>132 1 SEG VI, 102 = L’ann. ép.,

, 26, 2. 2 Phil. 11, 11 ff.; 13, 26 ff. 3 Ib. 3, 23. The tribunes were Ti. Cannutius, L. Cassius Longinus (a brother of

fely through civil war or who owed rank and fortune to one revolution were not eager to stir up another. But Octavianus wish

hy, if not support, from some of the more respectable Caesarians, who were alienated by the pretensions of Antonius, alarmed

State. They would gladly see Antonius curbed but not destroyed: they were not at all willing to be captured by an anti-Caes

ces and his army. 3 Not all invention, perhaps. The subtle intriguers were now showing their hand. In November they were cle

. The subtle intriguers were now showing their hand. In November they were clearly working for their young kinsman. 4 But th

ght acquire recognition and official standing. Which of the principes were ready to give their sanction? NotesPage=>134

hey had in common in character, career and policy the three consulars were discordant and irreconcilable. Piso, an aristoc

om. The mild and humane doctrines of the Epicureans, liable as they were to the easy and conventional reproach of neglecti

ived in a hovel (‘gurgustium’, In Pisonem 13), and his entertainments were lacking in splendour (ib. 67). The fortunes of ce

acking in splendour (ib. 67). The fortunes of certain eminent nobiles were far from ample. The excellent L. Aurelius Cotta (

f more use to the Commonwealth than the more elevated principles that were professed, and sometimes followed, with such robu

vincing fashion. Cicero surrendered to the obsession. Otherwise there were many things that might have brought Cicero and Ca

onstitution, and of the majority of the active consulars. The leaders were Pompeius and Cato. It was clearly the better caus

onal esteem of the victor. The years of life under the Dictatorship were unhappy and inglorious. The continuance of the st

up, gladly. Caesar did not insist. Time was short agents like Balbus were of more use to a busy and imperious autocrat. T

of the year, to return under happier auspices when Hirtius and Pansa were consuls. The legislation of June 1st deepened his

. The sanguine hopes of a concerted assault on the Caesarian position were rudely dispelled. Cicero’s changed decision had b

2nd and protested against the actions of the consul. His observations were negative and provocative: they called forth from

t known as the Second Philippic:3 it was never spoken the adversaries were destined never to meet. By venturing to attack

3 in July, Octavianus became a fact and a force in politics. Events were moving swiftly. In his account of the reasons tha

vain. 3 The example or the exhortations of Philippus and of Marcellus were likewise of no weight. 4 Cicero’s path lay throug

ay through Aquinum, but apparently he missed Hirtius and Balbus. They were journeying to Campania, ostensibly to take the wa

he veterans arose at the call of Caesar’s heir, the towns of Campania were enthusiastic. Among the plebs he had a great foll

ower, the acta of Caesar would be more decisively confirmed than they were on March 17th; if he failed, Antonius would be in

uary 1st before appearing in the Senate. But Octavianus and D. Brutus were insistent the former with his illicit army, peril

uria, Brutus in the Cisalpina, contumacious against a consul. As they were both acting on private initiative for the salvati

titutions of a traditional but liberal oligarchy in a state where men were free but not equal. He returned to it under the D

ommonwealth and he deserves to receive them in full measure. 5 Such were Cicero’s ideas and preoccupations in the summer a

ample atonement for earlier failures and earlier desertions, if that were the question at issue. It is not: a natural and i

: but the advocates of concord and a settlement based upon compromise were neither fools nor traitors. If they followed Cice

titude of the Caesarians could be surmised: yet Caesarians themselves were divided in allegiance, for Antonius, for Octavian

for peace. The new consuls had a policy of their own, if only they were strong enough to achieve it. Public pronounceme

behind the scenes private ambition, family politics and high finance were at their old games. Cicero and the ambiguous cont

sar’s heir, through violence and illegal arms against Antonius, there were clearly two opinions. Octavianus marched on Rome.

r, failing that prerogative, of his own merits. Again, the law-courts were an avenue for political advancement through prose

ices to the wearing of a black toga at a banquet. 1 Piso and Gabinius were a brace of vultures, rapacious and obscene. 2 Pis

meless chieftains of Balkan tribes, loyal allies of the Roman People, were foully done to death. 5 Piso’s colleague Gabinius

rds his own wife, made a mock of Roman decorum and decency. 3 There were more damaging charges than mere vice in Roman pub

ion the hardy tribe of Roman politicians soon acquired immunity. They were protected by long familiarity, by a sense of humo

ue of libertas, to be regretted more than political freedom when both were abolished. For the sake of peace and the common g

revelation of what each was worth. The realities of Roman politics were overlaid with a double coating of deceit, democra

tic. In fact, oligarchy ruled through consent and prescription. There were two principles of authority, in theory working in

prerogative, but not its validity. 1 The Romans believed that they were a conservative people, devoted to the worship of

advocates; that phrases like concordia ordinum and consensus Italiae were no peculiar monopoly of Cicero, no unique revelat

eal than a policy. The defenders of the Senate’s rule and prerogative were not, it is true, merely a narrow ring of brutal a

ely a narrow ring of brutal and unenlightened oligarchs. Again, there were to be found honest men and sincere reformers No

ar sovranty was a good thing in itself. Once in power, the popularis, were he Pompeius or were he Caesar, would do his best

od thing in itself. Once in power, the popularis, were he Pompeius or were he Caesar, would do his best to curb the dangerou

liticians, whether they asserted the People’s rights or the Senate’s, were acting a pretence: they strove for power only. 1

service of faction the fairest of pleas and the noblest of principles were assiduously enlisted. The art was as old as polit

ause which all parties professed with such contentious zeal that they were impelled to civil strife. The non-party governmen

servitude; 4 negotiations with an enemy must be spurned because they were dangerous as well as dishonourable5 they might im

ost dishonest of political compacts and the most flagrant treacheries were gaily consummated; and devotion to the public goo

peak of the hierarchy, transcending mores. Roman political factions were welded together, less by unity of principle than

ood offices to bring a Pompeian general to his senses. 8 The soldiers were often more accessible to appeals to reason than w

. 8 The soldiers were often more accessible to appeals to reason than were the generals NotesPage=>158 1 De prov. con

champion of concord and the Commonwealth. The legionaries at least were sincere. From personal loyalty they might follow

and safety of a great multitude of Roman citizens. 5 Other campaigns were curtailed in this humane and salubrious fashion:

tageous for the State are right and lawful’. 7 Extraordinary commands were against the spirit of the constitution8 but they

preme judge. What if it had not lent its sanction? Why, true patriots were their own Senate. 9 It is evident that res publ

f violence and usurpation. But liberty, the laws and the constitution were NotesPage=>160 1 Res Gestae 2. 2 BMC, JR

wider appeal thus lay ready to hand. All the phrases, all the weapons were there: when the constitution had perished, the wi

timate authority still commanded respect, and the traditional phrases were useful and necessary had not the Republic been re

new consuls on the first day of the year, when momentous transactions were announced as though any individual or party wishe

ted that if a private army was raised against Antonius, if his troops were mutinous and seditious, Antonius could be no true

ouses of the plebeian aristocracy, the backbone of Sulla’s oligarchy, were sadly weakened, with no consular Metelli left ali

a firm bid for leadership in the Commonwealth. Two political groups were conspicuously absent from the Senate that fought

in politics. PageBook=>164 battle. The remnants of the faction were with the young Pompeius in Spain. The weakness

the Pompeian consulars, an eminent but over- lauded group,2 only two were alive at the end of 44 B.C., Cicero and Ser. Sulp

ulars partly timid, partly disloyal. ’6 Worse than this, some of them were perverted by base emotions, by envy of Cicero’s r

ons, by envy of Cicero’s renown. 7 Of the surviving consulars three were absent from Italy, Trebonius, Lepidus and Vatiniu

L. Caesar and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus), from age, infirmity or despair, were seldom to NotesPage=>164 1 Ad fam. 12, 2,

g five Cicero did not count as consulars at all: that is to say, they were Caesarians. His harsh verdict is borne out by the

ee, but diverse in character, attainments and standing; and all three were to survive the years of the Revolution, Lepidus c

ensis and Hispania Citerior. Where NotesPage=>165 1 The others were C. Antonius (cos. 63), C. Caninius Rebilus (cos.

t prospect of succour. Further, the armies of Africa and of Illyricum were in the hands of Caesarians. Macedonia had been al

e point, indeed, he carried the troops of D. Brutus and of Octavianus were converted into legitimate armies recognized by th

ies recognized by the State; the promises of money made by Octavianus were solemnly ratified; in addition, dismissal after t

the charge of a war to a man who had held no public office. But there were limits. The Senate did not choose its own members

ty of such grants was to raise a large question in itself, even if it were not coupled with the official sanction given to a

sal of Q. Fufius Calenus, the friend of Antonius, was adopted. Envoys were to be sent to Antonius; they were to urge him to

nd of Antonius, was adopted. Envoys were to be sent to Antonius; they were to urge him to withdraw his army from the provinc

ents invoked by Cicero on January 1st for coolly disregarding the law were by no means adequate or unequivocal (Phil. 5, 7 f

tation. The war needed men and money, vigour and enthusiasm. Levies were held. Hirtius, though rising weak and emaciated

ion. Patriotism and private ambition, intimidation, fraud and bribery were already loose in the land. All Italy must rally f

y must rally for the defence of the ‘legitimate government’: attempts were therefore made to engineer a spontaneous consensu

hilippus. ’2 The conditions upon which Antonius was prepared to treat were these:3 he would give up Cisalpine Gaul, but insi

hey rejected the proposals and passed the ultimate decree the consuls were to take steps for the security of the State. With

he lands beyond the sea, from Illyricum to Egypt. About Cassius there were strong rumours in the first days of February:1 fr

n at the lectures of philosophers. It may be presumed that his agents were at work in Macedonia and elsewhere. He was aided

, on their homeward journey, bearing the revenues of those provinces, were intercepted and persuaded to contribute their fun

Antonius, on many a Caesarian, and on such honest friends of peace as were not blinded by the partisan emotions of the momen

ella had applied torture to the unfortunate Trebonius. The Caesarians were thus forced to disown their compromising ally. It

hostilities in the north would preclude any compromise. Two attempts were made in March. In Rome Piso and Calenus carried a

motion that an embassy be sent to treat with Antonius. Five consulars were appointed to a representative commission, namely

anus, spirited, cogent and menacing. Antonius warned them that they were being used by Pompeians to destroy the Caesarian

wards the end of March. The efforts of diplomacy, honest or partisan, were alike exhausted. The arbitrament now rested with

ruary the forces of the consul Hirtius and the pro-praetor Octavianus were encamped along the Via Aemilia to the south-east

s. At Rome the exultation was unbounded. Antonius and his followers were at last declared public enemies. For the victorio

Spain. 3 Cicero had boasted in the Senate that the Caesarian veterans were on the wane, no match for the patriotic fervour o

Antonius, curb Caesar’s heir and impose some kind of settlement. They were honest patriots. With their providential removal,

red from the measures passed in the Senate when the tidings of Mutina were known. In the victory-honours Octavianus was gran

iener Studien xxxv (1913), 270 f. PageBook=>163 and a monument were to honour the memory of the glorious dead. 1 Thei

ianus was not among its members but neither was D. Brutus. The envoys were instructed to approach the troops directly. The

lumenthal, Wiener Studien xxxv (1913), 269. PageBook=>164 East were consigned to Cassius in one act. Nor was this all

s Lepidus; 3 and Laterensis warned him that both Lepidus and his army were unreliable. So Plancus turned back and establishe

ned forces amounted to fourteen legions, imposing in name alone. Four were veteran, the rest raw recruits. Plancus knew what

