Recherche, Octavius [Obvie]

xford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must i

circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer ISBN 0-19-881001

by Cox & Wyman Ltd Reading, Berkshire PREFACE THE subject of this book is the transformation of state and society a

he men who win wealth and honours through civil war. The history of this age is highly controversial, the learned literatu

nd guidance of Münzer: but for his work on Republican family-history, this book could hardly have existed. In detail my prin

s a party-leader naturally owe much, but do not derive entirely, from this illuminating work—in an earlier form and draft th

e of the readers of the Clarendon Press. Furthermore, I gladly take this opportunity to acknowledge the constant encourage

d the scales against the vanquished. Brutus and Cassius lie damned to this day by the futility of their noble deed and by th

Cicero, by fraud and fiction, and by the catastrophe at Actium. To this partisan and pragmatic interpretation of the Roma

an and Antonian side. The adulatory or the uncritical may discover in this design a depreciation of Augustus: his ability an

ems, Le Sénat de la république romaine I (1878), 427 ff., established this total for the Senate of 55 B.C. 2 Sallust, BJ 6

gt;013 1 Tacitus, Dial. 40, 1: ‘ipsa inimicitiarum gloria. ’ 2 On this concept, H. Wegehaupt, Die Bedeutung u. Anwendung

existing order and were suitably designated as boni. The mainstay of this sacred army of the wealthy was clearly the financ

simus’, left money to Cicero(Ad Att. 11, 14, 3). On the activities of this man in Macedonia, cf. In Pisonem 86. 4 Lucullus

ative with the veto, positive with the initiation of laws. The use of this weapon in the interests of reform or of personal

ntemporary definition, as a faction or gang. 2 The ramifications of this oligarchy were pervasive, its most weighty decisi

lark: ‘ea porro apud Catonem maternam obtinebat auctoritatem. ’ About this woman, cf., above all, Münzer, RA, 336 ff. Page

be thwarted by that accident. She cast about for other allies. About this time Cato married Marcia, the granddaughter of Ph

port in requital. From of old the Claudii were the great exponents of this policy; and the Claudii remained on the alert, ex

icero against Catilina. The Claudii were presumably trying to capture this useful orator. Terentia, Cicero’s wife, afraid le

onable and hazardous means of the tribunate. Yet two men stood out in this year of another’s consulate and public glory, sha

anddaughter of Sulla. 4 Active ambition earned a host of enemies. But this patrician demagogue lacked fear or scruple. Conte

, anachronistic and highly distorted picture of the earlier career of this Roman nobilis; cf. the novel but convincing argum

the day was Cato’s.1 Aged thirty-three and only quaestorian in rank, this man prevailed by force of character. Cato extolle

st the land bill of Rullus. 3 Both actions and motive of Crassus in this period, as of Caesar, have commonly been misunder

s in the war against the Pirates (ib. 2, praef. 6). Another member of this group was Cn. Tremellius Scrofa, suitably eloquen

1; Plutarch, Caesar 14; Pompeius 47). Münzer (RA, 338 f.) argues that this is no other than Brutus, adopted by his maternal

Pompeius required for his ally more than an ordinary proconsulate. To this end Caesar was granted the province of Cisalpine

as taken from him. The Caesarian tribunes NotesPage=>041 1 For this precise formulation, Lucan, Pharsalia 1, 125 f.;

d served under Pompeius in Spain and in the East:2 five consulates in this generation rewarded their sagacity. 3 With thes

. The precise family relationships of the various Cornelii Lentuli in this period are highly problematical (P-W IV, 1381; 13

rdained that an oath of allegiance should be taken in his name. 2 Was this the measure of his ordering of the Roman State? W

name. 2 Was this the measure of his ordering of the Roman State? Was this a res publica constituta? It was disquieting. L

ss., phil.-hist. Abt., N.F. 15 (1937), 32 ff. Premerstein argues that this was a general oath, not confined to senators. 3

the future or a singular and elementary blindness to the present. But this is only a Caesar of myth or rational construction

was no going back. To Caesar’s clear mind and love of rapid decision, this brought a tragic sense of impotence and frustrati

: Julia, the bride intended for Brutus, pledged the alliance. After this the paths of Brutus and of Caesar diverged sharpl

r private virtue, all these were in the game. Yet in the forefront of this varied company stood trusted officers of the Dict

escaped from the shackles of party to supreme and personal rule. For this reason, certain of the most prominent of his adhe

assus were the fathers-in-law of Ti. and C. Gracchus respectively. On this faction (hostile to the Scipiones), cf. above all

and of Cato’s partisans. 2 Civil war might cut across families: as this was a contest neither of principle nor of class,

eius was probably desirous of conciliating the financial interests at this time. 3 For the list, Drumann-Groebe, Gesch.

