t History in the University of Oxford—the more so, precisely, because there is so much in the present volume that will make h

To this partisan and pragmatic interpretation of the Roman Revolution there stands a notable exception. To one of the unsucce

ied in the poetry of his age. Apart from flagrant scandal and gossip, there is a singular lack of adverse testimony from cont

ration of the Free State, after the ordinances of Sulla the Dictator, there were many senators whose fathers had held only th

nd embraced tota Italia. But it was an ideal rather than a programme: there was no Ciceronian party. The Roman politician had

lly invoked the specious and venerable authority of the Senate. 1 But there were to be found in their ranks a few sincere ref

, in abrupt decadence, had lacked a consul for two generations. 3 But there was a prominent Lutatius, whose name recalled a g

called a great naval battle and whose father had defeated the Cimbri; there were several families of the Licinii, great soldi

old men already, and some died soon or disappeared. 4 Even in numbers there was a poor showing of consulars to guide public p

s fell in Africa in 82 B.C.: though some versions exculpate Pompeius, there is a contrary tradition. Like the killing of Cn.

which dominated Italy, for five years. Pompeius’ purpose was flagrant there could be no pretext of public emergency, as for t

. Cato nearly deprived him of his office (Plutarch, Pompeius 54). But there were strong and authentic rumours the year before

bricated told of discontent among Caesar’s soldiers and officers; and there was solid ground to doubt the loyalty of Caesar’s

rganization of that province. Hence the spread of the name ‘Domitius’ there , attested for example by the inscr. ILS 6976 from

ir the ravages of civil war and promote social regeneration. For that there was sore need, as both his adherents and his form

e urgent needs of the Roman People. About Caesar’s ultimate designs there can be opinion, but no certainty. The acts and pr

actually inaugurated an institution unheard of in Rome and unimagined there monarchic rule, despotic and absolute, based upon

e a way out’, as one of his friends was subsequently to remark. 2 And there was no going back. To Caesar’s clear mind and lov

led itself in the end. 4 Of the melancholy that descended upon Caesar there stands the best of testimony ’my life has been lo

, 8, 2), but his son fought for the Republic in Africa and was killed there . Another young kinsman, Sex. Julius Caesar (quaes

ards the more powerful attraction. In the last decade of the Republic there can have been few intrigues conducted and compact

ssus defended the man of Gades. Cicero also spoke. Envious detractors there might be but Balbus, the friend of such eminent c

the Alps, the provincia (or Narbonensis as it was soon to be called), there was a chieftain of the Vocontii who had led the c

But Pompeius had enemies in Spain, and Caesar both made himself known there and in absence conferred benefits upon his old pr

3 (Libo, Lucceius and Theophanes). Of his influence and his intrigues there is abundant evidence, cf. P-W V A, 2090 ff. 3 F

’ (Sallust, Hist, 1,55, 22 M): A primipilaris (Orosius 5, 21, 3). But there may have been others. On the class from which Sul

ll. Afr. 28, 2, cf. Münzer, P- W VI A, 1557. For the possibility that there were one or two provincial senators even before C

iness interests in Africa (Ad fam. 12, 29) and probably large estates there the later saltus Lamianus? 2 Ad Att. 9, 2a, 3:

ius Tullus, a king of the Volsci who had fought against Rome. 3 Yet there was no lack of evidence, quite plausible and some

d even a patrician pedigree for certain Octavii. Trouble for nothing: there was solid and authentic testimony at Velitrae the

was solid and authentic testimony at Velitrae the name of a townward there , an altar and a traditional religious observance.

could in truth be proved as well as stated that they had always been there . The Caecinae of Etruscan Volaterrae have their n

e regions but extends to Picenum and the Sabine country. 4 Above all, there is a type peculiar to the Sabellian peoples, thic

t of Etruscan kings or even to an Italian magnate. Of the consulate there had been scant prospect in the past. But the triu

atorship meant the curbing of the oligarchy, promotion for merit. Yet there is nothing revolutionary about the choice of his

e, p. 90. 2 Horace, Odes 1, 7, 21. A Munatius is attested as aedile there on an early inscr., ILS 6231. 3 Phil. 8, 27 and

s treason. They should not have left the consul Antonius alive. But there was no pretext or desire for a reign of terror. B

nd Caesar may not have been altogether satisfied with his deputy. Yet there is no proof of any serious estrangement. 1 Lepidu

in Italy, it was precisely because he was dependable and most useful there , whether as Master of the Horse or without any of

ly, it was a piece of political jobbery: Lepidus was chosen. Further, there was an abortive proposal to elect a pair of censo

ence and corruption to equal the first consulate of Caesar. Nor are there sufficient grounds for the partial and exaggerate

mitted by neutrals even by Republicans. As for the Caesarian party, there were rivals here and potential adversaries. Ant

iance between the Caesarians and the Liberators; and not Lepidus only there was P. Servilius his brother-in-law, soon to retu