Four were veteran, the rest raw recruits. Plancus knew what recruits were worth. 4 A lull followed. Antonius was in no hu

ce: he protested good will and loyalty, explained how weak his forces were , and blamed upon the young Caesar the escape of A

true to the Roman People at a time when patriotism and high principle were invoked to justify the shedding of Roman blood. I

n and to fight against their fellow-citizens had the result that they were described as ‘Madmen’ by the adversaries of Anton

me a steady disintegration sapped the public counsels. No new consuls were elected. There was no leadership, no policy. A pr

here is evidence not lightly to be discarded. 3 Cicero and Octavianus were to be joint consuls. It might fairly be represent

nst Caesar’s murderer. The designs of Octavianus upon the consulate were suspected in May, his intrigues were revealed in

of Octavianus upon the consulate were suspected in May, his intrigues were revealed in June. In July a strange embassy confr

romised bounty, for Octavianus the consulate. The latter request they were able to support with a wealth of historical prece

ns from Africa arrived at Ostia. Along with a legion of recruits they were stationed on the Janiculum and the city was put i

declared Octavianus a public enemy is not recorded: these formalities were coming to matter less and less. Octavianus marche

e last of my friends’, the young man observed. 1 But even now there were some who did not lose hope. In the evening came a

w entered Rome to pay sacrifice to the immortal gods. Twelve vultures were seen in the sky, the omen of Romulus, the founder

s vote for absolution and remained unmolested until the proscriptions were duly instituted. Octavianus could afford to wait,

hering power of Brutus and Cassius in the East, the Caesarian leaders were drawn irresistibly together. They were instrument

he East, the Caesarian leaders were drawn irresistibly together. They were instruments rather than agents. Behind them stood

s now revived under another name for a period of five years three men were to hold paramount and arbitrary power under the f

terensis in shame took his own life; P. Canidius Crassus and Rufrenus were fervent Antonians; 1 M. Silanus, who had carried

o Antonius, soon fell away to the cause of the Republic. 2 The others were of no importance. Lepidus himself, however, was t

onsulate in the next year, with Plancus as his colleague. For 41 B.C. were designated P. Servilius Isauricus and L. Antonius

llio and Cn. Domitius Calvinus. The Caesarians Servilius and Calvinus were consulars already, and nobiles at that. Politic

already, and nobiles at that. Political compacts among the nobiles were never complete without a marriage- alliance: this

omata in 43 B.C. (Plutarch, Antonius 18): in 41 Ventidius and Calenus were there. 5 The ex-Caesarian Q. Cornificius, proco

public enemies. Rome shivered under fear and portents. Soothsayers were duly summoned from Etruria. Of these experts the

, established the Triumvirate according to the Pact of Bononia. There were many men alive who remembered Sulla. Often enough

tence of his older and more hardened colleagues; and terrible stories were told of the rapacity and blood-lust of Fulvia. It

ion and apology, however, are equally out of place. 2 The Triumvirs were pitiless, logical and concordant. On the list of

nd in history; and in later days, personal danger and loss of estates were no doubt invented or enhanced by many astute indi

k=>192 Roman class-feeling and the common sentiments of humanity were revolted when Lepidus sacrificed his brother Paul

process transformed and consolidated the Caesarian party. Yet there were personal and local causes everywhere. Under guise

r wealth and power in the towns of Italy was now decided. The Coponii were an ancient family of Tibur:3 the proscription of

ay fairly be put down to Plancus. 4 A brother and a nephew of Plancus were also on the lists. 5 Pollio’s rivals among the Ma

respectable examples conferred sanction upon crime and murder, if any were needed, among the propertied classes of the munic

Paelignians had long and bitter memories. Yet some of the proscribed were saved by civic virtue, personal influence or loca

h Italy to the sea coasts. 1 Arruntius did the same. 2 The Arruntii were an opulent family at Atina, a Volscian town, perh

aly. He maintained the grants of Sulla. Further, many of his colonies were established on provincial soil, sparing Italy. A

mpelling a general to appeal to his army in defence of life or honour were now apparent the generals themselves were helples

n defence of life or honour were now apparent the generals themselves were helpless in the hands of the legions. The proleta

ade up by the names of obscure senators or Roman knights. The nobiles were not necessarily the wealthiest of the citizens: m

wealthiest of the citizens: men of property, whatever their station, were the real enemies of the Triumvirs. In concord, se

rough a more equitable division of landed property in Italy; now they were companions in adversity. The beneficiaries of Sul

ook=>196 abandon the principle. Other taxes, novel and crushing, were invented for example a year’s income being taken

source for the Caesarians to draw upon, for the provinces of the West were exhausted, the revenues of the East in the hands

ch for present needs. For the future, to recompense the legions which were to be led against the Republicans, the Triumvirs

e second act in social revolution. The foundations of the new order were cemented with the blood of citizens and buttresse

6 As with the recruitment of the Senate, all rules and all propriety were now cast off in the choice of magistrates, nomina

ety were now cast off in the choice of magistrates, nominated as they were , not NotesPage=>196 1 Appian, BC 4, 34, 14

o 47, 14, 2. 2 Dio 47, 16, 1. 3 Appian, BC 4, 3, 10 f. Among them were Capua, Rhegium, Venusia Beneventum, Nuceria, Arim

B.C., cf. PIR2, B 50. PageBook=>197 elected. Sixteen praetors were created by Caesar, a rational and even necessary

ad been able to count only seventeen ex-consuls, the majority of whom were absent from Rome, ailing in health or remote from

lar than the decadence of the principes, but not less to be deplored, were the gaps in other ranks and orders. The bulk of t

iles, both ex-Pompeians and adherents of Caesar, banished from Italy, were with the Liberators or with Sex. Pompeius. With P

ical heirs and the declared enemies of their own class. The older men were dead, dishonoured or torpid: the young nobiles we

ction. 1 Now the Metelli, the Scipiones, the Lentuli and the Marcelli were in eclipse, for the heads of those families had m

man of consular rank in the party; its rallying point and its leaders were the young men of the faction of Cato, almost all

e imposing company of Caesar’s legates in the Gallic Wars2 almost all were now dead. After the establishment of the Triumvir

ve sign and guarantee of success, but did not survive. Saxa and Fango were to be cut off in their prime, cheated of the cons

ntonius with generals and diplomats and secured two consulates:4 they were Umbrian in origin. 5 These were among the earlies

ats and secured two consulates:4 they were Umbrian in origin. 5 These were among the earliest to find mention. Then other ma

ty and non-Latin termination of their family names. But the Antonians were not the worst. Advancement unheard of now smiled

spotism ruled, supported by violence and confiscation. The best men were dead or proscribed. The Senate was packed with ru

s between Italy and the Balkans. The communications of the Caesarians were cut: they must advance and hope for a speedy deci

urces and raising more money: so several months of the following year were spent in chastising Rhodians and Lycians and drai

cted the tried merit of Cassius. The best of the legions, it is true, were Caesarian veterans. Yet the soldiers welcomed Cas

id battle. They commanded both the Ionian Sea and the Aegean. If they were able to prolong the campaign into the winter mont

e fortune of battle again. Moreover, eastern princes and their levies were deserting. Brutus gave way at last. After a ten

he Civil Wars was so murderous to the aristocracy. 5 Among the fallen were recorded the noblest names of Rome. No consulars,

ames of Rome. No consulars, it is true, for the best of the principes were already dead, and the few survivors of that order

in the end. 4 When the chief men surviving of the Republican cause were led before the victorious generals, Antonius, it

, they saluted as imperator, but reviled Octavianus. A number of them were put to death. 5 A body of nobles had fled to the

alpine Gaul, they NotesPage=>206 1 Velleius 2, 71, 2 f.: these were all (including Drusus) related together. Of nobil

, 575. 7 Plutarch, Brutus 50. 8 Appian, BC 5, 2, 4 ff. Among them were Cicero’s son and the assassins Cassius of Parma a

s make complaint, he might have that for his share. These engagements were duly recorded in writing, a necessary precaution,

r. The eighteen cities of Italy marked down to satisfy the soldiery were not slow to make open protest: they suggested tha

tical contests at Rome and the civil wars into which they degenerated were fought at the expense of Italy. Denied justice an

conference. A compromise was reached, but the more important articles were never carried out. War was in the air. Both sides

generals, strong in prestige and mass of legions. But the Antonians were separated by distance and divided in counsel. In

edom under Tisienus Gallus, but was forced to a capitulation. 5 These were episodes: L. Antonius was the central theme. He s

with Plancus and relieve Perusia. Marching across the Apennines, they were arrested by Agrippa and Salvidienus at Fulginiae,

heir fire-signals could be seen by the besieged. Ventidius and Pollio were ready to fight. The caution of Plancus was too st

ly died. 6 The city of Perusia was destined for pillage. The soldiery were thwarted by the suicide of a prominent citizen, w

2, 74, 4; Appian, BC 5, 49, 204 ff. PageBook=>212 The captives were a problem. Many senators and Roman knights of dis

escape of the greater number was not actively impeded. The remainder were put to death among them Ti. Cannutius, the tribun

condemned to death the assassins of Caesar. 2 These judicial murders were magnified by defamation and credulity into a heca

atened Italy from the east, Pompeius from the south and west. If this were not enough, all his provinces were assailed at on

s from the south and west. If this were not enough, all his provinces were assailed at once. Pompeius drove out M. Lurius an

doubted; and, despite the loss of the Gallic legions, the odds of war were on the side of the great Antonius. NotesPage=&g

us arrived at Tyre. Of trouble in Italy, the most disquieting rumours were already current: he soon learned that a new and a

confiscations and the allotment of lands to the veterans of Philippi were Octavianus’ share in a policy for which they were

eterans of Philippi were Octavianus’ share in a policy for which they were jointly responsible. The victor of Philippi could

x, 41 f. 4 There was even a theory that Octavianus and L. Antonius were acting in collusion, forcing on a war to facilita

rror of political calculation which is not so certain. 6 The envoys were L. Scribonius Libo and Sentius Saturninus (Appian

pport Antonius confronted his Caesarian rival. For war, his prospects were better than he could have hoped; and he at once d

aesarian by standing for the interests of the legions. But his errors were not fatal Octavianus had great difficulty in indu

some turned back. 4 Octavianus might command a mass of legions: they were famished and unreliable, and he had no ships at a

cted Pompeius to call off his fleets. Serious conferences began. They were conducted for Antonius by Pollio, the most honest

sign and herald of a new age. 2 Vague aspirations and magical science were quickly adopted for purposes of propaganda by the

The last Ludi Saeculares at Rome had been celebrated in 149 B.C. They were therefore due to recur in 39 B.C. at least on one

of four years, and the Antonian P. Canidius Crassus. 5 Their services were diverse and impressive, but barely known to histo

eponymous consuls, C. Calvisius Sabinus and L. Marcius Censorinus, were a visible reminder of Caesarian loyalty alone of

s side. The complacency of the dynasts and the nuptials of Antonius were soon clouded by disturbances in the city of Rome.

consulates for himself and for Libo. The proscribed and the fugitives were to return. To Antonius, now urgently needed in

s, the primacy of Antonius seemed firm enough governing his provinces were the most prominent and most able members of that

arbus, himself the leader of a party. The majority of the Republicans were now on the side of Antonius. After Philippi, Vale

all the lands from Syria down to Jerusalem. Most of the client kings were disloyal or incompetent. Plancus the proconsul fl

us, of a cadet branch of the royal house. The damage and the disgrace were immense. But the domination of the nomads was tra

nging in date from his quaestorship (40 or 39) to his consulate (32), were struck at Zacynthus, BMC, R. Rep. 11, 500; 504; 5

y been made by Antonius. During the course of the following year they were modified and completed. It will be convenient to

Tarentum. Both the patience of Antonius and the diplomacy of Maecenas were exhausted. At last the mediation of Octavia was i

s of the Triumvirate. The consuls for 32, designated long in advance, were adherents of Antonius, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus a

ips would NotesPage=>225 1 Horace, Sat. 1, 5, 31 ff. The poets were Virgil, Horace and L. Varius Rufus Virgil’s frien

offers. As yet, however, neither his predominance nor his prestige were gravely menaced and there was work to be done in

rned to Rome, nobles of ancient family or municipal aristocrats. Here were allies to be courted, men of some consequence now

e allies to be courted, men of some consequence now or later. 1 There were others: yet there was no rapid or unanimous adhes

ad lapsed by now to the Caesarian party. Sextus’ brother was dead, as were those faithful Picenes, Afranius and NotesPage=

nus belonged to an earlier age. Pietas was not enough. Greek freedmen were his counsellors, his agents and his admirals, whi