Labienus in 48 B.C., with the auctoritas of Pompeius behind them. For this interpretation, cf. JRS XXVIII (1938), 113 ff.

e of his own dignitas, he would have requited them. ’2 No empty words this trait and policy of Caesar was patent to contempo

e alliance of Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar threatened to collapse. At this favourable moment an unknown agent was instigated

s publicanus’, which should suffice. Eloquent advocacy proclaims that this person conducted financial operations, not for an

s during the Sertorian War; cf. the case of Balbus (above, p. 72). On this hypothesis, cf. R. Syme, CQ XXXII (193K), 39 ff.

46, 4. On the whole question of the social standing of centurions at this time, cf. the evidence and arguments adduced in J

bore the name and status of a province. The colonies and municipia of this region, virile, prosperous and reputed, might wit

’s friends Troucillus, Trogus and Gallus were not the only members of this class, which, lacking full documentation, is some

. Fuficius Fango (Dio 48, 22, 3; Cicero, Ad Att. 14, 10, 2). A man of this name was a municipal magistrate at Acerrae (CIL X

irregular settlements of immigrants and a large number of citizens by this date. L. Decidius Saxa, made tribune of the plebs

929), 54 ff.; R. Syme, BSR Papers XIV (1938), 4 ff.; 23 f. To support this view one need not appeal merely to general statem

Gesch. lat. Eigennamen (1904), 123; and, in general with reference to this type of name, with numerous examples, ib. 464 ff.

pidus only fifteen years before, provided the nucleus of the movement this time largely, but not wholly, disappointed Sullan

to Balbus he did not gratify the expectations of Rabirius; and who at this time had ever heard of Salvidienus Rufus, Vipsani

his letter to M. Brutus and to Cassius, Ad fam. 11, 1. The dating of this crucial document has been much disputed. The earl

ojects, as yet unpublished were to have the force of law. The need of this was patent and inevitable: many senators, many of

f peace and concord. Cicero made a speech, proposing an amnesty. In this simple fashion, through a coalition of Caesarians

in the small towns in the neighbourhood of the capital. Long before this , the futility of their heroic deed was manifest t

tal. To the cold logic and legalistic pleas of the Republican Brutus, this motley and excitable rabble turned a deaf ear; fo

he governing class and a firm control of affairs by the consuls. To this end Antonius the consul tolerated for a time the

n: the Caesarian leader was later to be taunted with inconsistency on this point. 2 It would not be paradoxical to assert th

tant vassal in Asia, worth conciliating and hardly to be prevented at this juncture. 3 Ib. 14, 12, 1. Caesar had given the

pania Citerior. C. Asinius Pollio was in Hispania Ulterior. Nor was this all. The trusty and experienced Caesarian partisa

;110 1 Ad Att. 14, 14, 4 2 For details about all the provinces at this time, cf. W. Sternkopf, Hermes XLVII(1912), 321 f

tus in his Autobiography saw no occasion to misrepresent the truth in this matter ’ipse Augustus nihil amplius quam equestri

to confine his attentions to one party. Cicero was living at Cumae at this time. He had heard rumours about Octavianus, acco

s answered with excuses and delays. 1 The Caesarian leader had left this competitor out of account. His primacy depended u

was by no means favourable to the Liberators, ib. 14, 6, I ff. 4 On this , W. Sternkopf, Hermes XLVII (1912), 357 ff., acce

rged him to treat Caesar’s heir with loyalty and respect. Yielding to this moral suasion, Antonius agreed to a formal and pu

the bribes of Caesar’s heir. With what consummate art he worked upon this material in the month of NotesPage=>119 1

ly days at Rome that Octavianus, though a patrician, had designs upon this office. 1 Nothing came of it for the moment: at n

into something like a national party. So it was to be in the end. But this was no time for an ideal and patriotic appeal.

ke the lead and act. 1 NotesPage=>122 1 The whole situation at this time is summed up by Dio (45, 11, 1 ff.) with unw

hough it suited the plans of Octavianus to rid himself of Antonius in this summary and premature fashion. To remove a rival

Cassius might appeal to the large armies in Syria. It was probably at this point that Dolabella, without awaiting the end of

tonius with a bill of attainder against Octavianus. 1 Nothing came of this perhaps the situation was too serious. Not only h

tary experience, Decidius Saxa and a certain Cafo, raised recruits in this region, while P. Ventidius was suitably employed

h 17th had not merely been split and shattered: it was being rebuilt, this time against Antonius, by a hostile alliance of C

ctavianus. 4 Nothing else is known of their attitude or activities at this time. NotesPage=>128 1 His father, L. Marc

names in ‘-enus’ see Schulze, LE, 104 ff. and above, p. 93. Coins of this man struck in 40 B.C. describe him as ‘Q. Salvius

orius was murdered (Sallust, Hist. 3, 83 M) is presumably a member of this family. The father was L. Maecenas (ILS 7848; cf.