. 2 Ad Att. 15, 11 (June 8th). The wives of Brutus and Cassius were there , also the faithful Favonius and Cicero, who was m

ew courage, may have gone too far. It was known before the event that there would be criticism of the consul at the meeting o

the Senate of Rome. When L. Piso spoke, at the session of August 1st, there was no man to support him. Of the tone and conten

was no man to support him. Of the tone and content of Piso’s proposal there is no evidence: perhaps he suggested that Cisalpi

ause of civil war and their proud conviction that wherever they were, there stood Rome and the Republic. 2 Cassius, however,

tizen body in cases of breach of the peace or high treason. This time there was criticism and opposition in the Senate on the

egions at Alexandria in Egypt were riotous, that Cassius was expected there . 3 Further, Cassius might appeal to the large arm

. When Brutus entered his province in April he found only two legions there . He proceeded to raise several more on his own in

necessary. Antonius set out for Brundisium on October 9th, proposing there to pick up four of the Macedonian legions and sen

a convincing fashion. Cicero surrendered to the obsession. Otherwise there were many things that might have brought Cicero a

ore the Ides of March he thought of departing to Greece and remaining there till the end of the year, to return under happier

ι: ‘Sextum scutum abicere nolebam. ’ PageBook=>140 the Senate; there would be a meeting of the Senate on August 1st an

ntended with L. Piso ten years earlier. Between Antonius and Cicero there lay no ancient grudge, no deep-seated cause of an

ere journeying to Campania, ostensibly to take the waters. 5 Wherever there was trouble, the secret agent Balbus might be det

fear at the prospect of Antonius’ return with troops from Brundisium, there was safety in Arpinum, which lay off the main roa

s foreign to the character of Cicero, absent from his earlier career: there precisely lies the explanation. Cicero was spurre

n compromise were neither fools nor traitors. If they followed Cicero there was no telling where they would end. When Republi

up Caesar’s heir, through violence and illegal arms against Antonius, there were clearly two opinions. Octavianus marched on

ing of advice to magistrates, was widened to cover a declaration that there was a state of emergency, or that certain individ

e, merely a narrow ring of brutal and unenlightened oligarchs. Again, there were to be found honest men and sincere reformers

the justest of wars. Then the fair name lost credit. So much talk was there of peace and concord in the revolutionary period

appeal thus lay ready to hand. All the phrases, all the weapons were there : when the constitution had perished, the will of

barren of hope for the Republic. Of the whereabouts of the Liberators there was still no certain knowledge at Rome at the end

ria or Egypt and Macedonia was soon to provide more than rumours. But there is no evidence of concerted design between the Li

m and the charge of a war to a man who had held no public office. But there were limits. The Senate did not choose its own me

d the Cisalpina but cling to Gallia Comata. 2 Deceptive and dangerous there could be no treating with Antonius, for Antonius

all the lands beyond the sea, from Illyricum to Egypt. About Cassius there were strong rumours in the first days of February

oking the plea of patriotism and the higher legality. As for Cassius, there was as yet no authentic news of his successes: hi

The revolutionary change in the East alarmed the friends of Antonius: there was little time to be lost, for the beginning of

art, advocated the summoning of Marcus Brutus from Macedonia. Already there was talk of bringing over the African legions.

enior consular for colleague. Of the intrigues concerning this matter there is scant but significant evidence. In June (so it

volumus, fluxisse ex fonte consiliorum meorum. ’ 4 Ib. 1, 10, 3. He there describes Octavianus as ‘meis consiliis adhuc gub

a report that Cicero had actually been elected. 2 Of a later proposal there is evidence not lightly to be discarded. 3 Cicero

