, as though destiny ordained the succession of military tyrants. In these last and fatal convulsions, disaster came upon di

ornament and bulwark of the Roman State. 2 Cicero never spoke against these ‘homines honestissimi’ and never let them down: t

ate and knights would therefore arrest revolution or even reform, for these men could not be expected to have a personal inte

sonal ambition and political intrigue, constrained them, in mastering these manifold dangers, to derogate from oligarchic pra

were the Valerii and the Fabii. 1 To the Fasti of the Roman Republic these great houses each contributed forty-five consuls,

Pulcher’s wife was his daughter. The table in Münzer, RA, 304, shows these relationships clearly. Cf. Table I at end. 5 Th

der of the oligarchy in its last struggles, M. Porcius Cato. 1 With these three groups were linked in some fashion or other

family. 2 Next came their cousins, the three sons of Ap. Pulcher. Of these Claudii, the character of the eldest was made no

e killing of Cn. Papirius Carbo (cos. III), a benefactor of Pompeius, these acts were remembered, cf. Val. Max. 6, 2, 8; ‘Sal

five consulates in this generation rewarded their sagacity. 3 With these four families was now joined the faction of Cato.

cero to the other consulars will not mislead: too much is known about these people. 2 The Lentuli were Spinther (cos. 57) a

he Marcelli, Marcus (cos. 51) and Gaius (49). For the kinship between these two families, above, p. 44, n. 1. Spinther’s son

ed to make war upon them or to exterminate the Roman aristocracy. But these proud adversaries did not always leap forward wit

ation with suppressed resentment: some refused even to ask. 3 Under these unfavourable auspices, a Sulla but for clementia,

nwealth some years earlier, he may have expected to be consulted upon these weighty matters. But Cicero’s hopes of res public

e, family tradition and the primacy of civic over private virtue, all these were in the game. Yet in the forefront of this va

Ap. Pulcher, had arranged one transaction (Ad Att. 4, 15, 7). 3 On these men, C. Marcellus (cos. 50) and Philippus (cos. 5

eBook=>066 in Gaul. The active tribune was a marked man. Some of these pestilential citizens had succumbed to prosecutio

ntial neutrals, to detach, deceive or intimidate his enemies. Through these agents repeated assaults were delivered upon the

, 33). Note also men of Cnidus (SIG3 761; Strabo, p. 656, &c). On these people cf. further below, p. 262 f. 4 P-W IV, 2

pride and bulwark of the Roman State. 3 That would not avail to guard these new Italians, whether belonging to ancient founda

o inherited the generous virtues and unimpaired fortune of his parent these admirable men and others now adorned the Senate o

e. Rome outshines the cities of Italy, suppressing their history. Yet these were individual communities, either colonies of o

W XII, 401. 7 Ib. XIX, 892 ff.; RA, 05 ff. PageBook=>086 But these are exceptions rather than examples. The governin

by renegades. Pompeius Strabo had a large following in Picenum:3 but these were only the personal adherents of a local dynas

influence of its ancient civilization. 2 The earliest consuls bearing these names all belong, as is appropriate, to families

ns to the cause of Marius. 3 Another termination is found not only in these regions but extends to Picenum and the Sabine cou

hat M. Brutus and C. Cassius should be consuls in 41 B.C.3 But before these dispositions could all take effect, civil war bro

whom even Caesarian consuls acclaimed as ‘clarissimi viri’. 4 Whether these idealistic or snobbish young men from the towns p

; yet Antonius was amicable, not exploiting his position unduly. In these April days fortune seemed to smile upon the Roman

strous allegations when proof or disproof was out of the question: in these early months the consul had embezzled a treasure

and Gallia Comata as well (the region recently conquered by Caesar):1 these lands he would garrison with the Macedonian legio

rapid distinction to Carrinas, Calvisius and Nonius Asprenas. Under these auspices Antonius departed from Rome (about April