Italian seas. Before the year was out mutual accusations of bad faith were confirmed or justified by overt breaches of the a

or justified by overt breaches of the agreement. Marriage and divorce were the public tokens of political pacts or feuds.

person (who is clearly referred to by Velleius, 2, 77, 3). The Sentii were related to Libo (ILS 8892). 2 M. Aemilius Scaur

lier perhaps than he had planned. His best men, Agrippa and Calvinus, were absent. Lepidus in Africa was silent or ambiguous

ous. Pompeius attacked Octavianus as his ships, coming from Tarentum, were passing through the Straits of Messana to join hi

al children. Their destiny, save for the eldest son, is unknown. They were surely employed at an early age for dynastic alli

he ships. He needed crews and a harbour. Twenty thousand freed slaves were pressed into service, and Agrippa proceeded to co

eat number, being servile in origin, lacked any right or status: they were handed over to their former masters or, failing s

rtain of the adherents of Pompeius, senatorial or equestrian in rank, were put to death. 2 After which stern measures Octavi

rippa held the praetorship in that year, but Maecenas and Salvidienus were not even senators. Again, at Brundisium his posit

ndation of the faction and the first revolutionary venture. Consulars were rare enough on either side. The most prominent of

ther side. The most prominent of them, Pollio, Ventidius and Plancus, were with Antonius. Octavianus had two and two only, t

tors’ sons at all frequent in the revolutionary faction. The Peducaei were a modest and reputable senatorial family, on term

or the rest, his earliest marshals, in so far as definitely attested, were the first members of their families to acquire se

Fuficius Fango, killed while fighting to hold Africa for Octavianus, were among the Dictator’s new senators. The younger Ba

now, after Brundisium, the soldiers of fortune Salvidienus and Fango were dead: the young leader was short of partisans. Th

ng the neutrals, of seducing Republicans and Antonians (the two terms were sometimes synonymous) has already advanced a stag

ime among his generals or active associates seven men who had held or were very soon to hold the consulate, all men of disti

Rufus (cos. suff. 16 B.C.) and P. Sulpicius Quirinius (cos. 12 B.C), were perhaps making their début in Octavianus’ service

ave continued, an ancient line of the aristocracy of Lucania. 4 These were able or unscrupulous military men, the first of n

compense. In public and official semblance, the campaigns in Sicily were advertised not as a civil but a foreign war, soon

oble Messalla had to wait for some years not many. High priesthoods were conferred as patronage. Before long the marshal C

f the stock of the Scipiones. 7 For the novi homines splendid matches were now in prospect. By chance, no record is preserve

o far as now revealed to history, Messalla, Ap. Pulcher and Lepidus were not merely noble but of the most ancient nobility

reerists, like the dynastic Livia Drusilla, the greatest of them all, were to be amply NotesPage=>238 1 Dio 49, 7, 6.

239 remunerated for their daring and their foresight. As yet they were conspicuous by their rarity. The vanquished of Ph

onspicuous by their rarity. The vanquished of Philippi and of Perusia were more amicably disposed to Antonius; and his Repub

long Principate of Augustus. But Octavianus’ time was short, his aims were restricted. In the first campaign he conquered Pa

>241 The work and services of Agrippa and of Taurus in Illyricum were not publicly commemorated. 1 At the end of 33 B.C

after his Spanish triumph (33) repaired a temple of Hercules. These were some, but not all, of the edifices that already f

es. In this year the admiral Q. Laronius became consul; the other six were commended by no known military service to the Tri

at was not enough. The services of Agrippa, the soldier and engineer, were solid and visible: the other minister Maecenas ha

iny, NH 36, 121. 2 L. Volcacius Tullus (pr. 46 B.C.) and M. Acilius were the sons of consuls of the previous generation, L

iciaries of that violent process, dominant in every order of society, were in no way disposed to share their new privileges

Hence certain symptoms of consolidation, political and social. There were to be no more proscriptions, no more expulsions o

mputation can be made. Excluding the Triumvirs, and iterations, there were thirty- eight consuls. Of these, three are diffic

respective families (not all, of course, sons of Roman knights: there were a number of sons of highly respectable houses of

ans, could show no member of consular age or standing. The patricians were sparse enough at the best of seasons: Octavianus

two at the most, perhaps only one; 2 no Valerii yet, but the Valerii were soon to provide three consuls in four years. 3 No

re soon to provide three consuls in four years. 3 No less conspicuous were the gaps in the ranks of the dynastic houses of t

e Metellus, Marcellus, Licinius, Junius or Calpurnius. Those families were not extinct, but many years would have to pass be

the semblance of their traditional distinction. New and alien names were prominent in their place, Etruscan or Umbrian, Pi

that was beyond words. The lower ranks of the revolutionary Senate were in harmony with the higher, not disdaining freedm

ired centurions. Magistracies, coveted only for the bare distinction, were granted in abundance, held for a few days or in a

. PageBook=>245 existence, for the transactions of high policy were conducted by the rulers in secret or at a distanc

by the rulers in secret or at a distance from Rome. Contemporaries were pained and afflicted by moral and by social degra

ood in the forefront of political speakers, and the spirited Caelius, were by no means the only exponents of this Attic tend

would have fancied him born a century earlier. 4 Pollio and Messalla were reckoned the greatest orators of the new age. Mes

od of political calm. The signs of the melancholy future of eloquence were plainly to be read. Oratory would degenerate into

a manly, aristocratic and active creed; but the doctrines of Epicurus were available, extolling abstention from politics and

d Balbus, who still lived on without public signs of their existence, were susceptible to such an appeal might well be doubt

2 Escaping from proscription, though his own stores of learned books were plundered, the indefatigable scholar was not dete

flecting perhaps some discordance in his own character. The archaisms were borrowed, men said, lifted from Cato; not less so

ts, nor M. Furius Bibaculus, who wrote epigrams, elegies and an epic, were probably now alive. The origin of these poets was

birth-place of Bibaculus. PageBook=>252 The new poets, as they were called, possessed a common doctrine and technique

hardly with Pompeius. Cornificius, Cinna, and others of their friends were found on Caesar’s side when war came. 1 The men

their friends were found on Caesar’s side when war came. 1 The men were dead, and their fashion of poetry lost favour rap

perhaps more seductive influences. 2 Maecenas, whose aesthetic tastes were genuine and varied, though not always creditable,

ed into the company and friendship of Maecenas. Before long his poems were made public (38 or 37 B.C.). Maecenas encouraged

tone and manner that would have been fitting if the whole collection were being dedicated to him (cf. esp. 1. 11, ‘a te pri

yed together to Brundisium, at that time when the rulers of the world were to meet not far away at Tarentum (37 B.C.). 2 Q

ertain senators could at last be annulled. 3 The Caesarian soldiers were tumultuous from pride in their exploits, consciou

Aliens had served in the legions of the Roman People; and the dynasts were lavish in grants of the franchise. In times of pe

ent. 1 The credit of omens and astrology grew steadily. The Triumvirs were powerless to oppose subservient to popular favour

s Apollo, Antonius as Dionysus. 5 It was by no means evident how they were to operate a fusion NotesPage=>256 1 Dio 4

e Republicans, the brave men and the true had perished: the survivors were willing to make their peace with the new order, s

e lineaments of a new policy had become discernible, the prime agents were already at work. But the acts of the young dynast

should have driven the Parthians out of Asia. When at last his hands were free he departed to Syria, summoning thither the

e able son of Zeno of Laodicea, received kingdoms. Other arrangements were made from time to time, but it was not until the

but it was not until the winter of 37-36 B.C. that the principalities were built up into a solid and well- balanced structur

with every promise of long duration. 1 East of the Hellespont there were to be three Roman provinces only, Asia, Bithynia

other dynasts ; 2 but her portion was exceedingly rich. Her revenues were also swollen by the gift of the balsam groves nea

ginning of a new era. 1 But the relations of Antonius and Cleopatra were not merely those of proconsul and vassal-ruler. A

ia. These vassal-states, serving the needs of government and defence, were not knit together by any principle of uniformity

es. It was a defeat, but not a rout or a disaster. The Roman losses were considerable early and unfriendly testimony rec

e failure in Media was soon taken up for propaganda and the survivors were not loath to exaggerate their sufferings for poli

peius in Asia and by the lack of trained troops. The western soldiers were held to be far the best. Eastern levies had an

his earlier Caesarian associates, the marshals Ventidius and Decidius were dead. Pollio had abandoned public life, perhaps C

sed that the Cocceii, a new family showing two consuls in four years, were highly circumspect. M. Cocceius Nerva and a certa

partisan of Caesar and a legate of Plancus in Gaul. 5 Other diplomats were Q. Dellius, who deserted Dola-bella and Cassius i

Rome to the conference of Tarentum. 6 Of no note in the arts of peace were certain military men and admirals like Insteius f

had deserted long ago, Cato and the consulars Bibulus and Ahenobarbus were dead; so were Brutus and Cassius, Q. Hortensius,

ong ago, Cato and the consulars Bibulus and Ahenobarbus were dead; so were Brutus and Cassius, Q. Hortensius, young Lucullus

is step-father Antonius. 5 Other youthful nobiles among the Antonians were M. Licinius Crassus, M. Octavius and a Metellus w

Münzer, Hermes LXXI (1936), 229; ABOVE, P. 128. PageBook=>270 were nobiles, yet this was a revolutionary period priz

ctavianus, but not upon an innocent and unsuspecting ally. Both sides were preparing. The cause or rather the pretext was th

Titles of kingdoms, not all of them in the power or gift of Antonius, were also bestowed upon the three children whom Cleopa

detail cannot be recovered: the resplendent donations, whatever they were , made no difference at all to provincial administ

inistration in the East. Yet even now Antonius’ acts and dispositions were not immediately exploited by his enemies at Rome.

gy. Of the facts, there is and was no authentic record; even if there were , it would be necessary further to speculate upon

ble. Of the Roman provinces which Antonius inherited in Asia, three were recent acquisitions. To Pompeius Syria owed its a

cia an augmentation of territory. His dispositions, though admirable, were in some respects premature. A province of Cilicia

ion was inevitable in the eastern lands. The agents and beneficiaries were kings or cities. For Rome, advantage as well as n

g its own traditions of language, habit and rule. The dependent kings were already there: let them remain, the instruments o

e empire of Rome. Ever since Rome had known that kingdom its defences were weak, its monarchs impotent or ridiculous. Pompei

ubsist in Egypt. Antonius’ dispositions and Antonius’ vassal rulers were retained almost wholly by the victorious rival, s

ode there as consort of Egypt’s Queen, the father of her children who were crowned kings and queens, his dual role as Roman

nt to Antonius’ Republican followers (a nephew and a grandson of Cato were still with him) as they were to Octavianus’ agent

llowers (a nephew and a grandson of Cato were still with him) as they were to Octavianus’ agents and to subsequent historian

3 NotesPage=>273 1 W. W. Tarn, CAH x, 81. The rulers of Egypt were Cleopatra and her eldest son Ptolemy Caesar (alle

deserted his friends or his allies. Nobler qualities, not the basest, were his ruin. Rome, it has been claimed, feared Cle

cale of history. The policy and ambitions of Antonius or of Cleopatra were not the true cause of the War of Actium ; 4 they

or of Cleopatra were not the true cause of the War of Actium ; 4 they were a pretext in the strife for power, the magnificen

as consul for the second time: with its close, the triumviral powers were to expire. The rivals manoeuvred for position: of

first essay in armed violence and revived during the War of Perusia, were intensified obscure ancestry, NotesPage=>276

can freedom of speech now revelled in a brief renascence as though it were not fettered to the policy of a military despot.