dmen were very wealthy. The heir could claim their services. 2 Nor is this all. Caesar, intending to depart without delay to

to finance the war-chest of the Liberators, would not have looked at this venture. No matter: Caesar’s heir secured almost

ll as a financier. In November he is discovered on a familiar errand, this time not for Caesar, but for Caesar’s heir a conf

aus, Vita Caesaris 18, 55, cf. Appian, BC 3, 11, 39; Dio 45, 3, 2. On this cf. the acute observations of B. R. Motzo, Ann. d

r, encouraged Octavianus at a quite early date. Along with Pansa in this context certain other names are mentioned, P. Ser

s all too often deluded in his political judgements. No easy optimism this time, however, but an accurate forecast of the ha

r. ’ 5 Ad fam. 16, 24, 2 of uncertain date, but fitting November of this year. 6 Ad Att. 16, 8, 1, cf. 16, 14, 2. 7 Ib

ued the East to the arms of Rome, he received an alarming proposal of this kind: to his Scipio, Cicero was to play the Laeli

ned aristocrats. 1 There was place in the NotesPage=>144 1 For this conception of the De re publica (a book about whi

ictatorship of Caesar,1 but never published, perhaps never completed, this supplement to the Republic. After the Ides of Mar

us was not only a sincere and consistent champion of legality, but in this matter all too perspicacious a judge of men and p

e position of public enemies. A popularis could contest the misuse of this prerogative, but not its validity. 1 The Romans

inevitably rendered. Not, indeed, a complete emptiness of content in this political eloquence. The boni, after all, did exi

titution in its own interests. Hence the appeal to liberty. It was on this plea that the young Pompeius raised a private arm

as rei publicae condonavit. ’ Tacitus suitably and spitefully recalls this phraseology ’sane Cassii et Brutorum exitus pater

reat multitude of Roman citizens. 5 Other campaigns were curtailed in this humane and salubrious fashion: seven years later

was taken to prove that the consul was not a consul. 5 The author of this audacious proposal represented it to be nothing l

inciae’ (ib. 4, 9). But was that the point? The fact that Cicero uses this argument to demonstrate that Antonius is not real

mous consulate, after twenty years of humiliation and frustration. In this December the total of consulars had fallen to sev

s valiant, the consulars partly timid, partly disloyal. ’6 Worse than this , some of them were perverted by base emotions, by

bus. ’ PageBook=>166 Lepidus stood, if the word can be used of this flimsy character, was with Antonius, his ally in

name, his family connexions and the possession of a large army turned this cipher into a factor. Both sides assiduously cour

s was now nineteen: he would still have thirteen years to wait. After this , the vote of a gilded statue on the motion of Phi

ble; when proconsul, his position, though not so strong, was valid in this , that he held his extraordinary command in virtue

validity of the Lex Clodia of 58 B.C., which had virtually abolished this method of obstruction, cf. S. Weinstock, JRS XXVI

ond the law. Cicero himself had always been an advocate of peace. But this was different a just and holy war. Thus to the Se

s fierent sed etiam facultatibus suis sublevavit. ’ The activities of this influential and wealthy country gentleman could h

m and Achaia. Cicero had acquired no little facility in situations of this kind, loudly invoking the plea of patriotism and

d backed out. The embassy, he urged, would be futile: to negotiate at this stage would NotesPage=>172 1 Phil, 10, 25

wars have witnessed stranger vicissitudes of alliance. 3 Yet, even if this did not happen, he might be caught between Caesar

According to Velleius (2, 65, 1), Antonius threatened Octavianus with this alternative. 4 Appian, BC 3, 75, 305 ff. probab

PageBook=>164 East were consigned to Cassius in one act. Nor was this all. Sextus Pompeius had already promised his aid

from a reasoned and balanced estimate of the situation. But more than this can be said. Pollio, the would-be neutral, the ca

the revived Caesarian party was to establish the Dictatorship again, this time without respect of life and property, in the

he youth a senior consular for colleague. Of the intrigues concerning this matter there is scant but significant evidence. I

d colleague? It may well have been the ambiguous P. Servilius, for to this summer, if not earlier, belongs a significant pol

ing notion to play the political counsellor to a military leader; and this was but the culmination of the policy that he had

iation. He was reluctant to force the pace and preclude compromise in this matter perhaps at variance with the more resolute

s among the nobiles were never complete without a marriage- alliance: this time the soldiery insisted on a solid guarantee a

islands of Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica. The possession of Africa at this time was dubious, disputed in a local civil war f

ge vicissitudes and miraculous escapes adorned the many volumes which this unprecedented wealth of material evoked. 6 Note

evekorn, De proscriptionibus, &c, Diss. Königsberg, 1891). 4 On this , cf. especially M. A. Levi, Ottaviano Capoparte 1

olid form of landed NotesPage=>194 1 Appian, BC 4, 43, 180, On this person, a cousin of Pompeius Magnus, cf. above, p

a solemn oath to maintain the acts of Caesar the Dictator. More than this , Caesar was enrolled among the gods of the Roman