50 B.C.); the son, in any event assured of a brilliant career through these influential connexions, was taken up by Caesar. 5

ius happily says (2, 59, 2), ‘gravis sanctus innocens dives’. 3 For these relationships, see Table III at end. Balbus himse

us with an incentive to attack and despoil him. 1 The provenance of these resources is by no means clear; neither is the fa

om the provinces of the East. 2 It is alleged that he duly dispatched these moneys to Rome, to the Treasury, holding that his

sar, to whom they owed all, they would surely not repel his heir. Yet these men, mere municipal aristocrats, lacked experienc

so connected with Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (cos. 51 B.C.). For a table of these relationships, Münzer, RA, 407. Ch. X THE SENIO

ris and the consequent breach between Antonius and Octavianus. Yet of these events he will perhaps have had cognizance at Leu

here was Brutus? What a chance he was missing! 3 When Brutus heard of these alarming transactions, he protested bitterly. 4 W

In Vatinium. 2 It was a point of honour in a liberal society to take these things gracefully. Caesar was sensitive to slande

rdia ordinum, consensus Italiae? A cool scrutiny will suggest doubts: these terms are very far from corresponding with defini

d is rather antiquarian in character, to say the least. In neither of these speeches does Cicero mention Antonius’ legal titl

ad been implicated in the Ides of March. Like Brutus himself, many of these nobiles had abandoned the cause of Pompeius after

pus. ’2 The conditions upon which Antonius was prepared to treat were these :3 he would give up Cisalpine Gaul, but insisted o

’ quaestor, claims that he helped Cassius (Ad fam. 12, 14, 6). 5 On these men, above, p. 111. PageBook=>172 On recei

the Roman State, it was impossible to discover. For the judgement on these men, if judged they must be, it would be sufficie

be the worst of evils, worse even than submitting to tyranny. 3 In these wars between citizens, the generals and the polit

m I,15, 10 f. 5 Ib. 1, 16 and 17 (early July?). The authenticity of these two letters has been contested on inadequate grou

er the Senate now declared Octavianus a public enemy is not recorded: these formalities were coming to matter less and less.

ecial court was established by a law of the consul Pedius; along with these state criminals a convenient fiction reckoned Sex

er fear and portents. Soothsayers were duly summoned from Etruria. Of these experts the most venerable exclaimed that the anc

the elderly and blameless Republican L. Julius Caesar. Yet neither of these men perished, and the murderers claimed only one

t of the Triumvirate, four of them are found holding high command. Of these , T. Sextius and Q. Fufius Calenus soon disappear.

for war. The leaders decided to employ twenty-eight legions. Eight of these they dispatched in advance across the Adriatic un

e. Cisalpine Gaul, they NotesPage=>206 1 Velleius 2, 71, 2 f.: these were all (including Drusus) related together. Of

esPage=>208 1 It is impossible to discover the ultimate truth of these transactions. The propaganda of Octavianus, gross

0, 80 f. 2 Dio 48, 10, 1. 3 It is quite impossible to reconstruct these operations with narrative or with map. 4 Appian

me, calling himself ‘Imperator Caesar’. 8 The Senate and People for these bodies might suitably be convoked for ceremonial

NotesPage=>240 1 It has sometimes been argued that Octavianus in these years made vast conquests in Illyricum, including

stock from Cales. L. Flavius was an Antonian (Dio 49, 44, 3). None of these men ever commanded armies, so far as is known, sa

g the Triumvirs, and iterations, there were thirty- eight consuls. Of these , three are difficult to classify (C. Norbanus Fla

epigrams, elegies and an epic, were probably now alive. The origin of these poets was diverse. Lucretius stands solitary and

Antonius portions of Herod’s dominions. 3 NotesPage=>260 1 On these dispositions, including the territorial grants to

ential outside them. 4 Dominant in politics, commerce and literature, these men formed and propagated the public opinion of t

. 523; Plutarch, Antonius 59), possibly a very influential source for these transactions. 3 As in the matter of the confere

aesarian dynast, but decorative rather than solid and useful. Many of these men had never yet sat in the Roman Senate. That m

had borne him. Hostile propaganda has so far magnified and distorted these celebrations that accuracy of fact and detail can

enough. Lack of conviction as well as lack of organization frustrated these partial attempts. The name of Italy long remain