a whole age seemed to have elapsed, and most of the principal actors were dead: in fact, Sosius and Domitius were only elev

most of the principal actors were dead: in fact, Sosius and Domitius were only eleven years from Hirtius and Pansa. Then th

have made a compromise with Octavianus:1 it is more likely that they were afraid to divulge its contents. Antonius asked to

protest fled to Antonius, bearing with them the unread missive. They were followed by more than three hundred senators, Rep

irement of his enemies not unwelcome. Even now, the Senate and People were not utterly to be despised: the consuls could be

ter-charges in the dispute of the dynasts, whether legal or personal, were no novelty to a generation that could recall the

the daughter of Sulla. 4 Dio 50, 7, I. PageBook=>280 consuls were on his side. Antonius stood on the defensive and

t might be represented, for peace. For war his prestige and his power were enormous. It is in no way evident that the mishap

retain all his partisans or prevent their adhesion to Octavianus. Nor were Republicans and Pompeians as amenable to discipli

anus. Nor were Republicans and Pompeians as amenable to discipline as were the chief men of the rival Caesarian faction. Rui

s were the chief men of the rival Caesarian faction. Ruinous symptoms were soon apparent, heralding the break-up of the Anto

lity, old Caesarian partisans, Republicans, Pompeians. Certain allies were now dead; others, estranged by absence or by the

and Titius. Neither sustained loyalty to Antonius nor rapid desertion were NotesPage=>281 1 Suetonius, Nero 4 (a clas

s than two hundred thousand volumes. 1 The loyal efforts of Calvisius were not accorded general credence; and touching the t

ill the middle class with horror and anger. 3 The friends of Antonius were baffled, unable to defend him openly. Wild rumour

e was widespread incendiarism. Freedmen, recalcitrant under taxation, were especially blamed for the trouble and heavily pun

ouble and heavily punished. 1 Disturbances among the civil population were suppressed by armed force for the soldiers had

axation was added private intimidation. Towns and wealthy individuals were persuaded to offer contributions for the army. Th

irculated, guaranteed by the seal of the sphinx or by Maecenas’ frog, were imperative and terrifying. 2 ‘Quo, quo scelesti

stitutional crisis of the year 32, the consuls and a show of legality were on the side of Antonius. An absurdity the Roman c

he phrase was familiar from recent history, whereas idea and practice were older still. Long ago the nobles of Rome, not lea

e influence and private ties, casual corruption or local intimidation were not enough. Lack of conviction as well as lack of

ageBook=>289 oath was imposed. In the military colonies and they were numerous there can have been little difficulty. T

om his rival, regarded Caesar’s heir as their patron and defender and were firmly attached to his clientela. For the rest, l

ent enemies and establishing a claim upon their estates. Many regions were under the control of Octavianus’ firmest friends

iery might be purchased, the lower orders deceived or dragooned. What were the real sentiments of the upper and middle class

dent exponents of the national unity and the crusade against the East were no doubt to be found in the order of Roman knight

bably received some kind of assurance. PageBook=>291 Those who were not deceived by the artifices of Octavianus or th

ered to the provinces of the West. As in Italy, the military colonies were the chief support of Octavianus’ power; and the l

magnates, whether Roman colonists and business men or native dynasts, were firmly devoted to the Caesarian cause. Men from S

provincial cities like Gades and Corduba. 2 Old Balbus and his nephew were all but monarchic in their native Gades; it may b

ation remained tranquil: in Gaul the chieftains of the various tribes were attached in loyalty to the clientela of Caesar. T

d glory of Caesar and the Caesarian party. 4 The armies of the West were left in charge of safe partisans. The tried soldi

inth was his head-quarters. His forces, fed by corn-ships from Egypt, were strung out in a long line from Corcyra and Epirus

of supply, reinforcement and communications. The fleet and the army were tied to each other. For their combined needs, Ant

g the outcome and destroying the Caesarians. Time, money and supplies were on his side: he might delay and fight a battle wi

;295 augmented the total of his legions to thirty. The new recruits were inferior to Italians, it is true, but by no means

lacked recent experience of naval warfare. The admirals of Octavianus were schooled by their many defeats, invigorated by th

, CQ XXVI (1932), 75 ff. It is clear, however, that provincial levies were heavily drawn upon. Brutus, for example, raised t

ntilicia of a number of soldiers of eastern origin the fact that they were given the Roman franchise on enlistment by certai

arted, M. Junius Silanus and the agile Dellius, whose changes of side were proverbial but not unparalleled. 1 The ex-Republi

his ships rowed out, ready for action. Of his admirals, the principal were Sosius and Poplicola; commands were also held by

n. Of his admirals, the principal were Sosius and Poplicola; commands were also held by M. Insteius, a man from Pisaurum, by

, the greatest of the marshals after Agrippa, and the renegade Titius were in charge of the Caesarian legions. The course,

me, is not known. Sosius might be suspected. Certain of the Antonians were executed, but Sosius was spared, at the instance,

geBook=>298 against the bestial divinities of Nile. Against Rome were arrayed the motley levies of all the eastern land

on to be held by Caesarian marshals (no fewer than six in 28-26 B.C.) were fairly earned. Then came the reckoning with Ant

ined to beg for mercy :8 his mother Fulvia would have approved. There were other victims. As for the Antonians later capture

. There were other victims. As for the Antonians later captured, four were put to death, among NotesPage=>299 1 Pluta

lem. 1, 9, 11 (Cinna). 8 Dio 51, 2, 5. Aquillius Florus and his son were also killed. PageBook=>300 them the last o

y believed son of the Dictator. Alexander Helios and Cleopatra Selene were reserved to walk in a Roman triumph. The boy is n

ns in the East. The vassal princes, well aware of their own weakness, were unswervingly loyal to Roman authority and Roman i

301 children of Cleopatra, whatever they might be and whatever they were worth, Octavianus naturally cancelled; for the re

he eastern frontiers, Polemo, Amyntas, Archelaus and Herod; and there were three Roman provinces in Asia, namely Asia, Bithy

e ill success of Antonius, even though not as great as many believed, were sobering lessons; and there was work to do in the

ehended, save when civil war loosened the fabric of Roman rule. There were to be no more civil wars. So much for the East.

not so important because they lacked permanent garrisons of legions, were in the hands of reliable partisans. 3 In the su

id not, however, mean that warfare was to cease: the generals of Rome were active in the frontier provinces. The exaltation

a permanent establishment of about twenty-six legions. The remainder were disbanded, the veterans being settled in colonies

l, Aen. 6, 852 f. 2 Dio 51, 4, 6. Some of the dispossessed Italians were settled in Macedonia. 3 lb. 51, 17, 8: τό τє σύ

ges, various in kind and variously to be interpreted. Hopeful signs were not wanting in 28 B.C Octavianus was consul for t

granted and took in hand a purge of the Senate. 4 ‘Unworthy’ members were expelled or persuaded to depart. The point and

ow far was the process of regulating the State to go, under what name were the Caesarian party and its leader to rule? He ha

; but Messalla and Pollio carried some authority. If the young despot were not willing of his own accord to adopt—or at leas

me. It would be uncomfortable but not dangerous. Armies and provinces were another matter. M. Licinius Crassus, the procon

estion of his own standing in public law. Like his policy, his powers were a direct continuation of the Triumvirate, even th

, succumbed to imprudence or the calumny of his enemies, who no doubt were numerous. Octavianus disowned him, breaking off a

sole imperator. 4 Not only prestige was at stake—the armed proconsuls were a menace. Yet it would be inexpedient to remove t

triumphs, if it could be helped. The nobilis and the consular, those were the enemies. NotesPage=>310 1 Ovid (Amores

solidation of power. And of power, no surrender. Only words and forms were changed, and not all of them. As ‘dux’ the youn

so fit a political leader—dux partium. But warfare and party politics were deemed to be over and gone. The word had too mili

he term ‘princeps’, but not as part of any official titulature. There were other principes in the State, there could not fai

in, Gaul and Syria. That and nothing more. 1 For the rest, proconsuls were to govern the provinces, as before, but responsib

ut responsible only to the Senate; and Senate, People and magistrates were to resume the rightful exercise of all their func

and allies—and perhaps with neutral politicians. They knew what they were about. In name, in semblance and in theory the so

ounted to. On the face of things, the new powers of Caesar Augustus were modest indeed, unimpeachable to a generation that

nd, the governors of Illyricum, Macedonia and Africa. 3 These regions were close to Italy, a menace from geographical positi

t of such a mandate there was plenty of justification. The civil wars were over, but the Empire had not yet recovered from t

or nobody could believe that the frontiers of Illyricum and Macedonia were satisfactory; and Africa nourished her proverbial

factory; and Africa nourished her proverbial wars. Special commands were no novelty, no scandal. The strictest champion of

invoked: it is pretty clear that it was not. The Romans as a people were possessed by an especial veneration for authority

as simple and easily translated. Moreover, the chief men of his party were not jurists or theorists—they were diplomats, sol

reover, the chief men of his party were not jurists or theorists—they were diplomats, soldiers, engineers and financiers. Th

ad languished for long years. Certain precedents of the recent past were so close as to be damaging. Pompeius Magnus gover

PageBook=>317 and lost in war. 1 His murders and his treacheries were not forgotten. 2 It would not do to revive such

sar: in the official conception, the Dictatorship and the Triumvirate were blotted from record. 3 This meant a certain rehab

ly advertised. A purified Pompeius or a ghostly and sanctified Cato were not the only victims of the Civil Wars who could

admiration of Polybius:2 even if the primacy of one man in the State were admitted, it was not for a princeps like Pompeius

ed. That being so, the resurgence of phrases, and even of ideas, that were current in the previous generation will neither e

’. 3 The Princeps would never have denied it. Only ghosts and words were called up to comfort the living and confound post

in defence of political adventurers and ministers of despotism. There were none of them left—they had all joined the nationa

was paid to him at all, or to Pompeius. Genuine Pompeians there still were , loyal to a family and a cause—but that was anoth

ostentation and for power. The military colonies in Italy and abroad were a network of his armed and devoted garrisons. Tow

er or their patron, kings, tetrarchs and dynasts over the wide empire were in his portion as allies and clients. A citizen a

, the purified Senate, being in a majority the partisans of Augustus, were well aware of what was afoot. To secure the domin

faction seized power at Rome, the consulate and the provincial armies were the traditional instruments of ‘legitimate’ supre

laws: the constitution was subservient. This time the new enactments were carried through under the auspices of the supreme

onsul without intermission. During the next four years his colleagues were T. Statilius Taurus, M. Junius Silanus, C. Norban

r than annual. That would be most unfortunate. 3 Among the ex-consuls were men dangerously eminent, from family or from ambi

r Antonian, before Actium, and six more since then. Some of these men were dead or had lapsed long ago from public notice. N

ast in 27 B.C. some eleven viri triumphales. Some of the military men were advanced in years, namely the senior consular Cal

, and a general from the campaign of Philippi, C. Norbanus. But there were presumably three nobiles in the prime of life; 2

he first constitutional settlement any more conspicuous. Most of them were young enough, for advancement had been swift and

ith legions and the nominal hope of a triumph. 3 The wars of Augustus were waged in the main by men who reached the consulat

emonstrate. He feared the nobiles, his enemies. Consulars with armies were rivals to the Princeps in power as well as in mil

Under the dispensation of Sulla the Dictator, the public provinces were ten in number. Now they were only eight, about as

Sulla the Dictator, the public provinces were ten in number. Now they were only eight, about as many as the Senate could man

over, the most difficult and most dangerous of the imperial dominions were not among them—a fair and fraudulent pretext to l

4 Dio and Strabo are inadequate here. The public provinces in 27 B.C. were probably Africa, Illyricum, Macedonia with Achaia

ne, Sicily, Sardinia with Corsica. PageBook=>329 These regions were far from peaceful, but their garrison was kept sm

s from the beginning. Ultimately only two provinces, Africa and Asia, were governed by proconsuls of consular rank. In the e

ica and Macedonia. Spain and Gaul, the martial provinces of the West, were now deprived of proconsuls. Whether the work of c

er was held to be established, the territories of Augustus’ provincia were to be firmly held by men whom he could trust. Nor

ittle difficulty. 5 In Spain C. Antistius Vetus and L. Aelius Lamia were legates in Citerior, P. Carisius in Ulterior (on