inaugurate a class-war, there was no place left for hesitation. Under this conviction a Roman aristocrat and a Roman patriot

t is held, was doomed from the beginning, defeat inevitable. Not only this Brutus was prescient and despondent, warned by th

at he would emerge in strength and triumph from the varied hazards of this eventful year. The eighteen cities of Italy mar

a stood Pollio with an army of seven legions. The decision to abolish this province and unite the territory to Italy had not

threatened Italy from the east, Pompeius from the south and west. If this were not enough, all his provinces were assailed

der all Gaul and eleven legions. 5 Octavianus left Italy to take over this welcome accession: he placed Salvidienus in charg

d to Sicily. Ti. Claudius Nero and his wife also came to Greece about this time. PageBook=>216 include Pompeius, Anto

, the survivors of the proscriptions, of Philippi, of Perusia. With this moral support Antonius confronted his Caesarian r

an infant son by the opportune death of her husband, C. Marcellus, in this year. Such was the Pact of Brundisium, the new

C. bear symbols of power, fertility and the Golden Age. 3 It was in this atmosphere of Messianic hopes, made real by the c

e year 37 passed in thorough preparations. There was to be no mistake this time. Agrippa devised a grandiose plan for attack

otection: it was enough. 4 The soldiers had no opinion of Lepidus and this was Caesar’s heir, in audacious deed as well as i

the Dictatorship, magister equitum. 1 After that, no word or hint of this eminent consular until his attempt to bring legio

s Norbanus, the grandson of the proscribed Marian consul, be accorded this rank: Norbanus was the general who along with Sax

heard of before and only once again, held a command in Sardinia. 7 To this ill-consorted and undistinguished crew may perhap

). Two persons of the name of L. Cornelius held suffect consulates in this period, in 38 and in 32: the former eludes certai

gation that he was a land-commissioner. The political affiliations of this mysterious character are not unequivocally record

12 B.C), were perhaps making their début in Octavianus’ service about this time. 4 The names derive, unless otherwise stat

ut Gaul, no information. PageBook=>240 vigour and resource. To this end he devoted his energies in the years 35 and 3

nd strategy the double object was triumphantly achieved. 1 Not only this . A general secure of the loyalty and the affectio

s from the families of the Claudii, the Aemilii and the Scipiones. In this year the admiral Q. Laronius became consul; the o

ers, and the spirited Caelius, were by no means the only exponents of this Attic tendency in Roman oratory at NotesPage=&g

He was proconsul of Africa Nova in 46‖45 B.C. 2 Dio 43, 9, 2 though this may not be convincing evidence, for it may derive

s Eclogues while Pollio governed Macedonia for Antonius. It was about this time, in the absence of Pollio, that he was ensna

llici (cf. esp. Horace, Sat. 2, 5, 41), may well be Bibaculus, though this has been disputed. 4 Quintilian 10, 1, 89: ‘ver

drianism, a proper regard for those provinces of human life which lie this side of romantic eroticism or mythological erudit

estoration after damage by fire in 14 B.C. (ib. 54, 24, 2 f.). 5 On this , cf. especially L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the

even years had passed. But he was not yet the leader of all Italy. In this NotesPage=>257 1 Nepos, Vita Attici 19 f.

ctavianus (19, 4). 2 Ib. 21, 4. Balbus probably died not long after this . PageBook=>258 brief lull when many feared

er. 3 But Deiotarus died in the year of the Parthian invasion. 4 In this emergency men of wealth and standing in Asia, amo

ignificant name of Philadelphus. It has been argued that precisely on this occasion Antonius contracted a marriage with Cleo

of the client princes above all the Armenian horse of Artavasdes, for this was essential. Of his Roman partisans Antonius

and others. 1 Plancus, the uncle of Titius, may have seen service in this war on the staff of Antonius, though known for ta

0) and Pollio (39); Bithynia, Ahenobarbus (the only known governor in this period). Cyrene, of little importance as a provin

fter Actium, cf. BMC, R. Rep. II 533. There are many uncertainties in this field. Valuable additions and corrections may be

recall a distant and dissipated youth in the circle of Clodius. 4 Of this literary, social and political tradition there wa

XI (1936), 229; ABOVE, P. 128. PageBook=>270 were nobiles, yet this was a revolutionary period prizing and rewarding

2, 82, 2 f.) nor Livy (at least to judge by Per. 131) fully exploited this attractive theme. They had no reason to spare Ant

ne religious content. Dionysus-Osiris was the consort of Isis. But in this matter exaggeration and credulity have run riot.