LS 190 (Aritium, in the province of Lusitania). A part of the last of these may be quoted for illustration: ‘ex mei animi sen

regretted that no history preserves the opinions of Pollio concerning these transactions and it can be well understood. His c

leader after Actium. 5 It is naturally difficult to control or refute these partisan assertions. Sosius survived Actium; youn

aefect[us Alex]andreae et Aegypti primus’, &c. 6 For details of these arrangements, cf. Tarn, CAH X, 113 ff. PageBook

events might have been different. 1 There is a mysterious calamity in these years unexplained in cause, obscure in date. C. C

oconsuls from the more powerful of the military provinces and control these regions directly himself, with proconsular imperi

d as ‘sacrati provida cura ducis’ (Fasti 2, 60). 4 The frequency of these appellations in the Silvae of Statius deserves re

the Commonwealth which he had preserved. Yielding with reluctance to these manifestations of loyalty and patriotism, the mas

Augustus. 2 Nothing was left to chance or to accident in preparing these exemplary manifestations. The ruler had taken cou

called it the Optimus status’ himself: the writer who has transmitted these unexceptionable observations goes on to speak of

and the polyonymous A. Terentius Varro Murena. No doubt about any of these men, or at least no candidate hostile to the Prin

garrison was a great army of twenty legions or more. In recent years these provinces had been governed by proconsuls, usuall

aesarian or Antonian, before Actium, and six more since then. Some of these men were dead or had lapsed long ago from public

s and M. Licinius Crassus would command armies again. Yet, apart from these survivals of a lost cause, Rome could boast in 27

peius, the descendant of Sulla the Dictator. After 28 B.C only two of these consulars serve as legates of the Princeps in his

d in 25, was M. Lollius (Eutropius 7, 10, 2). PageBook=>330 Of these six legati Augusti pro praetore, only one was of

proconsuls after him had celebrated Spanish triumphs in Rome. Some of these campaigns may have prepared the way for Augustus:

sius, however (6, 21, 1), makes Augustus’ war begin in 28 B.C. 4 On these campaigns, AJP LV (1934), 293 ff.; for the legate

erse ingenuity and positive ignorance of an ancient scholiast twisted these words, of natural and easy interpretation, into a

owerful deputies and agents, as a historian observed when speaking of these men. 1 Such a triumvirate existed, called into

mall consequence, the praefectus fabrum. The names alone of some of these officers are sufficient testimony. 2 Wars waged

subsequent developments and for certain difficult problems concerning these posts, cf. J. Lesquier, L’armée romaine d’Égypte

a time of emergency an equestrian officer governed Cyrene. 2 None of these provinces was comparable to Egypt or contained Ro

restored and sovran assembly of all Italy. Names more familiar than these now emerge from municipal status, maintain and au

nator, his daughter married the tax-gatherer T. Flavius Sabinus. With these families lay the future. NotesPage=>361 1

t Volaterran gens this Caecina belonged evades conjecture. Apart from these two men (and Quirinius and Valgius) there are in

in the time of Augustus, of the recruits for the legions of the West, these lands gradually invade and capture the whole soci

ith the military dynast. Augustus bent all his efforts to attaching these young nobiles to his person, to his family and to

c nobility of birth, military service, distinction in oratory or law, these were the three claims to the consulate. An orator

ulars, perhaps as many as forty. For the future, the chief purpose of these principes was to be decorative. Except for Agripp

. PageBook=>390 The army now numbered twenty-eight legions. Of these , fourteen or fifteen were now available in the pr

ong the littoral of the Adriatic. The Augustan plan sought to rectify these defects by winning a land route from Italy to the

seven military commands held by imperial legates of consular rank; of these , five lay along the northern frontier of the Empi

GRR IV, 410 f. (Pergamum) and BCH V (1881), 183 (Stratonicea): though these could as well refer to L. Calpurnius Piso (the au

of his army till the insurgents were overcome. 6 Though incomplete, these annals of four senatorial careers of service are