Macedonia. Cicero insisted that the criminal should be put to death: there was nothing to choose between Dolabella and any o

and any of the three Antonii; only practise a salutary severity, and there will be no more civil wars. 5 The plea of Brutus

eance on the vanquished. 6 To his firm character and Roman patriotism there was something highly distasteful in Cicero’s fana

d Caesar’s heir marching on Rome will have convinced him at last that there was no room left for scruple or for legality. 1 Y

Ah, the last of my friends’, the young man observed. 1 But even now there were some who did not lose hope. In the evening c

in 43 B.C. (Plutarch, Antonius 18): in 41 Ventidius and Calenus were there . 5 The ex-Caesarian Q. Cornificius, proconsul o

sarian Q. Cornificius, proconsul of Africa Vetus in 44 B.C., remained there , loyal to the Senate against Antonius and refusin

Octavianus that they invoked indulgence and made allowances. Regrets there may have been to see a fine soldier and a Roman n

ke Antonius reduced to such company and such expedients. For Antonius there was some palliation, at least when consul he had

rried by faction and treason, when proconsul outlawed. For Octavianus there was none, and no merit beyond his name: ‘puer qui

utus 27; Antonius 20) presumably senators. It is to be regretted that there is such a lack of evidence for the significant ca

n the process transformed and consolidated the Caesarian party. Yet there were personal and local causes everywhere. Under

. 5 Pollio’s rivals among the Marrucini will likewise have been found there :6 his own father-in-law was also proscribed. 7 Su

ng time in advance. Of consulars and men of authority in the Senate there was a singular dearth, recalling the days when Ci

the heads of those families had mostly perished, leaving few sons; 2 there was not a single man of consular rank in the part

end. 4 At Athens he found a welcome and support among the Roman youth there pursuing the higher education, sons of senators l

donia, and the retiring quaestors of Asia and Syria; 7 and from Italy there came sympathizers, among them M. Valerius Messall

ly,3 while Pollio held the Cisalpina with a strong army. 4 At first there was delay. Octavianus turned aside to deal with S

not been Antonius’ policy when he was consul. But with Caesar’s heir there could be no pact or peace. 1 When the Caesarian l

ited to establish a military dictatorship and inaugurate a class-war, there was no place left for hesitation. Under this conv

the Caesarian lines and captured the camp of Octavianus, who was not there . A certain mystery envelops his movements: on his

2 f.: these were all (including Drusus) related together. Of nobiles there also perished Sex. Quinctilius Varus (Velleius, i

me and later, putting her person and her acts in a hateful light; and there was nobody afterwards, from piety or even from pe

n Italy and on the seas adjacent would have destroyed Octavianus. But there was neither unity of command nor unity of purpose

ad called him a muleteer and a brigand; and Pollio hated Plancus. But there was a more potent factor than the doubts and diss

acted ties that bound him to Cleopatra more closely than to Glaphyra, there neither is, nor was, any sign at all. Nor did he

gnum concordiae’ on October 12th (ILS 3784). PageBook=>218 Was there no end to the strife of citizen against citizen?

h age (Servius on Ecl. 9, 47) and died upon the spot: the incident is there brought into connexion with the comet and said to

rely the relevance, of Saloninus may be called into doubt; 5 further, there is no reason to imagine that Pollio expected a so

n of his to rule the world, no indication in the poem that the consul there invoked was shortly to become a father. The siste

onia; Julia, his only daughter, was born in the following year. But there was a more important pact than the despairing and

xxvi (1932), 75 ff. Appian (BC 5, 75, 320) mentions the Dardani, but there is no record of any operations against them. The

t Zacynthus, BMC, R. Rep. 11, 500; 504; 508; 524. Not that Sosius was there all the time he governed Syria for Antonius in 38

ear 38. Antonius arrived at Brundisium, but not finding his colleague there , and being refused admittance to the town, he dep

r, neither his predominance nor his prestige were gravely menaced and there was work to be done in the East. Antonius departe

urted, men of some consequence now or later. 1 There were others: yet there was no rapid or unanimous adhesion to the new mas

ewise an odd Republican or two and certain of the assassins, for whom there could be no pardon from Caesar’s heir, no return

nfluence Antonius or Lepidus: they had done so before. For Octavianus there subsisted the danger of a revived Republican coal

rus to occupy Africa, returned to Rome, victorious. When he arrived there awaited him a welcome, sincere as never before. M

ly the presence of Maecenas had been urgently required at Rome; 3 and there had been disturbances in Etruria. 4 The cessation

ment according to the spirit and profession of the Roman constitution there could be no rational hope any more. There was ord

riumviral partner to perform his share and subdue the Parthians, when there would be no excuse for delay to restore constitut