3 B.C., however, the ambition of Antonius might have moved farther in this direction. He had not been in Rome for six years

ess of the world at Rome and inaugurate a new universal kingdom. 4 In this deep design Antonius was but her dupe and her age

PageBook=>275 is not certain that her ambition was greater than this , to secure and augment her Ptolemaic kingdom unde

ius Ahenobarbus and C. Sosius, his trusted adherents. The contents of this missive might be guessed: it was to be imparted t

iam aut omnes. an refert, ubi et in qua arrigas? ’ It is evident that this famous fragment, matching in frankness an early p

ion of Cilicia Aspera, was founded, or at least named, in his honour: this conjecture is confirmed by the existence of a cit

3,2). Velleius, no safe guide about Plancus at any time, alleges that this corrupt character, ‘in omnia et omnibus venalis’,

mpion of oriental despotism. Bibulus, the proconsul of Syria, died in this year, but the rest of the Catonian faction under

ortance and effect by Plutarch (Antonius 58 f.), while Velleius omits this attractive subject altogether. 4 Dio 50, 4, 1:

n citizens was being forced by mad ambition upon the Roman People. In this atmosphere of terror and alarm Octavianus resolve

ned. What were the real sentiments of the upper and middle classes at this time? Many a man might discern a patent fraud, di

S 894). On the origin of the Vinicii, cf. above, p. 194. 3 Note, in this period, L. Ovidius Ventrio, a municipal magistrat

indle into poverty and dishonour. National pride revolted. Was it for this that the legions of the imperial Republic had sha

n. Cornelius Cinna. 7 Scribonius Curio, however, was executed—perhaps this true son of a loyal and spirited father disdained

nd Libertalis P. R. Vindex appears on coins. 3 Nobody was deceived by this symbol of victory in civil war. What Rome and Ita

NotesPage=>306 1 Georgics 3, 27. On the cult of Romulus about this time, cf. esp. J. Gagé, Mélanges XLVII (1930), 13

Prinzipats, 8 ff. 3 BMC, R. Emp. 1, 112. 4 Dio 53, 1, I ff. That this was done in virtue of censoria potestas is shown

L. Saenius was cos. suff. in 30 B.C. PageBook=>307 meaning of this ‘reform’ will emerge later. Octavianus himself

ts of the Triumvirate— not all of them surely: the scope and force of this act of indemnity will have depended upon the will

estate in senatfus populique Rom]ani [a]rbitrium transtuli. ’ 2 For this interpretation, H. Berve, Hermes LXXI (1936), 241

llus could easily take a wife from the noblest houses in Rome. 4 On this topic see above all J. Gage, Rev. hist, CLXXI (19

i’). 2 Odes 4, 5, 5. 3 Fasti 1, 613; 2, 60; 5, 145; 6, 92. Nor is this merely, as might be expected, with definite refer

ae of Statius deserves record. 5 Namely ἡγεμών. On the propriety of this term for the ruler of the eastern lands, cf. now

τє προστασίαν τῶν κοινῶν πᾶσαν ὡς καὶ ἐπɩμєλєίας τινὸς δєομένων From this Premerstein deduces a definite grant by the Senat

ue of his auctoritas. Augustus’ own words (Res Gestae 6) tell against this theory. 2 Res Gestae 34, cf. ILS 82 (a copy at

te about the ‘optimus status civitatis’. The character and purpose of this work have been variously, sometimes extravagantly

y aggrandizement after the Civil Wars he has not deigned to allude to this transaction at all. 2 In truth, it may be regarde

ra ex eo vincula. ’ PageBook=>324 A later historian dates from this ‘constitutional’ settlement the beginning of a st

, 16357, cf. PIR2, C 1474. 5 The extraction and other connexions of this remarkable person are highly obscure (P-W V A, 70

. 840), Gallia Narbonensis as well as Baetica is senatorial. Syria at this time was simply the Antonian province (Syria and

he ranks of the consulars—there must have been now about forty men of this rank—and after the Pact of Brundisium Rome had wi

e recent novi homines. 3 Not to mention T. Statilius Taurus. Yet of this impressive and unprecedented array of viri triump

nition of the command held by generals operating in northern Italy in this period is a matter of no little difficulty. 5 I

the Princeps and equal to him in rank. Only two names are recorded in this period. 3 Certain novi homines, subsequent consul

ds or following Murena had is uncertain but the legate of Syria about this tirke bore the name of Varro. 5 PageNote. 334

oconsular imperium over the whole empire. 2 In fact, but not in name, this reduced all proconsuls to the function of legates

s in law. No trace hitherto of their employment. 3 It was not until this year that the Princeps thought of exerting tribun

3 ff.). It is reasonable enough to suppose that the powers granted in this year were sanctioned by the passing of a lex de i

inition to a period of years. The assumption of a colleague confirmed this fair show. In the course of the year, proconsular