-A.D. 4). On the contrary, expeditions were made across the Danube in these years, the tribes beyond the river were intimidat

icius and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus. 4 The situation in the Balkans in these years is doubly obscure. The army of Macedonia ma

thousand Getae across the Danube (Strabo, p. 303). On the position of these praetorian commanders, proconsuls of Macedonia or

of Galatia already discussed, there is a total of ten eminent men. Of these , three are novi homines, next to Agrippa and Taur

water, police and the food supply. What slight and intermittent care these services received was the duty of the aediles and

ly men of consular standing. An ancient authority states a reason for these innovations that as many senators as possible sho

4, Tacitus, Ann. 1, 7. 7 Cyrene Edicts V, II.107 ff. (for a text of these documents, JRS XVII (1927), 34 ff.). On consulars

nius Piso, with whom the office became a standing institution. 2 In these ways, by his own efforts and by the creation of s

s. Whether the rule of Augustus be described as Republic or Monarchy, these advisory bodies were indispensable for the needs

C, Greek Coins: Lydia, 338. 5 Dio 54, 21. 6 lb. 53, 32, 2. 7 On these matters, cf. esp. T. Frank, JRS XXIII (1933), 143

nded to the consul in 23 B.C., Dio 53, 30, 2. PageBook=>411 In these matters Augustus required expert advisers. As tim

e Valerii, though escaping notice in the politics and the scandals of these years. Messalla still lived on; and he had someth

his literary accomplishments, P-W 11 A, 1372. 5 For the identity of these persons, cf. E. Groag, Wiener Studien XLI (1919),

nius Piso And L. Volusius Saturninus. 5 For details of origin about these novi homines, see above, p. 362 f. For the contra

m fear of a civil war, as Tacitus reports, but because he could trust these Lentuli. 2 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 4. 3 Velleius 2,

and his magnitudo animi, the candour and the chivalry of Antonius all these qualities had to be eradicated from the principes

iteers from war and proscriptions had bought land. Though a number of these men may have practised commerce and might be call

praescriptum et intonsi Catonis auspiciis veterumque norma. 1 But these were not the days of Romulus or of Cato the Censo

vice in the legions of the Roman People. 1 On no interpretation could these aliens pass for Italian peasants, still less for

he levy. 6 PageNotes. 457 1 E. Ritterling, P-W XII, 1781. Some of these soldiers do not even simulate Latin nomenclature.

ere on terms of personal friendship with Augustus. The class to which these men of letters belonged had everything to gain fr

the other hand, Bononia was in the clientela of the Antonii. But all these diverse loyalties, as was fitting in a colonial a

ceived public and monumental commemoration. The official treatment of these themes makes much Augustan poetry seem an inspire

s, as at Tarraco and at Narbo. There was as yet no provincial cult in these regions, for the colonies and municipio, were aut

ve entured to compete or oppose? PageNotes. 475 1 For examples of these men, ILS 7013 ff. The first high priest was C. Ju

life of the Princeps was threatened by continual conspiracies though these plots may not have been either as frequent or as

ious intrigue for which Julia was banished and Iullus Antonius killed these were all events that threatened the dynasty at it

is first care was to express his meaning as clearly as possible. 4 In these matters Pollio’s own taste and practice is well a

lace, cf. Mommsen in CIL 12, p. 376. PageBook=>492 Banded with these four families, the Catonian faction suffered heav

uits were no protection from the doom of an illustrious name. 3 Yet these were not the most prominent among the sacrifices

362. See also Table V at end. PageBook=>497 By paradox all of these families at first escaped alliance with the rulin

aliquam cupiditatem habent notitiae clarorum virorum. ’ The method of these prosopo- graphical studies was to set forth ‘quis

cannot blind, the critical eye. Otherwise there can be no history of these times deserving the name, but only adulation and

nd orators to match. By definition, the best form of state was spared these evils. Well-ordered commonwealths, lacking that ‘

ement was intolerable. The Principate provided the middle way between these extremes. 4 It was not long before the Principa

ge of the Republic. Few were the nobiles who passed unscathed through these trials, from caution like L. Marcius Philippus (c

controlled, directly or indirectly, all provinces and all armies. Yet these powers were the twin pillars of his rule, firm an

, P-W XVII, 870, with the addition, by conjecture, of Nonia Polla. On these relationships cf. above, pp. 424, 434, 500.