1 Plutarch, Brutus 27. Nothing is known of his family or attachments: there is no evidence that he was related to Q. Cornific

aughter of Scribonia, above, p. 229. Pulcher’s wife is not known, but there is a link somewhere with the Valerii, cf. PIR2, C

pa is attested by Appian, Ill. 20; Dio 49, 38, 3 f. Messalla was also there (Panegyricus Messallae 108 ff.); and Taurus, comi

ief computation can be made. Excluding the Triumvirs, and iterations, there were thirty- eight consuls. Of these, three are d

their respective families (not all, of course, sons of Roman knights: there were a number of sons of highly respectable house

te chapters of Thucydides. He could not have chosen better, if choice there was, for he, too, was witness of a political cont

soon after the Pact of Brundisium:1 how long he remained an Antonian, there is no evidence at all. Virgil, however, perseve

Siculum, revealing the dependence of NotesPage=>253 1 Not that there is any definite evidence at all: the Arcadian sce

opolize the control of prophecy and propaganda. Yet in some classes there was stirring an interest in Roman history and ant

ilica Aemilia may belong to Paullus’ work in 34 B.C. (Dio 49, 42, 2): there was, however, a restoration after damage by fire

of the old and the new. Despite the losses of war and proscriptions, there was still to be found in the higher ranks of the

e forged in the struggle. One thing was clear. Monarchy was already there and would subsist, whatever principle was invoked

ture, with every promise of long duration. 1 East of the Hellespont there were to be three Roman provinces only, Asia, Bith

in the East. for Theopompus and Callistus, cf. SIG3 761 and evidence there quoted; for Potamo, SIG3 754 and 764. 2 P-W xv,

tor not to cross the arid plains of Mesopotamia, as Crassus had done, there to be harried by cavalry and arrows. Even if a

cherous Artavasdes. He turned the land into a Roman province, leaving there a large army under the tried general Canidius. Wi

pare the coins, BMC, R. Rep. 11, 532: L. Pinarius Scarpus is attested there in 31 B.C., Dio 51, 5, 6; BMC, R. Rep. 11, 583 ff

circle of Clodius. 4 Of this literary, social and political tradition there was also a reminder in the person of the young Cu

and the phraseology recur in the history of war and politics whenever there is a public opinion worth persuading or deceiving

d, in erotic romance as well as in political mythology. Of the facts, there is and was no authentic record; even if there wer

ythology. Of the facts, there is and was no authentic record; even if there were, it would be necessary further to speculate

ditions of language, habit and rule. The dependent kings were already there : let them remain, the instruments of Roman domina

was Cleopatra. Antonius was not the King of Egypt,1 but when he abode there as consort of Egypt’s Queen, the father of her ch

xpense of Judaea. There is no sign of infatuation here if infatuation there was at all. Antonius the enslaved sensualist belo

edifying literature. Cleopatra was neither young nor beautiful. 3 But there are more insistent and more dangerous forms of do

ntonius was but her dupe and her agent. Of the ability of Cleopatra there is no doubt: her importance in history, apart fro

ew year. So far official documents and public manifestoes, of which there had been a dearth in the last few years. Lampoon

d war would have ensued, Cleopatra or no Cleopatra. But the Queen was there : Antonius stood as her ally, whatever the nature

le, of Plancus. Complete silence envelops the discreet Cocceii; and there is no sign when Atratinus and Fonteius changed si

rt of an individual’s annual income was exacted. Riots broke out; and there was widespread incendiarism. Freedmen, recalcitra

ough intimidation. Of the manner in which the measure was carried out there stands no record at all. The oath of allegiance w