Augusti pro praetore, only one was of consular standing. 1 The others were praetorian. Nor was high birth in evidence. The f

certain; 2 none of the others had consular ancestors—if their parents were senatorial at all, they were obscure and low in r

had consular ancestors—if their parents were senatorial at all, they were obscure and low in rank. These legates were direc

e senatorial at all, they were obscure and low in rank. These legates were direct appointments of Augustus, responsible to h

ely a matter for the lot, was no less happy and inspired than if they were legates of Augustus instead of proconsuls, indepe

consulare, ostensibly reduced when the Republic was restored. Such were the powers of Augustus as consul and proconsul, o

tiers secured and extended, their resources assessed and taxed; there were veterans to dismiss, cities to found, territories

stand and endure, even when its sovran organs, the Senate and People, were impotent or dumb, even if the Princeps were an in

s, the Senate and People, were impotent or dumb, even if the Princeps were an infant, an idiot or an absentee. That would

ould come more easily and more naturally. Time, oblivion and security were on his side if he removed an unpopular person and

ngs of order and the semblance of freedom: the chief men of his party were there, Agrippa, Taurus and Maecenas, to prevent a

VI, 1993 f. PageBook=>334 Murena was implicated. The criminals were condemned in absence, captured when evading arres

nd patriotism. The conspiracy of Murena and the illness of Augustus were a sudden warning. The catastrophe was near. For

recent and tangible the Ides of March, the proscriptions and Philippi were barely twenty years distant. The corruption of an

overnment. Whatever happened, the new order must endure. Two measures were taken, in the name of Caesar Augustus. The consti

ed by Dio, ought never to have been doubted and is confirmed, if that were needed, by the five edicts found at Cyrene (for a

is reasonable enough to suppose that the powers granted in this year were sanctioned by the passing of a lex de imperio.

pillars of his rule, proconsular imperium and the tribunician powers, were the Revolution itself the Army and the People. On

Arabia had failed, and the ill- advised project was abandoned. There were less spectacular and more urgent tasks. Two years

rnelius Gallus. The next prefects, M. Aelius Gallus and P. Petronius, were dim figures compared with the poet who had comman

voked for their public and plausible justification, Words and phrases were not enough. Piso and Sestius, ex-Republicans in t

tentions, the Princeps restored certain provinces to proconsuls: they were merely Narbonensis and Cyprus, no great loss to G

ow, as though to demonstrate their independence, proconsuls of Africa were permitted to wage wars and to acquire military gl

ired. He was no puppet: but the deeds for which he secured the credit were in the main the work of others, and his unique pr

entourage grew complicated, acute and menacing. The principal actors were Livia, Maecenas and Agrippa. Augustus could not a

had they not been the step-sons of the Princeps, Tiberius and Drusus were pledged to a brilliant career in war and politics

usus were pledged to a brilliant career in war and politics, for they were the direct heirs of one branch of the patrician C

es would have their word to say about that. Two different conceptions were at war, recalling the rivalry between Antonius, t

s his heir in name and blood. The sentiments of the Caesarian party were soon made known. The result was a defeat for Augu

vidual with hard, heavy features angry, imperious and resolute. There were grounds for the opinion that, if Augustus died, A

whole people. 3 This was the New State with a vengeance. The nobiles were helpless but vindictive: they made a point of not

ovus homo of the revolutionary age and the heir of the Claudian house were perhaps not so far apart in this matter and in ot

ria historia 2, 20. PageBook=>345 Though the patrician Claudii were held to be arrogant, they were the very reverse o

>345 Though the patrician Claudii were held to be arrogant, they were the very reverse of exclusive, recalling with pri

origin. In politics the Claudii, far from being narrowly traditional, were noted as innovators, reformers and even as revolu

tus and Agrippa. 3 Absurd for the aftermath of Actium, when the lines were composed, they are not even appropriate to a late

wo reasons, the one juristic and the other personal. Augustus’ powers were legal in definition, magisterial in character; an

grant of powers to an associate. Augustus’ own arrangements, however, were careful devices to ensure an heir in his own fami

required or four. Yet the fabric must be held together. Two remedies were available. The Princeps might perambulate, visiti

, no fewer than eighty-three either had already held the consulate or were later rewarded with that supreme distinction. 1

he Senate by admitting his partisans. Neither the measure nor the men were as scandalous as was made out then and since. Cae

purification in 28 B.C. Of the ‘unworthy elements’, some two hundred were induced to retire by the exercise of moral suasio

n 29 B.C. (Dio 52, 42, 4). PageBook=>350 Scaurus and Cn. Cinna were not especially favoured Scaurus, like some other

Poplicola or of three other Antonian admirals at Actium. 1 Nobiles were required to adorn the Senate of a revived Republi

Nobiles were required to adorn the Senate of a revived Republic there were far too many novi homines about. From an ostentat

if they had lost their fortunes. After Actium certain cities of Italy were punished for Antonian sympathies by confiscation

The estates of three hundred and more disloyal or misguided senators were not all tenderly to be spared out of respect for

turbance and imposed the settlement of March 17th. Vested interests were now more widely spread, more tenacious, more tigh

here being reaction under the Principate, the gains of the Revolution were to be consolidated and extended: what had begun a

of three orders, each with definite rank, duties and privileges. They were to remain: the Romans did not believe in equality

tions, according to the social system of the Principate; and senators were eligible for the purple. The passage of time exte

erals and avert bloodshed. In possession of their farms, the veterans were now the strongest pillar of the military monarchy

he Revolution. Not until A.D. 6, when large dismissals of legionaries were in prospect, did the State take charge of the pay

tribune in the legions and of cavalry commander (praefectus equitum) were reserved for members of the equestrian order, tha

e for service, for distinction and for promotion that in time knights were willing to divest themselves temporarily of their

as senators in the purified Senate of Augustus. 8 Above all, freedmen were employed by the Princeps as his personal agents a

revolution. The knights paid for it in the proscriptions for knights were the principal and designated victims of the capit

victims of the capital levy. Though momentarily thinned, their ranks were soon augmented by a surge of successful speculato

to superintend the collection of the revenues of his provinces. They were drawn from the aristocracy of the towns, provinci

vinces, some of them quite small and comparable to the commands which were accessible to a minor proconsul, but one more ric

ee legions. Certain other provinces subsequently acquired by Augustus were placed under the charge of prefects or procurator

under the charge of prefects or procurators of equestrian rank. Such were Raetia and Noricum. When Judaea was annexed (A.D.

ht culminate in the governorship of Egypt or the command of the Guard were two administrative posts in Rome created by Augus

other senators outside the circle of the consular families, such men were commonly precluded from the highest distinction i

53), ‘equites et boni viri ac locupletes’. PageBook=>360 They were the backbone of Augustus’ faction, the prime agen

igni. 2 Municipal men in the Senate of Rome in the days of Pompeius were furnished in the main by Latium, Campania and the

ci as ‘municipalia ilia prodigia’(2, 6, 6). PageBook=>361 Some were recent upstarts, enriched by murder and rapine. O

es had never been heard of before in the Senate or even at Rome. They were the first senators of their families, sometimes t

eration, praetorian in rank (P-W III A, 72). As for M. Lollius, there were Lollii from Picenum (such as Palicanus) and from

ally identified, are certainly of municipal extraction. 1 These men were representatives of Augustus’ Italy, many of them

contributed soldiers, officers and senators to the Roman State. They were themselves a part of it; the bond of unity was or

ce of the municipia had been invoked in the crisis of civil war: they were not to be neglected in peace. Augustus encouraged

sed a scheme for making their influence felt in Rome town councillors were to cast their votes in absence for candidates at

e of the People as their ideal. The Romans, who distrusted democracy, were able to thwart the exercise of popular sovranty t

al Senate, time and circumstance would ordain. 1 Over all the world were zealous and interested defenders of the establish

he vassal kings, though still in name the allies of the Roman People, were in fact the devoted clients of the Princeps and b

franchise to natives, the citizen body was widely diffused; and there were numerous colonies and municipia. Spain and Narbon

n Italy (until recently provincial), vigorous and prosperous regions, were loyal to the government of Rome now that they had

from his intentions, which cannot be known, and from his acts, which were liable to misrepresentation. Of his acts, one of

onensian partisans remained. 1 Of the men from Spain, Saxa and Balbus were dead, but the younger Balbus went on in splendour

he consulate in the senatorial career. Two, if not three, provincials were Prefects of Egypt. 4 The sons of such eminent per

ily, was true in character and in habits to his origin; Roman knights were among his most intimate friends and earliest part

soon showed its effects Ap. Claudius Pulcher and M. Valerius Messalla were quickly won over. But the aristocracy were slow t

r and M. Valerius Messalla were quickly won over. But the aristocracy were slow to forgive the man of the proscriptions. The

d been decimated by a generation of civil wars: the sons of the slain were found willing to make their peace with the milita

istracies: it is therefore hard to discern under what conditions they were liberated from control and restored to Republican

hat there was change and development is clear. The minor magistracies were not definitely regulated all at once. 1 For the r

two the consulate. Caesar had been hasty and arbitrary: the Triumvirs were brutal among the grosser anomalies, men designate

, modest for the young Claudii, scandalous for Marcellus. 2 Distances were preserved. The young nobilis often became consul

the lattis clavus and by youthful quaestors. When Senate and People were ostensibly sovran, the members of a narrow group

y the magnificence of their champion, the plebs of Rome knew how they were expected to use that freedom. On the other hand,

tments of Senate and People, law and magistrates. Electoral disorders were barely heard of again. The domination of the Triu

entidius and Carrinas in 43 B.C. showed the way. At first the dynasts were temperate. Then after the Pact of Brundisium the

lpurnius Piso, lullus Antonius and the two Fabii Maximi. Most of them were entrapped in the matrimonial and dynastic policy

lity of birth, military service, distinction in oratory or law, these were the three claims to the consulate. An orator migh

d to ancestors who had deserved well of the Roman People. 6 Yet there were certain nobiles whose merits fell short of recomp

in of the most original or most lively talents, like Cassius Severus, were doomed to opposition. It would be impertinent and

enemies, augmented the glory and the security of the New State. Some were passed over, such as M. Lurius and P. Carisius, b

r credit service in the military provinces before the consulate. Such were M. Lollius, M. Vinicius and P. Sulpicius Quiriniu

P. Sulpicius Quirinius. These three categories of civic excellence were traditional, Republican and openly advertised as

ication for ennoblement. Nothing could be more fair and honest. There were also deeper and better reasons for political adva

e certain avenue of advancement. Of his political adherents, a number were unamiable, or at least unpopular, like Titius, Ta

unpopular, like Titius, Tarius and Quirinius. That was no bar. Others were not merely his allies, bound by amicitia, but in

have reached the consulate. Of the nobiles, many of the most eminent were attached to the cause by various ties. Some, such

Paullus Fabius Maximus, may even have enjoyed his confidence. 3 They were not all trusted: yet he could not deny them the c

vir, became consul. But the consulate did not matter so much. Enemies were dangerous only if they had armies and even then t

inked with one another and with the dynasty; and though the Scipiones were all but extinct, numerous Lentuli saved and trans

1784. PageBook=>377 The dim descendants of forgotten families were discovered in obscurity, rescued from poverty and

ied Agrippa and then Iullus Antonius; the two husbands of the younger were Paullus Aemilius Lepidus and M. Valerius Messalla

emilius Lepidus and M. Valerius Messalla Barbatus Appianus. 3 These were the closest in blood, but by no means the only ne

relatives of the Princeps. C. Octavius his father and his mother Atia were each twice married. Hence another Octavia, August

twice married. Hence another Octavia, Augustus’ half-sister: her sons were Sex. Appuleius and M. Appuleius, both consuls, no

e schemes devised by Augustus in the ramification of family alliances were formidable and fantastic. He neglected no relativ

geBook=>379 As time went on, more and more aristocratic families were lured by matrimony into the family and following

ng nobiles the most able, the most eminent and the most highly prized were the two Claudii, his stepsons, then L. Domitius A

. Even if lucky enough to have retained their ancestral estates, they were now deprived of the ruinous profits of political

had cast greedy eyes a generation before; and in Egypt large estates were now owned and exploited by members of the reignin

