t of political theory, a specious fraud, or a mere term of abuse, but very precisely a collection of individuals, its shape

Münzer, RA, 285 ff. 2 Cf. Münzer, RA 305 ff. The patriciate was in very low water in the last decade of the second centur

on to be led by a man who never became consul. Its origins lie at the very heart of Roman dynastic politics. The tribune M.

cr. ILS 9460. 2 His father, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus (cos. 96), was very influential with the plebs when tribune in 104, t

the financiers. He stood firm against Italians, hating them from his very infancy; 3 and he was ready to bribe the plebs of

rand and terrible spectacle. 4 1 Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (cos. 51) was very mild and loath to provoke a civil war (Dio 40, 59

ht (Suetonius, Divus Iulius 29, 1, &c.); and Caesar had conceived very rational hopes of purchasing L. Cornelius Lentulu

d, the stubborn and irascible Bibulus, and Ahenobarbus, energetic but very stupid. The tail of the procession is brought up

r-cry of the Republic in danger, sceptical about its champions. The very virtues for which the propertied classes were sed

ty of attributing a part at least of the cult of Divus Julius to that very different person, Caesar the Dictator. The rule

Yet it is in no way evident that the nature of Brutus would have been very different had he never opened a book of Stoic or

merely for the traditions and the institutions of the Free State, but very precisely for the dignity and the interests of th

(cos. 65) was still alive (cf. Suetonius, Divus Iulius 79, 4) but not very conspicuous in public. 4 Caesar, BC 1, 6, 4.

ealed to the legions, devoted and invincible they could tear down the very heavens, so he told people at Hispalis, misguided

irgil, Catalept. 10, cf. Münzer in P-W I A, 1592 ff. It is not really very plausible. Ventidius was perhaps, like Mamurra, a

ommander in the Gallic campaigns; and some find that his style is not very military. 5 Ad fam. 9, 20, 2. 6 Pliny, NH 15,

intrigues, the fate of Balbus and the role of Cicero would have been very different. Balbus ruled his native Gades like a

Gaetuli, Bell. Afr. 56, 3. The clientela of the Pompeii, however, was very strong, cf. Cato’s words to Pompeius’ son, ib. 22

action. The antithesis is incomplete and of no legal validity. At the very least, colonial Romans or other wealthy and talen

a transformed state. Men spoke indeed of tota Italia. The reality was very different. 2 The recent war of Italy against Rome

gt;089 received more active assistance. 1 Atina’s first senator was very recent. 2 But Tusculum, and even Atina, had long

certain older regions of the Roman State which hitherto had produced very few. Cautious or frugal, many knights shunned pol

are hard to establish or to refute. In October Antonius was certainly very far from abounding in ready cash. Most of the deb

pon Roman politics. NotesPage=>111 1 The situation in Syria is very obscure. The quaestor C. Antistius Vetus was stil

a trace of theoretical preoccupations: if it did, it would have been very different and very short. Lessons might indeed

ical preoccupations: if it did, it would have been very different and very short. Lessons might indeed be learned, but fro

quire or publish, nothing at all could be discovered. 3 Before long a very different character turns up, the Etruscan magnat

nd the generous loans of his friends. Further, Caesar’s freedmen were very wealthy. The heir could claim their services. 2 N

essendam venio. ’ 3 Ib. 16, 11, 1 ff. (Nov. 5th). 4 Ib. 10, 8a (a very friendly letter); 10, 10, 2 (an extract from anot

nsensus Italiae? A cool scrutiny will suggest doubts: these terms are very far from corresponding with definite parties or d

Catilina, it would not do to condemn a Roman citizen unheard. At the very least Antonius should be brought to trial, to ans

he law had been passed in defiance of the auspicia: but that plea was very weak, for the authority of sacred law had been la

nfluential and wealthy country gentleman could have been described in very different terms. 2 Ad fam. 12, 4, 1: ‘nihil aut

frica. 7 Cicero, though chronically in straits for ready money, was a very wealthy man: his villas in the country and the pa

olonged an active career after that date, the solitary relic of a not very distant past. Less spectacular than the decaden

s the gathering of funds in the East in which perhaps he had not been very successful. 2 He felt that he was well out of the

era, not merely to begin with the consulate of his patron Pollio but very precisely to be inaugurated by Pollio, ‘te duce’.

viribus ruit. The Epode is quoted and utilized here, though it may very well be several years later in date. The problem

Fourth Eclogue is difficult. That Virgil’s poem is the earlier is now very plausibly argued by B. Snell, Hermes LXXIII (1938

has been aggravated by a hazard to which prophetic literature by its very nature is peculiarly liable, that of subsequent m

y smiled at birth and conveniently perished almost at once. 4 Yet the very existence, not merely the relevance, of Saloninus

o 48, 26, 3. 4 Appian, BC 5, 65, 276. 5 Dio 48, 32, 1. They had a very brief tenure. 6 Velleius 2, 76, 4: ‘per quae te

mong his generals or active associates seven men who had held or were very soon to hold the consulate, all men of distinctio

may derive from a belief, natural enough, in the authenticity of the very plausible Epistulae ad Caesarem senem. 3 BC 4,

came an historian (Strabo, p. 523; Plutarch, Antonius 59), possibly a very influential source for these transactions. 3 As

f Mutina. A more brutal stimulant was required. Octavianus was in a very difficult position. The secession of avowed enemi