9 oath was imposed. In the military colonies and they were numerous there can have been little difficulty. Though many of t

in Italy did not like war or despotic rule. But despotism was already there and war inevitable. In a restoration of liberty n

t if the coming struggle eliminated the last of the rival dynasts and there by consummated the logical end of the factions, c

s had already been admitted to the Senate by Caesar the Dictator; and there was an imposing total of Roman knights to be foun

solute as he might appear. Antonius now had to stand beside Cleopatra— there could be no turning back. Patrae at the mouth of

anidius was now in favour of a retreat to Macedonia, to seek an issue there with the help of barbarian allies. 4 The battle o

ief author of treachery to Antonius in the naval battle (if treachery there was), and avoidance of bloodshed to Rome, is not

d. Neither of the rivals in the contest for power had intended that there should be a serious battle if they could help it.

rded the eastern frontiers, Polemo, Amyntas, Archelaus and Herod; and there were three Roman provinces in Asia, namely Asia,

even though not as great as many believed, were sobering lessons; and there was work to do in the West and in the North. To s

trial of arms—or even of diplomacy. Of an invasion of Asia and Syria there was no danger to be apprehended, save when civil

ne Troia. ’ 7 Livy 5, 51 ff. 8 Ib. 5, 49, 7. PageBook=>306 there was to hand an authentic native hero, a god’s son

e plea of wars abroad or faction at home. Peace had been established, there was only one faction left—and it was in power.

urgent pressure to bear upon him. Some informal exchange of opinion there may well have been. No record would be likely to

4 NotesPage=>309 1 Messalla had left Syria, perhaps succeeded there by M. Tullius Cicero (above, p. 303). As for the

of any official titulature. There were other principes in the State, there could not fail to be such in a Republic. So Horac

oes not explicitly mention a grant of proconsular imperium. That such there was, however, is clear enough. Premerstein (Vom W

publicae’ (o. c, 120 ff.). That Augustus exercised such a supervision there is no doubt—but in virtue of his auctoritas. Augu

r below, p. 326. PageBook=>315 For the grant of such a mandate there was plenty of justification. The civil wars were

es omits all mention of Caesar the Dictator. Only the Julium sidus is there — the soul of Caesar, purged of all earthly stain,

e attention was paid to him at all, or to Pompeius. Genuine Pompeians there still were, loyal to a family and a cause—but tha

s legates. The Triumvirate had replenished the ranks of the consulars— there must have been now about forty men of this rank—a

visius, and a general from the campaign of Philippi, C. Norbanus. But there were presumably three nobiles in the prime of lif

antee of his dignitas and pledge of civil concord or vested interests there was work to be done. The restored Republic needed

r frontiers secured and extended, their resources assessed and taxed; there were veterans to dismiss, cities to found, territ

f order and the semblance of freedom: the chief men of his party were there , Agrippa, Taurus and Maecenas, to prevent any tro

the Acta Triumphalia, no record of any fighting save when Taurus was there (Dio 51, 20, 5). Orosius, however (6, 21, 1), mak

rson had achieved the conquest of Spain (in 26 and 25 B.C.), and that there was no trouble ever after ’postea etiam latrocini

ned note of jubilation, as though men knew its falsity: behind it all there lurked a deep sense of disquiet and insecurity, s

r own reasons. If Caesar’s heir perished by disease or by the dagger, there might come again, as when Caesar the Dictator fel

fact that a few years later, in 20 and 19 B.C., Agrippa is found, not there , but in Gaul and Spain (Dio 54, 11, 1 ff.). Pag

Egypt might seem secure, governed by a viceroy of equestrian rank yet there had been Cornelius Gallus. The next prefects, M.

armies in the wars of the Revolution. 4 Syria was distant from Rome, there must be care in the choice of Caesar’s legate to

l, Augustus stood aloof from ordinary mankind. He liked to fancy that there was something in his gaze that inspired awe in th

ositions, yielding powers of discretion to Agrippa and to the consul, there was no word of Marcellus. When Augustus recovered

nas as well. Between the Princeps’ two steadfast allies of early days there was no love lost. The men of the Revolution can s

ted as innovators, reformers and even as revolutionaries. In Tiberius there was the tradition, though not the blood, of M. Li

uld rise above class and recognize merit when he saw it. In Agrippa there was a republican virtue and an ideal of service a

um Romanum (1930). PageBook=>346 To the Principate of Augustus there could be no hereditary succession, for two reason

and even create the manifestation of suitable opinions. Maecenas was there . Again, Augustus had neither the taste nor the ta