53, 27, 5. PageBook=>381 The fortunes of the great politicians were gross and scandalous. When the elder Balbus died,

million sesterces. 8 Senatorial rank and promotion to the consulate were not the only favours in the hands of the party-dy

te were not the only favours in the hands of the party-dynasts. There were priesthoods and the patriciate, administrative po

ician families by a law of 30 B.C.8 Among the partisans thus honoured were descendants of ancient plebeian houses, such as t

t about one hundred and seventy of his adherents in the War of Actium were rewarded with priesthoods (Res Gestae 25). 4 IL

in, 1909). Of the families of the old plebeian nobility thus honoured were probably the Calpurnii, Claudii Marcelli, Domitii

posed of provincial commands need no recapitulation. Their manoeuvres were seldom frustrated by the established practice of

nted his own legates. Before long the more important of his provinces were held by consulars, who are the principal minister

s right to designate a praetor every year, that did not matter. There were other ways. The system broadens as it descends

at end. PageBook=>385 Influences more secret and more sinister were quietly at work all the time women and freedmen.

whom cities paid honour, neglecting magistrates of the Roman People, were perpetuated in the exorbitant power of imperial f

e and national, was in reality a cosmopolitan court. These influences were bound up with the faction from the beginning: act

d to clothe her husband, the Roman magistrate. Her private activities were deep and devious. She secured senatorial rank for

>386 The assiduities of the young patrician Ser. Sulpicius Galba were handsomely rewarded by legacies in her will. 1 Mu

. 3 The four emperors who followed Nero in the space of a single year were all persons conspicuous and influential at Court.

le year were all persons conspicuous and influential at Court. Such were the ways that led to wealth and honours in the im

ncompetence and from their very paucity. In December of 43 B.C. there were only seventeen consulars alive, mostly of no cons

are later chosen to command armies, as legates or proconsuls. 1 There were good reasons for that. Rome and Italy could be

l of them through his own legates. Three military provinces, however, were governed by proconsuls. But they too were drawn f

ilitary provinces, however, were governed by proconsuls. But they too were drawn from his partisans. For the present, peace

e drawn from his partisans. For the present, peace and the Principate were thus safeguarded. But the mere maintenance of ord

Taylor, JRS XXVI (1936), 161 ff. PageBook=>389 Spain and Gaul were very different. It was necessary to subjugate the

. But the constitutional powers and the effective position of Agrippa were soon augmented in a measure that none of the agen

emnly dedicated. 3 Peace called for new and greater wars. The legions were rejuvenated and disciplined, for by now the veter

army now numbered twenty-eight legions. Of these, fourteen or fifteen were now available in the provinces of the northern fr

ient source asserts) and that the operations of Tiberius in 12–9 B.C. were confined to the suppression of local rebellions.

5 In 9 B.C. Drusus died, and two more campaigns against the Germans were conducted by Tiberius. Then in 6 B.C. came a cris

viri triumphales of the revolutionary period. After twenty years they were growing old or had disappeared: a new constellati

ough his legati pro praetore who, for reasons various and cumulative, were almost without exception praetorian in rank. At t

in this region served military purposes of defence. Further, legions were required to reduce the brigand tribes of the Taur

rd of Ahenobarbus or even of Quirinius. Dio’s sources for this period were in any case probably not abundant; and two pages

ny case probably not abundant; and two pages of the manuscript of Dio were lost at this point. Innocent trust in the fraudul

to take a province into his charge for short or for long periods. Nor were the public provinces classified as praetorian and

kans (c. 9 B.C.,) or some dozen years later, the legions of Macedonia were removed from the proconsul and assigned to the go

.D. 6 (Dio 55, 29, 3). 4 Dio 55, 28, I (A.D. 6). Other acquisitions were Galatia, Raetia, Noricum and Judaea. PageBook=&

ears. It does not follow that the wars waged by nobles or politicians were always futile or disastrous. The Romans were at l

by nobles or politicians were always futile or disastrous. The Romans were at least preserved from the dreary calamities tha

native ability and the inherited habit and prerogative of leadership were not enough, the proconsul could invoke the advice

provided the bone and nerves of the Roman army; and senior centurions were normally summoned to the general’s council. Again

lry and to provide for commissariat. Not all men of senatorial rank were untried in active warfare. The proconsul could ch

tling novelties. As before, senior centurions and equestrian officers were a repository of wisdom; both centurions passing i

he revolutionary wars. 7 NotesPage=>396 1 Among Piso’s legates were Q. Marcius Crispus and L. Valerius Flaccus (In Pi

nus and generals of the revolutionary age such as Taurus and Canidius were models and precedents. A great school of admirals

for political no less than for military reasons: elderly novi homines were safe. Lollius and Quirinius, who won the consulat

y as consulars governed important provinces, one after another. These were among the greatest, but they were not exceptional

provinces, one after another. These were among the greatest, but they were not exceptional. Vinicius is a close parallel; it

are pertinent and suggestive. The problems of the eastern provinces were political rather than administrative. The legat

nd remained for two years at the head of his army till the insurgents were overcome. 6 Though incomplete, these annals of

or of his family, so perhaps was Lollius. Silvanus and Piso, however, were nobiles. These men all held high command in the

ow, p. 422. PageBook=>400 More important than Syria or Galatia were the northern armies with the two great commands i

Moreover a large number of legionary soldiers, their service expired, were dismissed in the years 7-2 B.C. But no ground was

f Rome’s foreign policy (6 B.C.-A.D. 4). On the contrary, expeditions were made across the Danube in these years, the tribes

re made across the Danube in these years, the tribes beyond the river were intimidated and Bohemia, where Maroboduus, the mo

f the governing class, to set forth the manner in which the principes were employed. Including the four governors of Galatia

with long careers of useful service. Of the rest, no fewer than five were related in some way to the family of the Princeps

f government. But it was not in the provinces only that the principes were trained and yoked to service. The city state of R

ed was the duty of the aediles and of the censors if and when censors were appointed. NotesPage=>401 1 Probably not A

st, he called upon senators; and the presidents of the various boards were commonly men of consular standing. An ancient aut

recruited and trained. 5 That could not go on. After 19 B.C. there were no more triumphs of senators; and in any case Aug

the appointment of a pair of censors, the first for many years. They were Plancus and Paullus Aemilius Lepidus, colleagues

s from A.D. 15 or not long after. 5 Other small groups of consulars were established from time to time, such as an Economy

at once to an equestrian prefect. 6 Again, appeals from the provinces were delegated to consulars. In 4 B.C. a new procedure

ew procedure was devised to try certain cases of extortion the judges were to be four men of consular rank, together with th

he curatores aedium sacrarum et operum locorumque publicorum, as they were later called. 4 Frontinus, De aq. 99 and 102.

nder of Rome. A government had been established. The principes viri were tamed, trained and harnessed to the service of th

Roman People at home and abroad. Plebs and army, provinces and kings were no longer in the clientela of individual politici

was jealously engrossed by the Princeps and his family. The soldiers were his own clients it was treason to tamper with the

of the great Pompeius. Of all that, nothing more. Domitius and Titius were the last commoners to give their names to cities,

interests of an ordered commonwealth, consulate and military command were removed from competition and from profit, for the

gustus (1935), 93 ff. There can hardly be any doubt that their powers were developed and used, though not frequently in the

stions of policy had been the subject of open and public debate: they were now decided in secret by a few men. 1 He is right

ions of the government; senatorial rank and the tenure of high office were no longer an end in themselves but the qualificat

ter the Curia; in A.D. 13 its composition was modified and its powers were so far enhanced as to encroach seriously upon the

cil of senators and their inevitable impermanence, restricted as they were to six months of the year, shows clearly that it

he rotatory committee of the Senate and the various judicial consilia were open, public and unobjectionable. They facilitate

as revealed in the course of events: it would have to be postulated, were it not flagrant and evident. The management of th

res in the Caesarian party and certain members of the reigning family were probably present at most deliberations. Whether t

Augustus be described as Republic or Monarchy, these advisory bodies were indispensable for the needs of government and adm

t and experience of the most varied orders was now available. Knights were eligible for administrative posts that in dignity

administrator or the politician, even though his character and habits were the reverse of sacerdotal. One of the most eminen

against whom; the wars, however grandiose and arduous they might be, were not always dignified with that name and status, b

ey might be, were not always dignified with that name and status, but were conveniently regarded as the suppression of rebel

oured title of ‘Allies and Friends of the Roman People’: in fact they were the clients of the Princeps, and they knew it. Th

ey were the clients of the Princeps, and they knew it. Their kingdoms were his gift, precarious and revocable. When Herod th

, the future status of Judaea was debated in a crown council at which were present Gaius Caesar, the adopted son of the Prin

e should be foreign wars in the East. But the needs of West and North were urgent, organization as well as fighting, and gra

erans of the triumviral period such as Calvisius, Taurus and Messalla were available to give advice; while Silius, Lollius a

ispensed with, for the formulation was of the simplest. Politicians were needed. They were available among the party-chief

the formulation was of the simplest. Politicians were needed. They were available among the party-chieftains. NotesPage

ile in Rhodes), though correctly diagnosing the nature of the crisis, were rather at a loss to explain Agrippa’s dispatch to

The Princeps, the members of his family and his personal adherents were the real government. The Principate arose out of

sated by a new policy, in which Agrippa and the sons of Livia in turn were to be the instruments of Augustus in ensuring the

ning into the New Monarchy. As the dynastic aspirations of Augustus were revealed, more openly and nearer to success with

functions but with coalescence of interests not only represented, but were themselves the governing and administrative class

of Tiberius’ departure. 1 Not at all: both the Princeps and his party were strong enough to stand the strain. Though a certa

e stature of a monarch and the sure expectation of divinity: his sons were princes and would succeed him. The aristocracy co

bled. But nobiles, and especially patricians (for the latter families were older than the Roman State, dynastic and even reg

cent nobility, or from none at all. The firmest defenders of Libertas were nobles of the plebeian aristocracy; the senatoria

athe the authentic spirit of the Republic and the Republican virtues, were all sons of Roman knights, of municipal extractio

colonial Roman, M. Annaeus Lucanus from Corduba. Among the nobiles were magnates who stood close to Augustus in the inner

culate upon the composition of a body that never came into existence, were there not attested certain eminent personages in

Antonia and Marcella, all of whom except the daughters of M. Antonius were twice married, the ramifications of the dynasty g

ons, the husbands or the sons of the women of his house. Most of them were already of consular rank. Sex. Appuleius (cos.

abia Numantina to the son of Sex. Appuleius. 4 These four consulars were perhaps not all outstanding in talent or very clo

nded armies in the period of Tiberius’ seclusion. None the less, they were personages to be reckoned with especially the son

ned about the roots of the monarchy. Livia and the Claudian connexion were in low water: Tiberius lived on in exile and migh

d relatives who might be built up into a faction. 2 To be sure, there were her grandchildren, the three children of Drusus a

grandchildren, the three children of Drusus and Antonia; two of them were artfully interlocked with the descendants of Augu

alla still lived on; and he had something of a party. 1 The Scipiones were all but extinct; 2 but the other great branch of

and Pompeius. Some missed the consulate and none, so far as is known, were permitted by Augustus to govern the great militar

wn. 2 Like the Cornelii Lentuli, Piso was no enemy of Tiberius. There were other nobles with influential connexions, such as

nnexions, such as that mild-mannered person P. Quinctilius Varus, who were not so deeply committed to the court faction that

sion of fortune. 3 But the principal supporters of the Claudian party were probably the remnant of the Pompeians. In evil

bjects bestowed on the infant Tiberius by the sister of Sex. Pompeius were preserved as heirlooms or curiosities (Suetonius,

f L. Scribonius Libo, the father-in-law of Sex. Pompeius; 1 and there were now descendants of Pompeius and Scribonia, who in

us Libo and M. Scribonius Libo Drusus, consul and praetor in A.D. 16, were grandsons of Sex. Pompeius. 3 Precisely how, it

ticulars of her misbehaviour, her paramours and her accomplices: they were said to be numerous, of every order of society. F

they were said to be numerous, of every order of society. Five nobles were among them. 1 The consular Iullus Antonius was pu

the son or grandson of the consul of 38 B.C., and a Cornelius Scipio were all relegated. 5 The offence may have been transg

orts of the revels of Julia, of the number and variety of her lovers, were propagated by rumour, embellished with rhetoric a

stra from which the Princeps her father had promulgated the laws that were to sanction the moral regeneration of Rome. 7 It