167 ff. Dio mentions no grant of imperium to Agrippa. That Agrippa at this early date possessed imperium maius over the sena

acts, the establishment of the Empire might suitably be reckoned from this year. The legal and formal changes have been su

ke charge of the corn supply of the city as Pompeius Magnus had done: this function, however, he transferred to a pair of cu

as a mild but opprobrious form of banishment. 7 There is no truth in this fancy a political suspect is not placed in charge

rlier history. PageBook=>343 Some at least of the perils which this critical year revealed might be countered if Augu

spassionate scrutiny might have detected certain cracks and stains on this Augustan masterpiece. Virtus begets ambition; a

e and the heir of the Claudian house were perhaps not so far apart in this matter and in others. PageNote. 344 1 Velleiu

rent for the East and perhaps for the western lands as well. Not only this the war in Spain was not yet over. Gaul and the B

yet from the salutary compulsion to derive honour and advancement. Of this imposing total, so Augustus proudly affirmed, no

cation for advancement lay in service above all, military service. In this way a soldier’s family might rise through equestr

nd enforced a sterner discipline than civil wars had tolerated. 2 But this meant no neglect. Augustus remembered, rewarded a

o say nothing of slaves and cattle in their thousands. The funeral of this person cost a million sesterces. 5 During the T

BG 3, 5, 2 &c.; BC 3, 60, 4. L. Decidius Saxa probably belongs to this type. Note also P. Considius (BG 1, 21, 3), a cen

. Annaeus Seneca, a wealthy man from Corduba, may have held a post of this kind before he devoted himself to the study of rh

to an ambitious ill-starred consul best forgotten. Another member of this influential group was C. Proculeius (a half- brot

, daughter of Barbus, from Larinum (CIL IX, 751), might be related to this family. 2 There could scarcely be any doubt abo

P. Viriasius Naso (ILS 158; 5940), the earliest consul with a name of this type is Sex. Vitulasius Nepos, cos. suff. A.D. 78

, cos. 92 B.C. To precisely which branch of the great Volaterran gens this Caecina belonged evades conjecture. Apart from th

8) certainly came from Larinum (CIL IX, 730): for earlier members of this family, Cicero, Pro Cluentio 25 and 165. PageBo

os. suff. A.D. 9), of an ancient dynastic house. Two other consuls in this period, though not locally identified, are certai

l be provincial, perhaps from Bithynia- Pontus (for another member of this family, cf. ILS 5883: nr. Amastris). 5 A. Stein

most ancient patrician houses and the most recent of careerists. But this was an order more firmly consolidated than Caesar

l period. After 19 B.C., however, a development is perceptible. Yet this may be a result, not only of Augustus’ own enhanc

of their armies already called for legates of consular standing. Yet this was apparent by 12 B.C at least, when four or fiv

Namely Syria, Gaul, Illyricum (probably taken over by the Princeps at this point) and Spain, which probably still had two ar

may have usurped rank and forged pedigrees. Over some noble houses of this age hangs the veil of a dubious authenticity, pen

Princeps himself dwelt on the Palatine, in the house of Hortensius:5 this was the centre, but only a part, of an ever-growi

ed through a pervasive system of patronage and nepotism. Hence and at this price a well ordered state such as Sulla and Caes

4 Suetonius, Tib. 9, 1; Dio 54, 9, 4 f.; Velleius 2, 94, 4 &c. On this matter, cf. now L. R. Taylor, JRS XXVI (1936), 16

as loyal and unequivocal as the Roman People was led to believe. In this year a public monument called the Ara Pacis was s

d Illyricum; and a new legion, XXI Rapax, was probably enrolled about this time. 2 For this conception of the foreign poli

new legion, XXI Rapax, was probably enrolled about this time. 2 For this conception of the foreign policy of Augustus, see

nd L. Tarius Rufus (17-16 B.C.?) had recently been employed; 1 and on this occasion the proconsul of Macedonia, whoever he m

s no permanent establishment of Roman troops, the veteran colonies in this region served military purposes of defence. Furth

gh, not a word of Ahenobarbus or even of Quirinius. Dio’s sources for this period were in any case probably not abundant; an

bly not abundant; and two pages of the manuscript of Dio were lost at this point. Innocent trust in the fraudulent Velleius,

e, has perpetuated wholly unsatisfactory beliefs about the history of this period. Certain campaigns, deliberately omitted b

to him, may belong here. 2 For evidence and arguments in support of this theory, cf. Klio XXVII (1934), 122 ff. PageBook

berius the first imperial legate, of Illyricum. 3 For the dating to this period, cf. JRS XXIV (1934), 113 ff., with an inc

as a learned antiquary, was no doubt a competent administrator. In this matter the Principate introduced no startling nov

e quaestorship or the praetorship, the senator might command a legion this post was no innovation, but the stabilization of

Cf. Suetonius, Divus Aug. 38. 6 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 38, 2. 7 At this time, they are often, perhaps usually, quaestoria

icenum, C. Poppaeus Sabinus (cos. A.D. 9). During twenty-five years this man had charge of Moesia, for most of the time wi

he was proconsul, at Mediolanium, are very puzzling. On the career of this man, cf. now E. Groag in PIR2, C 289. 7 Anth. P

of Moesia. 5 However that may be, no consulars can be established in this period, only praetorians in charge of the army, n

ed to M. Vinicius (ILS 8965). On the propriety of putting them all in this blank period 9 B.C.–A.D. 6 (or even more narrowly