. 1 Nobiles were required to adorn the Senate of a revived Republic there were far too many novi homines about. From an ost

aw and the constitution to protect their fortunes. So far indeed from there being reaction under the Principate, the gains of

quired the financial status of knights (which was not difficult): but there was no regular promotion, in the army itself, fro

any. A Roman knight led an army to the conquest of Egypt and remained there as the first Prefect of the land, at the head of

ties of Latium long decayed, like Lanuvium, provide senators for Rome there are remote towns of no note before or barely name

ng generation, praetorian in rank (P-W III A, 72). As for M. Lollius, there were Lollii from Picenum (such as Palicanus) and

me of that type, nearly anticipated, however, by Salvidienus. Nor had there been a consul with a name ending in ‘-a’ since th

ades conjecture. Apart from these two men (and Quirinius and Valgius) there are in all the years 15 B.C. A.D. 3 very few cons

Roman franchise to natives, the citizen body was widely diffused; and there were numerous colonies and municipia. Spain and N

son, to his family and to the new system, with no little success. But there must be no going back upon his earlier supporters

ere liberated from control and restored to Republican freedom. That there was change and development is clear. The minor ma

would have been harsh and narrow; even with a Senate of six hundred, there supervened again and again a scarcity of candidat

on the consulate, as the names on the Fasti attest and prove. Nor is there a hint anywhere of electoral ambition, corruption

l peace so long as the Princeps controlled the armies. Nor indeed had there been serious danger in Rome itself. During the ab

us, another of the marshals. Nor will it be forgotten that Taurus was there all the time, with no official standing. 1 Rome

repaid to ancestors who had deserved well of the Roman People. 6 Yet there were certain nobiles whose merits fell short of r

en by the government. 6 Yet beside the great soldiers and politicians there was still a place for nobles in their own right,

comites, so designated by terms which develop almost into titles; and there are grades among his friends. 2 When the Princeps

from incompetence and from their very paucity. In December of 43 B.C. there were only seventeen consulars alive, mostly of no

ed. The widow was consigned to Agrippa. As Maecenas his enemy put it, there was no choice: Augustus must make Agrippa his son

y was narrow and awkward, lacking above all in lateral communications there was (and is) no way along the littoral of the Adr

d by a winter in Pannonia, Agrippa died in February, 12 B.C. Further, there was delay from the side of Macedonia. A great ins

aecenas, no longer a power in politics, had a short time to live. But there was a new generation, the two Claudii, to inherit

on might well appear desperate for Princeps and for Empire. Who would there be now to prosecute the northern wars or govern t

enobarbus receive no ode from Horace. PageBook=>393 Above all, there is a singular lack of historical evidence for the

of its southern boundaries King Amyntas had lost his life; and though there was no permanent establishment of Roman troops, t

may not always have been as small as the single legion that remained there from the last years of Augustus onwards; 1 and al

the Rhine army had been divided in the last years of the Principate, there existed seven military commands held by imperial

is the next attested legate, governing the province in absentia; and there may have been no separate legate for Syria during

here might be room for another legate between Titius and Sentius, but there is no point in inserting one. 3 Dio 54, 20, 4 f

gur), cos. I B.C., proconsul of Asia (ILS 8814). 8 No evidence: but there would be room for him in the period 4–1 B.C. The

e posts of proconsul of Asia and imperial legate of Galatia, fighting there and suppressing the mountaineers of Isauria (A.D.

Drusus was dead and Tiberius in exile. Whatever had happened at Rome, there would have been a lull in operations after the co

employed. Including the four governors of Galatia already discussed, there is a total of ten eminent men. Of these, three ar

he had recruited and trained. 5 That could not go on. After 19 B.C. there were no more triumphs of senators; and in any cas

r the constructions of the viri triumphales, the friends of Augustus, there was scarcely ever a public building erected in Ro

with free elections and free debate in the Senate, it is evident that there would have to be expert preparation and firm cont

not a cabinet an organ of administration, not of authority. As it was there , it might suitably be employed by the Princeps as

manded expert counsel and many advisers. It will not be imagined that there was any permanent body of counsellors to the Prin

rge as ministers of State, under Caligula and Claudius: they had been there for a long time. 8 Senators might preside over

