ivil war and military tyranny. If despotism was the price, it was not too high: to a patriotic Roman of Republican sentimen

Augustus that shall be sacrificed for the gain of history. Pompeius, too , and Caesar must be reduced to due subordination.

e higher ranks of the aristocracy rather than in the lower. It is all too easy to tax the Roman nobility in the last epoch

and often incompetent, were depressed by a recent catastrophe. 1 So, too , were the Aemilii:2 but neither house resigned it

but by that alone and not in solid permanence. The nobiles were much too stubborn to admit a master, even on their own ter

obe of Magnus seemed chill comfort in political defeat. 4 Cato went too far. When the knights who farmed the taxes of Asi

peius. But the feud was not bitter or beyond remedy: the Metelli were too politic for that. Three years later Nepos was con

s, and with the design to achieve it by armed force. 1 Such a view is too simple to be historical. Caesar strove to avert

ach, slain by a renegade Roman, the hireling of a foreign king. Dead, too , and killed by Romans, were Caesar’s rivals and e

postponed decision about the permanent ordering of the State. It was too difficult. Instead, he would set out for the wars

crime a folly. The verdict is hasty and judges by results. It is all too easy to label the assassins as fanatic adepts of

cuous in the Julii and in the Claudii. The novus homo at Rome was all too anxiously engaged in forgetting his origin, impro

was his friend, domestic historian and political agent. 2 But Caesar, too , had his partisans in the cities of Hellas, augme

ighly respectable Roman knights, men of property and substance, never too warmly to be commended as champions of the establ

ents and settled at Rome, the ancestor of the gens Claudia. 1 Sabine, too , in high probability were the Valerii, perhaps th

t be discussed here. 2 The unification of Italy is often dated much too early. That it can have been neither rapid nor ea

s in Italy, and the Caesarian armies in the provinces would have been too strong. The Liberators had not planned a seizur

s defiance of the Senate and his triumph over noble adversaries, they too had a share of power and glory. Discontent, it is

respectable nonentities designated as consuls for the next year. Cato too was dead. Averse from compromise and firm on prin

and Pansa were certainly in the neighbourhood. 3 But the youth was too astute to confine his attentions to one party. Ci

t of the Liberators, who wrote to him in vain protestation. 2 Hirtius too was displeased. 3 The meeting of the Senate on Ju

who was mercilessly snubbed by Servilia when he embarked upon an all too familiar recital of lost opportunities. 3 The L

s obscure. The enemies of Antonius, taking new courage, may have gone too far. It was known before the event that there wou

ommand of an army, the auctoritas of a senior statesman, all that was too long and too slow. He would have to wait until mi

army, the auctoritas of a senior statesman, all that was too long and too slow. He would have to wait until middle age: his

against Octavianus. 1 Nothing came of this perhaps the situation was too serious. Not only his soldiers but his partisans

her consulars averse from Antonius but unwilling to commit themselves too soon, he kept out of the way. Yet he probably len

vert hostilities. He showed both judgement and impartiality. 1 It was too late. He had few illusions about Pompeius, little

e said to him, the honest neutral does not run away. 2 In the autumn, too late: Cicero returning brought not peace but aggr

it is true, that the relations of Cicero and Octavianus may be dated too far back, interpreted in the light of subsequent

7th; if he failed, Antonius would be intolerable. ’9 Cicero was all too often deluded in his political judgements. No eas

a sincere and consistent champion of legality, but in this matter all too perspicacious a judge of men and politics. Civil

y to accuse one’s opponents of aiming at regnum or dominatio that was too simple, too crude. It had all been heard before:

one’s opponents of aiming at regnum or dominatio that was too simple, too crude. It had all been heard before: but it might

ions northwards from Egypt through Palestine, to join Dolabella. They too went to swell the army of Cassius. NotesPage=&g

have said it. That did not matter. The happy invention epitomized all too faithfully the subtle and masterly policy of usin

ch they had refused to take over (P-W x, 1000). This date is probably too late, for it does not allow a sufficient margin o

oke the decrees of outlawry against Antonius and Lepidus for Lepidus, too , had been declared a public enemy. The last six

. 3 Livy, Per. 120 (cf. Orosius 6, 18, 10; Florus 2, 16, 3) perhaps too low. Appian gives 300 senators (BC 4, 5, 20, cf.

ators. Cicero could have escaped through indecision he lingered until too late. His murder disgraced the Triumvirs and enri

through the front of Cassius and pillaged his camp. Cassius despaired too soon. Unaware of the brilliant success of Brutus

ed to Italy. On the way he fell ill again and lingered at Brundisium, too weak to proceed. 2 Rumour spoke freely of his dea

for him by Calenus and Ventidius with a huge force of legions: they, too , had opposed Salvidienus. 2 But that was not al