1 Velleius alone (2, 100, 4 f.) gives the list. He says that there were others, both senators and knights. 2 Dio 55, 10

des and bring back the head of the exile. 3 That was excessive. There were other symptoms. Nemausus, a loyal and patriotic c

erer of Tiberius. 1 If many knew the truth of the whole episode, they were not likely to tell it. It is evident, and it is d

ntention revealed the bitter frustration of his dearest hopes. 1 They were not lost upon Tiberius or upon the principes, his

ly of that general could with decency permit. 4 The soldiers at least were quite glad to see Tiberius, a cautious and consid

yond the Danube. The peoples from Bohemia eastwards to Transylvania were compelled to acknowledge Roman suzerainty; Marobo

sperari potuerit, nec spei responderi felicius. ’ These pious prayers were answered almost at once by famine, pestilence and

ations, at which the claims and the dispositions of certain principes were severally canvassed. M. Aemilius Lepidus, he sa

ng ‘nomini ac fortunae Caesarum proximus’. PageBook=>434 These were eminent men. Lepidus, of Scipionic ancestry, son

e enemies or rivals of Tiberius, such as Lollius and Iullus Antonius, were dead, others discredited, others displaced. Astut

laced. Astute politicians who had not committed themselves too deeply were quick to transfer their adherence openly to the p

), Sex. Nonius Quinctilianus (cos. A.D. 8) and P. Cornelius Dolabella were his nephews. Through The Nonii He Was Allied With

army commands. Most of the generals of the earlier wars of conquest were now dead, decrepit or retired, giving place to an

he health of Augustus began to fail and the end was near, men’s minds were seized by fear and insecurity ‘pauci bona liberta

ply; another knight, M. Magius, held Egypt. All the provincial armies were in the hands of sure partisans. On the Rhine were

e provincial armies were in the hands of sure partisans. On the Rhine were massed eight legions under two legates, the one C

438 M. Aemilius Lepidus was in charge of Hispania Citerior. 1 These were the armed provinces of Caesar. Africa, with one

tament. 4 About the same time, it may be inferred, three state-papers were composed or revised, namely, the ceremonial which

to be set up on tablets of bronze in front of the Mausoleum. These were official documents. It is evident that Augustus h

usiness of the deification of Augustus was admirably expedited: there were awkward moments in the public conferment of the P

self in his public acts and utterances. On the other hand his enemies were alert to prosecute their advantage. Tiberius Caes

have prevailed over the youthful vigour of the martial Republic. They were emboldened to doubt it. 2 More than that, the sol

arts and letters they cheerfully resigned the contest. The Roman arts were war and government: tu regere imperio populos,

the ruins. The apprehensions evoked by the long series of civil wars were only too well grounded. Actium had averted the me

y have believed; and Sulla sought to establish an ordered state. Both were damned by the crime of ambition and ‘impia arma’.

ristocrat requited privilege with duty to the State. Then individuals were poor, but the State was rich. His immoral and sel

uction of offspring, in a word, to restore the basis of civic virtue, were the Lex Julia de maritandis ordinibus and the Lex

s ordinibus and the Lex Julia de adulteriis, both of this year; there were subsequent changes and additions, the most import

ople. The New Age could confidently be inaugurated. The Secular Games were therefore held in 17 B.C. Q. Horatius Flaccus, wh

e toga of the First Citizen, guarded him from assassination for plots were discovered in this year, conspirators punished. 3

ontracted for the open and avowed ends of money, politics or pleasure were lightly dissolved according to the interest or th

e might show a certain restraint in changing husbands or lovers, they were seldom exemplars of the domestic virtues of the R

Propertius 4, 11, 36. 7 ILS 8403. PageBook=>445 Their names were more often heard in public than was expedient for

r honest women: they became politicians and patrons of the arts. They were formidable and independent, retaining control of

. With marriage and without it, the tone and habits of high society were gay and abandoned. The New State supervened, crus

f war and government, the sciences, the fine arts and mere literature were clearly superfluous, when not positively noxious.

d to excess did not fit a Roman and a senator. 2 Only law and oratory were held to be respectable. But they must not be left

s). 2 The municipia, or rather the local dynasts who controlled them, were sufficiently aware of the qualities which the Pri

s which the Princeps expected. To the governing class the penalties were in proportion to the duties of their high station

ave disadvantages. Slaves not only could be emancipated with ease but were emancipated in hordes. The wars of conquest flood

of individual owners in liberating their slaves. 5 Yet even freedmen were given corporate dignity and corporate duties by t

eorum’, the prosperity of the whole community clearly depended. There were manifold signs of its absence. The ruinous horror

ctor of Greek culture. As though to strengthen this claim, measures were taken in Rome to repress the Egyptian cults, perv

cults, pervasive and alarmingly popular in the Triumviral period they were banished now from the precincts of the city. 3 Th

had already been foreshadowed by the patriotic poets. 2 The Romans were encouraged to regard themselves as a tough and ma

hic Atridae nec fandi fictor Ulixes: durum a stirpe genus. 3 They were peasants and soldiers. Tradition remembered, or r

ome and Italy to supply soldiers for warfare all over the world. They were united now, and strong, a nation wrought by war o

f a small group of aristocratic statesmen. The reforms of the Gracchi were incomplete or baffled; and the small holding had

was a desolation after Sulla, and wide tracts of south-eastern Italy were occupied by graziers. The sons of Italy were scat

s of south-eastern Italy were occupied by graziers. The sons of Italy were scattered over the world: many preferred to stay

to a hard living in some valley of the Apennines. Small farmers there were to be sure, and cereals continued to be grown, th

s by no means certain what class of cultivator the Georgics of Virgil were intended to counsel and encourage. The profiteers

rtier and statesman, and the debauched grammarian Q. Remmius Palaemon were noted for the rich return they secured from their

heir vines. 1 But the advocates of the high ideals of the New State were not asked to examine the concepts of economic sci

from the spurious Lycurgus to the authentic and revolutionary Gracchi were at one in awarding to moral and military excellen

bove all M. Rostovtzeff, Soc. and Ec. Hist., 50 ff. 4 Not that they were bad farmers. Compare the precepts touching agricu

riptum et intonsi Catonis auspiciis veterumque norma. 1 But these were not the days of Romulus or of Cato the Censor; an

d empire for Rome. The Revolution was over. Violence and reform alike were stayed and superseded. The rich were in power con

over. Violence and reform alike were stayed and superseded. The rich were in power conspicuous in their serried ranks were

superseded. The rich were in power conspicuous in their serried ranks were hard-headed and hard- faced men like Lollius, Qui

re-loving aristocracy of Rome. Among the intimate friends of Augustus were to be found characters like Maecenas, childless a

the efficacy of the Augustan reform or damn its authors, whoever they were . The Augustus of history and panegyric stands alo

ed as a triumph of Italy over Rome: Philippi, Perusia and even Actium were victories of the Caesarian party over the nobiles

ty, respect for the family and loyalty to bonds of sentiment and duty were retained, with a consciousness of superiority, wi

, the caution and the parsimony. His tastes, his language and his wit were homely: his religion and even his superstitions w

uage and his wit were homely: his religion and even his superstitions were native. 1 Augustus was a singularly archaic type.

ght lend to vice itself a certain specious charm. Augustus’ own views were narrow and definite. How far they won acceptance

hat, the sober standards prevalent in the society of Tacitus’ own day were perhaps imposed by a mysterious revolution of tas

es might export dancing-girls or a millionaire like Balbus. But there were many other towns in Spain and Gallia Narbonensis

middle class in the towns of Italy. Aristocratic libertas and fides were supplanted by the vigour and industry of the novu

aterial was not available. Recruits from Italy south of the Apennines were by no means abundant. On the other hand, northern

high. Indeed, natives from the recently conquered valleys of the Alps were pressed into service in the legions of the Roman

asants, still less for members of the Italian bourgeoisie. 2 But they were a tough and military stock. That was what was wan

the legions confined to Italy. The practices of the revolutionary age were unobtrusively perpetuated. Caesar had raised a le

pain had already supplied whole legions as well as recruits. If there were more evidence available concerning the legions of

here was less need for deception in the armies of the East. Galatians were regularly conscripted and given the Roman citizen

m in A.D. 6 showed up the martial valour of the race. The legionaries were dispirited and discontented, having been economic

ns as their domicile is easily explained numerous tribes of attributi were attached to the Roman communities. 2 Rostovtzef

Aug. 24, 1; cf. Pliny, NH 7, 149; ‘iuventutis penuria’. The soldiers were apathetic (Suetonius, Tib. 21, 5, where Augustus’

abit of a regular and useful life not like Sulla’s men. Even freedmen were not treated as outcasts. Above all, the aristoc

the men of property, in their own interest and for their own defence, were made to understand that wealth and station impose

; dat census honores, census amicitias: pauper ubique iacet. 3 Laws were not enough. The revolutionary leader had won powe

ature through individual patronage. As in politics, the other classes were susceptible to auctoritas, taking their tone and

pontaneous manifestations of the true sentiments of the sovran people were indispensable to Roman politicians. Crassus had a

eir talent to the glorification of the new order in state and society were merely the paid and compliant apologists of despo

of pomp and verbosity; and he skilfully made out that his adversaries were petty, vindictive and unpatriotic. 1 Against the

roval. Constructive proposals from neutral or partisan men of letters were less in evidence. There was Sallustius, it is tru

the best poets. 3 The Princeps succeeded: other patrons of literature were left far behind. Pollio lost his Virgil. Messal

tary men promoted under the New State, there is no evidence that they were interested in fostering letters or the arts. Pa

ce and Livy are the enduring glories of the Principate; and all three were on terms of personal friendship with Augustus. Th

hostility. As far as concerned the politics of Rome, its loyalties were mixed and confused. There was patriotic recollect

citizenship. But the men of the North, though alert and progressive, were far from being revolutionaries. In many respects,

ok was notably old-fashioned and traditional. Republican sympathies were openly expressed. From his father Cassius inherit

se diverse loyalties, as was fitting in a colonial and frontier zone, were transcended in a common national devotion to Rome

he realities of reconciliation, there must still have been Romans who were a little shocked at hearing the army of the Roman

f Rome: omnia Romanae cedent miracula terrae. 1 Not all the poets were inclined by character or situation to such unrese

haracter or situation to such unreserved eulogies of the New State as were Virgil and Horace. Maecenas also took up Properti

n solemn tones for the avenging of Crassus. 1 Antiquities, however, were more in the line of a Callimachus than was contem

ack Sea. He could hardly have been sent farther. Poetry and history were designed to work upon the upper and middle classe

and morality to spread more widely and sink more deeply. For such as were not admitted to the recitations of the rich, or l

either the taste for good books or the means of acquiring them, there were visible admonitions of every kind. The Republic

and sense of the dramatic. A quarter of a million of the Roman plebs were on his lists, as permanent recipients of the corn

as permanent recipients of the corn- dole. On special occasions there were distributions of wine and oil. But he could be fi

-law had constructed for the people. 1 He could have added that there were now public baths as well. But complaints were rar

d have added that there were now public baths as well. But complaints were rare. The poor expressed their gratitude by crowd

stus carried out his organization of the city wards, the vicomagistri were put in charge of shrines where honour was paid to

ing loyalty to the Princeps and confidence in the government. There were less spectacular but more permanent methods of su

uld not have been out of place. The Princeps’ own form and features were reproduced in Rome and over all the world. It is

and converted into offerings to Apollo, his patron. 1 Other materials were available. The loyal citizen might gaze upon Augu