3 Josephus, AJ 17, 229. PageBook=>413 It was not intended that there should be foreign wars in the East. But the needs

rontier and was willing to communicate them. Above all, Agrippa was there . The Romans thought in terms of roads. 1 The gran

le. In the last six years, Tiberius had hardly been seen in Rome; and there was no urgent need of him in the East. Augustus w

in all things. His pride had been wounded, his dignitas impaired. But there was more than that. Not merely spite and disappoi

in the situation already. Nobody could have been deceived. In 6 B.C. there was an agitation that Gaius should be made consul

PageBook=>419 THREE dangers ever beset the domination of a party there may arise dissension among its directors, the nom

e upon the composition of a body that never came into existence, were there not attested certain eminent personages in the go

lacked relatives who might be built up into a faction. 2 To be sure, there were her grandchildren, the three children of Dru

mily of L. Scribonius Libo, the father-in-law of Sex. Pompeius; 1 and there were now descendants of Pompeius and Scribonia, w

med the prerogatives of her station and family8 was it necessary that there should be public scandal? NotesPage=>426 1

gt;426 1 Velleius alone (2, 100, 4 f.) gives the list. He says that there were others, both senators and knights. 2 Dio 5

and mocked in his own family. Yet he could have dealt with the matter there . His programme was unpopular enough with the aris

embroiled the Empire in the futility of a Parthian War. On his staff there was a varied company that included L. Aelius Seia

ar since Hannibal (for so the rebellion of Illyricum was designated)1 there followed a disaster unparalleled since Crassus, t

e relegated to a barren island. 2 Her paramour was D. Junius Silanus3 there may have been others, for the charge of immoralit

s, Ann. 1, 31). 4 Velleius 2, 105, 1 (A.D. 4). How long he had been there is not recorded. Velleius says of Sentius ‘qui ia

a). 6 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 80, cf. 6, 39. 7 Coin evidence attests him there from A.D. 12–13 to 16–17 (for details, PIR2, C 64

principate:5 none the less, it must be demonstrated and admitted that there could be no division of the supreme power. Note

The business of the deification of Augustus was admirably expedited: there were awkward moments in the public conferment of

be restored? About the efficacy of moral and sumptuary legislation there might well be doubts, if men reflected on human n

itandis ordinibus and the Lex Julia de adulteriis, both of this year; there were subsequent changes and additions, the most i

o revive the past and to set standards for the future. In this matter there stood a valid precedent: Augustus inexorably read

H. M. Last, CAH x, 461 ff. PageBook=>446 In the towns of Italy there was a counterpart the collegia iuvenum, clubs of

. Though the national spirit of Rome was a reaction against Hellas, there was no harm, but every advantage, in invoking the

eturn to a hard living in some valley of the Apennines. Small farmers there were to be sure, and cereals continued to be grow

o the lists of names in Odes 1, 12 (with a Scaurus who hardly belongs there ) and in Virgil, Aen. 6, 824 ff. 3 Virgil, Aen.

e modern methods of cultivation. As in politics, so in economic life, there could be no reaction. None was intended. No thoug

rusticitatis antiquae retinet ac servat. ’ PageBook=>453 That there was a certain duplicity in the social programme o

ct that Rome was not Italy; and Italy had been augmented in the north there was a new Italy, but recently a province, populou

Gades might export dancing-girls or a millionaire like Balbus. But there were many other towns in Spain and Gallia Narbone

sis; Spain had already supplied whole legions as well as recruits. If there were more evidence available concerning the legio

t rerum difficultates κɑì τοσɑύτην ɑ҆ποθυμίɑν τ ν στɑτενομένων’); and there was danger of mutiny (Dio 56, 12, 2). PageBook=

tical invective was vigorous, ferocious but indiscriminate, save when there was a government in being. Then it mustered for t

wever. As for the plebeian military men promoted under the New State, there is no evidence that they were interested in foste

his ardour but did not impair the sceptical realism of his character there is no warrant for loose talk about conversion to

azards of his high mission, Aeneas is sober, steadfast and tenacious: there can be no respite for him, no repose, no union of

tion of the great Marius who had saved Italy from the German invader, there was devotion to Caesar who had championed the com

l the talk of a united Italy and all the realities of reconciliation, there must still have been Romans who were a little sho

acked either the taste for good books or the means of acquiring them, there were visible admonitions of every kind. The Rep

ists, as permanent recipients of the corn- dole. On special occasions there were distributions of wine and oil. But he could