Ventidius and Pollio were ready to fight. The caution of Plancus was too strong for them. 5 There was no mutual confiden

mples of a father and a grandfather, not hastening to declare himself too openly for his step-brother Octavianus: his fathe

ydides. He could not have chosen better, if choice there was, for he, too , was witness of a political contest that stripped

was no idealization in his account of a more recent period he knew it too well; and the immediate and palpable present bore

nd their fashion of poetry lost favour rapidly. Young Propertius came too late. The consular Pollio, however, who had ties

ulum as an epic narrative. 4 But the poet was reluctant, the patron too wise to insist. Yet something might be done. It w

irst time in his life. He was dealing with Octavianus: but he learned too late. Octavianus, however, was no more ready yet

vernor of provinces, already designated for a consulate. 4 Prominent, too , in the counsels of Antonius was the eloquent Fur

er to the enemy, among them Amyntas with his Galatian cavalry. Romans too departed, M. Junius Silanus and the agile Dellius

fare and party politics were deemed to be over and gone. The word had too military a flavour for all palates: it would be e

. 1 The name was not always given in praise, for the princeps was all too often a political dynast, exerting illicit power,

iminal types. The power and domination of Augustus was in reality far too similar to that of the Dictator to stand even a c

the identity of the agents and ministers of power. That task has all too often been ignored or evaded. Augustus proposed

over the provinces of the Senate. 1 That was to come later and later too the jealously guarded tribunicia potestas, the ve

ten the leader’s monopoly of prestige and honour and would reveal all too barely the realities of power. That would never d

lacked capacity, Antonius cunning and temperance: Octavianus had been too ambitious to be a loyal partner. Now that one man

e only system available. Indeed, for the empire of Rome it might be too narrow, especially as concerned provinces and arm

in the East and autonomous municipalities in the West, the Empire was too large for one man to rule it. Already the tempora

ere required to adorn the Senate of a revived Republic there were far too many novi homines about. From an ostentation of c

State. In the last generation of the Republic the financiers had all too often been a political nuisance. When at variance

nullis rei publicae negotiis permixtos. ’ Augustus is not to be taken too seriously here. 5 Cf. above, p. 81. PageBook=

he garb and pretext of ancient virtue and manly independence, but all too often rapacious, corrupt and subservient to power

e for public life and for politics (the perennial quies) often proved too strong. There was an ancient and reputable family

ee military provinces, however, were governed by proconsuls. But they too were drawn from his partisans. For the present, p

ded experience. The young consul of thirty-three did not have to wait too long for a province Africa or Asia might be his b

d not understand its functions or because he disapproved, need not be too harshly scrutinized. 8 NotesPage=>403 1 Di

pices, might assume the title of imperator. 6 Before long that honour too would be denied. Military glory was jealously e

Princeps, though sometimes exaggerated and always malevolent, was all too well founded. The propaganda of Octavianus had be

others displaced. Astute politicians who had not committed themselves too deeply were quick to transfer their adherence ope

rst citizen for services rendered and expected. The task might appear too great for any one man but Augustus alone, a syndi

preme power. NotesPage=>438 1 Velleius 2, 125, 5. His daughter too was betrothed to a son of Germanicus(Drusus), Tac

. The apprehensions evoked by the long series of civil wars were only too well grounded. Actium had averted the menace but

os maiorum’. That office savoured of regimentation, its title was all too revealing. More to the point, he did not need it.

illage as well as the small town received official commendation. Here too a contrast between appearance and reality. For al

rates the social status of the legionary in the time of Augustus far too high. 3 Indirect arguments can be used. For exa

atum, regem parentemque urbis Romanae’. 1 But it would not do to draw too precise a parallel. The Romulus of legend already

draw too precise a parallel. The Romulus of legend already possessed too many of the authentic features of Caesar the Dict

ncurred in the deification of Caesar; the policy was Octavianus’, his too the most intense exploitation and the solid advan

red loudly that Julia should be restored from exile. 5 Too prudent or too grateful to attack Augustus, the plebs could visi

d, by freedom of speech. 3 Too eminent to be muzzled without scandal, too recalcitrant to be won by flattery, Pollio had ac

ides as well as the native virtues of Roman writers. Like Sallustius, too , he turned with distaste from the wars and politi

escendants. 4 Seneca, De clem. 1, 15. PageBook=>499 Lollius, too , had only one son. M. Papius Mutilus the Samnite

llia Paullina, the granddaughter and heiress of M. Lollius. 4 Her end too was violent. The grandson of M. Vinicius married

granddaughter of Tiberius. The tie with the Julio-Claudians is surely too tenuous to have mattered much. PageBook=>501

part, govern the great military provinces of the Empire. Though all too often arrogant, selfish and licentious, the gover

f the Republic was fertile in talent of the most varied orders. It is too simple an explanation of the decline of the nobil

s abrogated. W. Otto s definition (Ib. LI (1916), 73 ff.) is probably too wide. 2 Horace, Odes 2, 10, 5. 3 Martial (5,

so Athens and Rhodes they were democracies, and deplorably so. 6 Rome too , so long as Rome was on the wrong path, produced

senatorial circles, should be the very spirit of the Principate. All too long, soul and body had been severed. It was clai

ctoritas, and ‘dux’ became beneficent, ‘dux bonus’. Ovid perhaps went too far when he spoke of ‘dux sacratus’. 3 But Dux wa