13 ff. Certainty cannot be attained, or even precision in detail. But this dating will fit the military situation and the co

elated in some way to the family of the Princeps. The significance of this fact for the secret politics of the period is evi

Aug. 28, 3; Dio 56, 30, 3 f. (not in the mere literal sense). 4 On this , A. v. Premerstein, Vom Werden u. Wesen des Prinz

The cult of the ruler was given system and extension partly to combat this practice and gain a monopoly of loyalty for the g

5 Dio 53, 15, 4 f. There is no evidence, however, about the date of this innovation. XXVII. THE CABINET PageBook=>4

ustus was given consular imperium for life: for the interpretation of this , see Premerstein (ib., 237 f.). 3 Provinces tak

l mint at Lugdunum, cf. H. Mattingly, BMC, R. Emp. I, xiii ff. 6 On this , see M. Hammond, The Augustan Principate (1933),

nce of wealthy knights, whether as individuals or as corporations all this has sufficiently been demonstrated. The dominatio

as to encroach seriously upon the functions of the full Senate. 2 But this was not a permanent change; and the committee see

erse of sacerdotal. One of the most eminent authorities and agents in this department of public service appears to have been

1 B.C., mentions a Cn. Dom[itius], who can hardly be anybody else. On this , and on other religious activities of Calvinus, c

om the Lex de imperio Vespasiana, as many do, that Augustus was given this power, explicitly. 3 Josephus, AJ 17, 229. Pa

16–13 B.C., but inaccurately). Suetonius and Tacitus know nothing of this ‘conspiracy’. The fact that Cinna was consul in A

owed in 17 B.C. the Princeps adopted the two boys as his own. In all, this fruitful union produced five children two daughte

s granted the tribunicia potestas for a period of five years yet even this hardly meant the succession. The measure would be

urgent need of him in the East. Augustus wished to remove for a time this unbending and independent character, to prevent h

claimed for Lucius, his junior by three years. The Senate voted Gaius this unprecedented dispensation for the supreme magist

the end, and the Metelli, soon to fade away, cannot show a consul at this time. 4 Other families dominant in the oligarchy

Licinius Crassus, cos. 14 B.C., as is inferred from 1G 112, 4163. On this problem, cf. E. Groag in PIR2, C 289; for a stemm

amily of the new nobility which can show highly eminent connexions at this time: the first wife of P. Quinctilius Varus was

at this time: the first wife of P. Quinctilius Varus was the aunt of this Asprenas, cf. the stemma, Table VII at end. Furth

cracy, and the most circumspect of politicians could hardly afford in this critical season the luxury of a moral purge of hi

y on the Julii who supplanted her son. But no ancient testimony makes this easy guess and incriminates the vulnerable scheme

n was the unhindered succession to the throne of Gaius and Lucius. To this end their mother served merely as an instrument.

f the marriage in the name of Tiberius. 3 NotesPage=>427 1 For this view, cf. esp. E. Groag, Wiener Studien XLI (1919

the river Euphrates, with highly satisfactory results. Shortly after this , Lollius the ‘comes et rector’ fell abruptly from

anour. The charges of rapacity and avarice elsewhere levelled against this powerful and unpopular ally of the Princeps may p

Ann. 3, 48: ‘Tiberium quoque Rhodi agentem coluerat. ’ Shortly after this , probably in A.D. 3, he got Aemilia Lepida for hi

racy of L. Aemilius Paullus, husband of the younger Julia, belongs to this year. 4 Velleius 2, 102, 3 f.: ‘animum minus ut

hey were not lost upon Tiberius or upon the principes, his rivals. In this emergency Augustus remained true to himself. Tibe

led, but finally exiled when she proved incorrigible in her vices. If this could be taken as quite reliable, the conspiracy

Julia. He served with distinction under Tiberius in Illyricum, and in this year was governor of Hispania Citerior, at the he

novi homines, see above, p. 362 f. For the contrary interpretation of this evidence (and consequently of the character and p

Galatia (A.D. 4-6); 7 Cn. Piso’s command in Spain probably belongs to this period; 8 and two Cornelii Lentuli turn up in suc

had not risen to the consulate are prominent yet not paradoxical, for this was a Claudian faction. In the background, howeve

company of novi homines. A new government is already in being. Yet this was not enough to preclude rumours, and even risk

cretary of state, in virtue of the provision of the dead Princeps for this emergency, a deed coolly decided eighteen months

ulia de maritandis ordinibus and the Lex Julia de adulteriis, both of this year; there were subsequent changes and additions

Citizen, guarded him from assassination for plots were discovered in this year, conspirators punished. 3 Legislation concer

aimed both to revive the past and to set standards for the future. In this matter there stood a valid precedent: Augustus in

a declining birth-rate. 5 The aim of the new code was no less than this , to bring the family under the protection of the