4 Plutarch, Antonius 58; Dio 50, 3, 1 ff.; Velleius 2, 83. Dio is not very explicit about the cause of their desertion πρoσκ

sides. A number of the younger nobiles remained, however, some to the very end. Most significant is the strong Republican

avianus’ firmest friends and partisans. It would be a brave man, or a very foolish one, who asserted the cause of liberty an

Latin West and the Greek East. The Empire might split into two parts very easily. It is one of the miracles of Roman histor

with him across the seas the whole of NotesPage=>292 1 As Dio very clearly states (50, 6, 1). 2 Gades had five hun

s as he found them. The profession of defending Rome’s Empire and the very spirit of Rome from the alien menace, imposed on

kingdom, indeed, though difficult to an invader and elusive from its very lack of order and cohesion, was neither strong in

e dissolute and irascible son of the great orator ; 1 in Macedonia, a very different character, the distinguished renegade

s powers did not make its way all at once. Princeps remained also and very truly Dux, as the poetical literature of the earl

pplied to Augustus, is absent from the Aeneid of Virgil and is not of very common occurrence in the first three books of the

onal functions and respecting legitimate authority. True libertas was very different from licence: imperium was indispensabl

can discover authentic relics of Cicero in the Republic of Augustus:2 very little attention was paid to him at all, or to Po

n with the ‘felicissimus status’. Worse than all that, it touched the very heart and core of the party. Fannius was a ‘bad m

Though the patrician Claudii were held to be arrogant, they were the very reverse of exclusive, recalling with pride their

sed by historians, did not escape contemporary observers. There was a very precise reason for reducing the roll of the Senat

e tightly organized. Capital felt secure. A conservative party may be very large and quite heterogeneous. Cicero, when defin

lands of the proscribed. Their number and their gains must have been very great: during Octavianus’ preparations before Act

mp, the extravagance and the dangers of the senatorial life; of which very rational distaste both Augustus’ own equestrian g

But after that the middle period of the Principate of Augustus shows very few new names, save for a Passienus and a Caecina

(and Quirinius and Valgius) there are in all the years 15 B.C. A.D. 3 very few consuls who are not of consular families. The

1 1 Dio 54, 6, 2 ff. Consular elections in the years 22–19 B.C. are very puzzling. It almost looks as though, in each year

ictim. Public disturbances recalled the authentic Republic, something very different from the firm order that had prevailed

rth prevailed and designated its candidates, often in advance, to the very year. It took the compact of Luca to rob L. Domit

not exactly seductive, Galba himself was certainly artful: he got on very well with his stepmother, whose name he took and

private ambition and personal feuds, from incompetence and from their very paucity. In December of 43 B.C. there were only s

or, JRS XXVI (1936), 161 ff. PageBook=>389 Spain and Gaul were very different. It was necessary to subjugate the Astu

te to govern one of the great military provinces, had not always been very long or very thorough. The difference lies more

one of the great military provinces, had not always been very long or very thorough. The difference lies more in continuou

ng a case tried before him when he was proconsul, at Mediolanium, are very puzzling. On the career of this man, cf. now E. G

Tiberius retired morosely to Rhodes. A crisis had supervened, at the very core of the party. Another followed before long,

The hereditary succession of a Roman youth to monarchy was something very different. Tiberius dwelt at Rhodes. His career

litics and the working of human character. It took an astrologer, the very best of them, to predict his return. 3 Much happe

These four consulars were perhaps not all outstanding in talent or very closely related to the reigning family; and only

story she disgraced by public and nocturnal debauch the Forum and the very Rostra from which the Princeps her father had pro

. He wished to make a demonstration perhaps to find a scapegoat whose very political harmlessness would divert attention fro

). ‘ 2 Tristia 2, 207: ‘duo crimina, carmen et error. ’ The poet is very discreet about the precise nature of the ‘error’.

ell asleep in the temple of Apollo and was visited by a snake. On the very day of the birth of his son, the great astrologer

, the lord of Sparta and greatest man in all Greece, must have proved very unsatisfactory, for he was deposed by Augustus an

(Divus Aug. 19, 1) they were usually discovered before they had gone very far. 3 This is the argument in Tacitus, Ann. 1,

ance made for hostile propaganda, it will have to be conceded, at the very least, that his native caution was happily second

As for Actium, men might remember the killing of young Curio; and the very denial of Canidius’ constancy in the last emergen

notorious instances of mercy, as when Cinna was pardoned after a not very well authenticated conspiracy, the Principate cou

nsul then, M. Claudius Marcellus Aeserninus, consul in 22 B.C., a not very distinguished partisan of Caesar the Dictator.

monarchy now firmly based in habit and theory as well as in fact, the very absence of any alternative form of rule was an en

7 Libertas, it was widely held in senatorial circles, should be the very spirit of the Principate. All too long, soul and

ted the title of ‘Optimus princeps’: that was left for Trajan. At the very beginning of Augustus’ Principate the ideas, late

reatest of duces and principes, intended to outshine them all. At the very moment when he was engaged upon the ostensible re

testas, but only in auctoritas. 3 Which is true as far as it goes not very far, Auctoritas, however, does betray the truth,

e inscription was primarily designed to be read by the plebs of Rome, very precisely the clients of the Princeps (Klio XXII