69 When famine came and the mob complained of the dearness of wine, there was always the excellent water, so the Princeps p

son-in-law had constructed for the people. 1 He could have added that there were now public baths as well. But complaints wer

plebeian from Faesulae marched to the Capitol and offered sacrifices there , accompanied by the procession of his sixty-one l

People, in pointed contrast to Antonius’ action on the last occasion there flocked to Rome from the towns of Italy such a co

criptions of Roman generals, imitating Augustus’ Forum. 3 At Carthage there stood an altar of the Gens Augusta reproducing, a

s had no voice in government, no place in history. In town or country there was poverty and social unrest but Rome could not

ancholy pride, as the greatest calamity in Roman history. Officially, there prevailed a conspiracy of silence about the victi

nto the camp and tent of the Caesarian leader at Philippi: he was not there . After the example set by Caesar the Dictator,

lvae 4, 1, 32: ‘sed coepit sero mereri. ’ PageBook=>481 Though there were notorious instances of mercy, as when Cinna

r such an honour. 6 Of the pre-eminence of Labeo in legal scholarship there was no doubt: he spent one half of the year instr

the personal intervention of Augustus, who came to the court and sat there . 2 He did not need to make a speech. Such was auc

was condemned and banished to the island of Crete (A.D. 12?). 3 Even there he was a nuisance: twelve years later they remove

or, Attus Clausus, migrating from the Sabine country to Rome, settled there with the company of his clients, the patrician ho

ad not risen above the praetorship. 6 Even under Trajan and Hadrian there were venerable relics of the aristocracy, rare an

he reasons, no doubt, for the choice. There were others: at this time there can have been in existence few direct descendants

the Roman Senate certain chieftains of the peoples of Gallia Comata, there arose indignant protest in his privy council thos

dians has all but exhausted the Republican and the Augustan nobility, there are still on the Fasti three Republican nobiles a

ons and feuds. It was a temptation to harass the reluctant ruler; and there were old scores to pay off. Moreover, the secret

fortune may dazzle, but it cannot blind, the critical eye. Otherwise there can be no history of these times deserving the na

s among the low-born and unprincipled scoundrels of the previous age, there were excellent men to be found in this company, s

its peace with the monarchy. By the end of Augustus’ reign, however, there remained but little of the Catonian faction or of

ved, ‘ulteriora mirari, praesentia sequi’. 2 Even among the nobiles there can have been few genuine Republicans in the time

epublic still maintained for a season its formal and legal existence, there had been deception enough in the assertion of Rep

both Republican liberty and the benefits of an ordered state. Nor was there need for orators any more, for long speeches in t

ith the Principate comes a change. For the senator, as for the State, there must surely be a middle path between the extremes

berty and degrading servility. A sensible man could find it. And such there were. NotesPage=>517 1 Tacitus, Agr. 3, 1.

ter to crystallize into titles official or conventional, were already there . It was not until 2 B.C. that Augustus was acclai

nor immobile. While each class in society had its peculiar functions, there was no sharp division between classes. Service

rdinal role in the imperial system ’summi fastigii vocabulum’. Again, there is nowhere in the whole document even a hint of t

271 f. Cilicia Aspera, given to Cleopatra, 260, 271; cities founded there , 281. Cilicia Campestris, joined to the province

290, 304, 380; under Augustus, 314, 357; garrison, 356; property held there , 380; worship of Augustus, 474; Prefects of Egypt

, 209, 314; governors, 35, 36, 62, 64, 110, 209; activities of Pollio there , 207, 252, 404; poets from Cisalpina, 74, 251; se

um, 150, 503; L. Piso proconsul at, 329, 398; the Liberators honoured there , 465, 478. Memmius, C. (pr. 58 B.C.), 242. Me

lyricum. Pansa, see Vibius. Paphlagonia, oath of allegiance sworn there , 288, 473. Papinius Allenius, Sex., Augustan sena

Picenum, 200; Augustan novi homines, 362, 364; a Catilinarian rising there , 89; as a place for recruiting, 126, 186. Pieta

223 f., 266 ff.; in the provincia of Augustus, 313, 315; Agrippa sent there , 338; governors, 35, 36, 107, 111, 171, 214, 223

m Groag’s table, PIR2, C, facing p. 362, where, as the author admits, there are uncertainties. Not less so in the matter of t