Claudia who domum servavit, lanam fecit. 7 PageNotes. 444 1 On this legislation and cognate problems, cf. esp. H. M.

acrius ultraque quam concessum Romano ac senatori hausisse. ’ 3 On this , cf. H. M. Last, CAH x, 461 ff. PageBook=>44

hilip V, King of Macedonia, ILS 8763. 4 Propertius 4, 1, 37. 5 On this legislation (2 B.C. and A.D. 4), cf. H. M. Last,

zation of the city wards in 7 B.C. (Dio 55, 8, 6f.), cf. ILS 9250. On this and on the municipal worship of Augustus, see L.

eror Rome was a protector of Greek culture. As though to strengthen this claim, measures were taken in Rome to repress the

, especially the freedman class, the antithesis of urban and rural at this time in Italy was not complete and exclusive the

e. 4 PageNotes. 451 1 Aen. 12, 827. 2 Georgics 2, 173 f. 3 On this , cf. above all M. Rostovtzeff, Soc. and Ec. Hist.

e line of verse was Romanos rerum dominos gentemque togatam. 3 To this identity in origin and sentiment with a large cla

e. PageNotes. 454 (No Notes) PageBook=>455 Civic virtue of this kind could exist in the Roman aristocracy along w

ly on the side of the government. It would be premature to discern in this metamorphosis a frank and generous recognition of

tten at a late date in Horace’s life and was dedicated to two sons of this Piso is so plausible that it can dispense with th

o warrant for loose talk about conversion to Stoicism. None the less, this Epicurean man appeared to surrender to a romantic

ous observances with sympathy as well as with elegance. More than all this , however, the lament which he composed in memory

he inscriptions of Aeneas and of Romulus at Pompeii, ILS 63 f. 4 On this , E. Strong in CAH x, 552 and Vol. of Plates IV, 1

llia Comata and strove to give the war the character of a crusade. To this end Drusus dedicated at Lugdunum an altar to Rome

tantae molis erat’. It is to be regretted that Pollio’s comments upon this interesting document have not been preserved. Of

peration of enemies and rivals. The horror and indignation with which this worthy citizen recounts certain court scandals is

d and the helpless. Quintilian, a professor of rhetoric, claimed that this form of composition was peculiarly and wholly Rom

ato (Tacitus, Ann. 4, 68 ff.), suffect consul in A.D. 36, belonged to this family. 2 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 76. The most germane

nough, they would disappear, so a wit of the Republic observed. 3 Yet this family survived the alliance with Pompeius Magnus

n one of the reasons, no doubt, for the choice. There were others: at this time there can have been in existence few direct

ufus from Mediolanium, like them the son of a Roman knight. 2 But for this defect of birth, Verginius Rufus might have becom

eight men sprung from Triumviral or Augustan consuls: only one man of this class commands an army, and a small one at that.

an oriental monarch. History has preserved a characteristic remark of this Republican misanthrope. 1 Succeeding ages looke

t native historian of note, Cato the Censor, made his protest against this practice, omitting the names of generals in order

oundrels of the previous age, there were excellent men to be found in this company, sons of the old Italian aristocracy, who

2, 5, 5 (Messalla Volesus). 4 ILS 212 11, 1. 24 f. Commentators on this speech have failed to notice that Persicus was no

are mentem. ’ 6 Ib. I, 7, 19f. 7 ILS 886 gives the inscription on this monument. PageBook=>512 With that to his c

e date of Messalla’s death emerges from Frontinus, De aq. 102 (though this has been disputed): cf. PIR1, V 90. PageBook=&g

system must have become more widely diffused in the Senate. Yet while this process was going on, the Republic itself became

succeeded the absolute rule of Domitian. 1 There was another side to this fair show of phrases, namely, the real and immine

or political wisdom. 3 Neither Tacitus nor Trajan had been a party to this folly; the brief unhappy Principate of Nerva was

, 2, 50. 5 Ib. 4, 5, if. 6 Ib. 4, 15, 16. 7 Ib. 4, 14, 43 f. On this notion and phraseology, cf. A. v. Premerstein, Vo

r rule was, and his position became ever more monarchic. Yet with all this , Augustus was not indispensable that was the grea

etray the truth, for auctoritas is also potentia. There is no word in this passage of the tribunicia potestas which, though

Biondiani (ib., p. 65). 38 B.C. The Cornelius who was cos. suff. in this year acquires a praenomen, Lucius, thus disprovin

es the son of Taurus, 379. Cornelius Sisenna, two Augustan nobiles of this name, 377. Cornelius Sulla, Faustus, son of the

rassus, and three of the five marriages of Pompeius Magnus. Neither this table nor any of the six that follow claims to be

(cos. 15 B.C.) and M. Furius Camillus (cos. A.D. 8) adhere somehow to this tree. VI. THE FAMILY OF SEIANUS The relations