Augusti. The martial origin and martial virtues of people and dynasty were fittingly recalled by the Temple of Mars Ultor an

halia in lieu of that distinction. In the temple itself three deities were housed in concord, Mars, Venus Genetrix and Divus

sed in concord, Mars, Venus Genetrix and Divus Julius. Mars and Venus were the ancestors of the Julian house. The temple of

osphere of the Revolution portents of divine favour for Caesar’s heir were seen, recalled or invented everywhere, especially

asti consulares and of the official religious calendar. 2 In Arretium were to be seen the statues and inscriptions of Roman

ulptures of the Ara Pacis Augustae; 4 and altars at Tarraco and Narbo were dedicated to the cult of the numen of Augustus. 5

may be presumed, was administered to the Eastern provinces when they were reconquered from Antonius. Later at least, soon a

d honours from whomsoever voted, no doubt in the spirit in which they were granted: policy and system cannot be discovered.

no provincial cult in these regions, for the colonies and municipio, were autonomous units of administration and integral p

Army and provinces stood firm for the established order. The legions were inspired with a fanatical yet rational devotion t

Asia or the country districts of Gaul and Galatia. National memories were not strong in the western lands: in the East the

, though not undisturbed by the nomad Gaetulians. The kings of Thrace were more often engaged in active warfare; and the vig

ation more tolerable, more regular and more productive. The publicani were superseded or reduced. That did not mean an end o

would have risen again at the earliest opportunity when Roman armies were absent. Other subject peoples could show more aut

they deemed it safe or expedient to exert their rights, if such they were , is another question. The rule of Rome in the Emp

iny, NH 9, 117 f. PageBook=>478 Yet on the whole the provinces were contented enough, for they had known worse, and c

. In Italy garrisons of the government, in the provinces the colonies were outposts of the ruling people, fractions of the a

ts to the house of Pompeius. He had made an ill requital. The Pompeii were dead, but Titius lived on, in wealth and power. T

was at all likely to come and then not from the majority. The new men were contented, the most independent of the nobiles ha

ntrigue for which Julia was banished and Iullus Antonius killed these were all events that threatened the dynasty at its hea

f the real history of the Principate is secret history. The nobiles were unable or unwilling to overthrow the New State th

citus, Ann. 1, 10. 2 According to Suetonius (Divus Aug. 19, 1) they were usually discovered before they had gone very far.

ok=>480 That might be doubted. The person and habits of Augustus were no less detestable than his rule. Of his morals,

n his rule. Of his morals, the traditional stories of variegated vice were freely circulated and no doubt widely believed: t

and martial in appearance as his effigies show him forth. 1 His limbs were well proportioned, but his stature was short, a d

short, a defect which he sought to repair by wearing high heels. Nor were all his features prepossessing he had bad teeth a

ound his legs. It may be added that the garments of the First Citizen were uniformly and ostentatiously homespun. As with

must have been privately canvassed and derided as offensive when they were not palpably fraudulent. His personal courage was

, 1, 32: ‘sed coepit sero mereri. ’ PageBook=>481 Though there were notorious instances of mercy, as when Cinna was p

advertised by the government, but no less distasteful to the nobiles, were the domestic parsimony and petty superstitions wh

s. Strained relations between the principal members of the government were eagerly detected or surmised. As the most importa

nt were eagerly detected or surmised. As the most important decisions were taken in private and known to few, speculation ab

ve and intolerable forms of propaganda. Though the realities of power were veiled, none the less senators had an opportunity

rinceps) happened to be defending a man prosecuted for adultery. They were roughly handled by the prosecution. Augustus inte

ad not delayed to produce their memoirs: it may be presumed that they were not alarmingly outspoken about the career of the

erbis, nisi rem sequuntur. ’ PageBook=>485 Augustus and Pollio were crisp, hard, unsentimental men. Augustus might pe

fusion: a rich concoction. The writers and speakers of the opposition were not confined to a jejune archaism or a bare Attic

rhetorical and ornate. The most conspicuous exponents of the movement were T. Labienus and Cassius Severus, neither of whom

actor, a favourite of Maecenas, was an easy target. The more eminent were not immune. He even criticized Pollio. 3 Labienus

measures of repression against noxious literature. 5 Public bonfires were instituted but not for such trifles as the Ars am

had formerly composed in honour of the Princeps. 6 Labienus’ writings were officially condemned and publicly burned. That di

stus’ friend Nonius Asprenas on a charge of poisoning. His activities were not confined to the courts he composed libellous

peech defending history against oppression and despotism. 6 His works were condemned and burnt. Augustus was able to prevent

ry outshine the fame of Messalla and Pollio; and its ablest exponents were bitter enemies of the government. PageNotes. 48

Founder was an offence against the State. Not all emperors, however, were succeeded by rulers who had an interest in the de

t corrupt and incompetent. The campaigns of Quirinius and Ahenobarbus were simply left out altogether. Vinicius could not de

opulent provincial families issuing from Spain and Narbonensis. They were now dominant in the social and political hierarch

record to show what they thought of the Principate of Augustus. They were preserved, pampered and subsidized by the New Sta

ey were preserved, pampered and subsidized by the New State; but they were the survivors of a catastrophe, doomed to slow an

had been not merely political but social. Sulla, Pompeius and Caesar were all more than mere faction-leaders; yet the perso

hose dynasts never meant so drastic a depression of the nobiles. They were now confronted by an organized party and an organ

in their honour and commemorating the glory of the great houses that were the Republic and Rome. The faction-wars of Mari

ng the Aemilian connexion. But alliances begot feuds, and the nobiles were involved in the struggles of the dynasts. For man

i, the Lentuli, who had also decided for Pompeius against Caesar, but were more fortunate in duration. 1 The plebeian Claudi

but were more fortunate in duration. 1 The plebeian Claudii Marcelli were also among the group of consular families that su

fe, was the last. She died at the age of ninety-three. At her funeral were borne the imagines of twenty noble houses, her an

ars. Some, it is true, especially decayed branches of the patriciate, were revived from long obscurity by Caesar or by Augus

ilies that waned and died in the last generation of the Free State or were abruptly extinguished in the Revolution had a bet

6, belonged to this family. 2 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 76. The most germane were not in evidence ‘sed prae- fulgebant Cassius atqu

in the family of the Princeps won unhappy prominence. Their morals were impugned: it was their name or their ambition tha

ung patricians, the last Scipio and the last Appius Claudius Pulcher, were put to death for offences against the State. 2 An

er in Africa and Sicily, found that obscurity and commercial pursuits were no protection from the doom of an illustrious nam

ere no protection from the doom of an illustrious name. 3 Yet these were not the most prominent among the sacrifices of th

anquil and composed, his daughter, his grandson and his granddaughter were in banishment, confined to islands. So much for t

umvir and L. Aemilius Paullus, the husband of the younger Julia. They were destined never to grasp it. The last of them, mar

ok=>496 Such was the end of certain noble houses whose pedigrees were closely and fatally entwined with the family tree

he Claudii Marcelli and the Marcii Philippi, ancient plebeian houses, were the first to go. 1 The line of the obscure but ne

ast generation of the Free State, Sulla, Cinna, Crassus and Pompeius, were still prominent in the first days of the Empire b

ier link between their families (ILS 8996). The last consular Lentuli were P. Scipio and P. Scipio Asiaticus (A.D. 56 and 68

s. The successful novi homines of the Revolution and of the New State were by no means exempt from the infertility or the il

record displays the sharpest of contrasts in fate and duration. Some were unable to perpetuate their name and establish the

life themselves, each produced one son at least. Daughters, however, were the heirs of the Gaditane Cornelius Balbus and of

and his colleague in the consulate, the Picene Q. Poppaeus Secundus, were unmarried. The other Poppaeus, a military man, le

sular names to adorn the Fasti their principal use. For all else they were believed a danger, though often only a nuisance,

n of numerous offspring. Certain stocks of the new nobility, however, were prudent and tenacious enough to ensure consuls fo

risen above the praetorship. 6 Even under Trajan and Hadrian there were venerable relics of the aristocracy, rare and por

Triumviral period. Though missing the consulate under Augustus, they were favoured by subsequent emperors, down to and incl

e had no children one of the reasons, no doubt, for the choice. There were others: at this time there can have been in exist

The harm had already been done. The millionaires Balbus and Seneca were the real enemies. It is in every way fitting that

viri of the Flavian age, and M. Ulpius Traianus, the son of another, were patrician into the bargain. Trajan was the first

no accident that the governors of Lower Germany early in Nero’s reign were Pompeius Paullinus and L. Duvius Avitus in succes

c contrast which virtuous and pushing novi homines of Republican days were in the habit of drawing between their own ‘indust

ἂγων καί τà έavτoύ πρàττων έσὠζετο. PageBook=>505 The nobiles were pushed aside from power, stripped of their estate

ge maiestas as the main count or as a subsidiary charge; and the jury were afraid to absolve. Hence arose the dreaded tribe

d feuds. It was a temptation to harass the reluctant ruler; and there were old scores to pay off. Moreover, the secret strug

ianus’ faction and the family of Germanicus. At all turns the nobiles were imperilled above all and in the last resort by th

ugh confined within definite channels and adapted to a slower rhythm, were none the less advancing remorselessly. The power

ins of the process, which belong generations earlier when provincials were already equestrian officers and political or fina

g the low-born and unprincipled scoundrels of the previous age, there were excellent men to be found in this company, sons o

t typical and most malicious portraits of novi homines. The nobiles were comparatively immune. But for that, the aristocra

the four noble houses that supported Pompeius. The patrician Lentuli were numerous, but by no means talented in proportion.

e principes viri, stupidly proud or perversely brilliant. The Aemilii were flimsy and treacherous. Of the Sulpicii, Ser. Gal

ions lost not all his own fault. 2 The most eminent of the patricians were the Fabii and the Valerii. The Valerii produced a

lerii produced a scandalous and bloodthirsty proconsul; 3 and if more were known of the personality of Augustus’ intimate, t

rve an even temper in prosperity as in adversity. 5 Dellius’ troubles were over. When inciting Plancus to take comfort from

re reputable and more independent characters than Dellius and Plancus were Messalla and Pollio, the consular patrons of Augu

the power was to pass from Augustus to Tiberius, remarks that few men were still alive that remembered the Republic ’quotu

ed its blood for ambitious generals or spurious principles, no longer were the peaceful men of property to be driven into ta

genuine Republicans in the time of Augustus; and many of the nobiles were inextricably bound up with the New State, being i

no record in the annals of eloquence. 5 Not so Athens and Rhodes they were democracies, and deplorably so. 6 Rome too, so lo

ong as Rome was on the wrong path, produced vigorous oratory. 7 There were the Gracchi and Cicero but was it worth it? 8 N

ll too long, soul and body had been severed. It was claimed that they were united in the Principate of Nerva which succeeded

ble in the political dissensions of the last age of the Republic. Few were the nobiles who passed unscathed through these tr

and degrading servility. A sensible man could find it. And such there were . NotesPage=>517 1 Tacitus, Agr. 3, 1. 2

reerists a century earlier in the founding of the New State. Politics were abolished, or at least sterilized. As a result, h

zed. As a result, history and oratory suffered, but order and concord were safeguarded. As Sallustius had observed, ‘pauci l

rved, ‘pauci libertatem, pars magna iustos dominos volunt’. 5 The two were now to be reconciled, with constitutional monarch

ch Seneca knew as monarchy. 1 Concord and monarchy, Pax and Princeps, were inseparable in fact as in hope and prayer ’custod

the ideas, later to crystallize into titles official or conventional, were already there. It was not until 2 B.C. that Augus

, for knight or for soldier, for Roman or for provincial. The rewards were not so splendid as in the wars of the Revolution;

easily be surmised than detected. The Res Gestae in their final form were composed early in A.D. 13, along with the last wi

irectly or indirectly, all provinces and all armies. Yet these powers were the twin pillars of his rule, firm and erect behi

ncestry, recalling the dynasts Pompeius and Caesar. People and Army were the source and basis of his domination. Such we

People and Army were the source and basis of his domination. Such were the Res Gestae Divi Augusti. It would be impruden

PageBook=>525 THE consular Fasti of the years 509 B.C.-A.D. 14 were edited and published in CIL 12, Part I (1893), to

this tree. VI. THE FAMILY OF SEIANUS The relationships of Seianus were first investigated by C. Cichorius, Hermes xxxix