and the principal allies of the various political leaders enter into their own at last. The method has to be selective: exha

ing the Romans themselves, and I have tried to answer it precisely in their fashion (chapter xxxiii, Pax et Princeps). The

r difficulties. Many of them are bare names, void of personal detail; their importance has been deduced from family, nomencla

been at a loss to account for the transmutation, and have surrendered their reason to extravagant fancies. Julian the Apostat

nalysis of the working of government in the new order, will reinforce their verdict and reveal a certain unity in the charact

quished. Brutus and Cassius lie damned to this day by the futility of their noble deed and by the failure of their armies at

to this day by the futility of their noble deed and by the failure of their armies at Philippi; and the memory of Antonius is

ractice of history demanded of its exponents, and commonly reveals in their works, a conformity to certain habits of thought

bt of Tacitus to Sallustius in style and colouring is evident enough: their affinity goes much deeper than words. Nor would i

audius 41, 2, 4 For the fullest discussion of Pollio’s Histones and their traces in subsequent works, see E. Komemann, yahr

for the political dynasts of the closing age of the Republic and for their last sole heir the rule of Augustus was the rule

s, from the transmitted memory of the origins, alliances and feuds of their families; and history never belied its beginnings

al act in the fall of the Roman Republic. That was not the opinion of their enemy Cato: he blamed the original alliance of Po

o control the State and secure the domination of the most powerful of their number. Motum ex Metello consule civicum belliq

ff.; Florus 2, 13, 8 ff.; Velleius 2, 44, I. PageBook=>009 in their open strife. 1 Augustus is the heir of Caesar or

The patricians continued to wield an influence beyond all relation to their number; and the nobiles, though a wider class, fo

empire. Noble families determined the history of the Republic, giving their names to its epochs. There was an age of the Sc

entrated support for the rising politician. The nobiles were dynasts, their daughters princesses. Marriage with a well-connec

t: the daughters of the great houses commanded political influence in their own right, exercising a power beyond the reach of

e Münzer’s comments on the deliberate concealment by the nobiles, for their own ends, of the true character of Roman politica

ed army of the wealthy was clearly the financiers. Many senators were their partners, allies or advocates. Concord and firm a

an for neighbours (Cicero, De legibus 3, 30). PageBook=>015 of their enmity will be reckoned Lucullus, Catilina and Ga

a politician, for his legionaries were a host of clients, looking to their leader for spoil in war and estates in Italy when

s, looking to their leader for spoil in war and estates in Italy when their campaigns were over. But not veterans only were

mbat the forces of dissolution represented by the army-commanders and their political agents. It took shape at first in his c

s the name of populares often sinister and fraudulent, no better than their rivals, the men in power, who naturally invoked t

nd venerable authority of the Senate. 1 But there were to be found in their ranks a few sincere reformers, enemies of misrule

rted by a sacred union of the possessing classes, by the influence of their clientela among the plebs and by due subservience

y power on a single general, to the salvation of Rome’s empire and to their own ruin. NotesPage=>017 1 Sallust, Hist,

nction by the primitive tenacity of the Roman family and the pride of their own traditions. They waited in patience to assert

the pride of their own traditions. They waited in patience to assert their ancient predominance. When the rule of the Etru

n the rule of the Etruscan Tarquinii collapsed, the earliest heirs to their power were the Valerii and the Fabii. 1 To the Fa

uted forty-five consuls, exceeded only by the patrician Cornelii with their numerous branches. Sulla the Dictator, himself a

d its claim to primacy. The Claudii, however, persisted, unchanged in their alarming versatility. There was no epoch of Rome’

nal power under cover of liberal politics. There were two branches of their line, unequal in talent the Pulchri and the Neron

ans in the restored oligarchy held rank not so much from resources of their own as from alliance with houses of the plebeian

n aristocracy. The greatest of those families had earned or confirmed their title of nobility by command in war against the S

ating a victory against the Carthaginians. 2 The Metelli prevailed by their mass and by their numbers. Their sons became cons

ainst the Carthaginians. 2 The Metelli prevailed by their mass and by their numbers. Their sons became consuls by prerogative

. Their sons became consuls by prerogative or inevitable destiny; and their daughters were planted out in dynastic marriages.

stiny; and their daughters were planted out in dynastic marriages. In their great age the Metelli overshadowed the Roman Stat

class and privilege. The ten years’ war in Italy not merely corrupted their integrity: it broke their spirit. Certain of th

en years’ war in Italy not merely corrupted their integrity: it broke their spirit. Certain of the earliest consuls after S

shed of the principes, resentful or inert, came to shun the duties of their estate. The vain Hortensius, his primacy passing,

ut the eternal exemplar of luxury. Secluded like indolent monsters in their parks and villas, the great piscinarii, Hortensiu

dered at ease upon the quiet doctrines of Epicurus and confirmed from their own careers the folly of ambition, the vanity of

e were two young Metelli, Celer and Nepos in capacity no exception to their family. 2 Next came their cousins, the three sons

Celer and Nepos in capacity no exception to their family. 2 Next came their cousins, the three sons of Ap. Pulcher. Of these

t of his three sisters and exploited without scruple the influence of their husbands. 4 On the whole, when some fifteen yea

and soldiers, helping them by influence to the consulate and claiming their support in requital. From of old the Claudii were

oung nobiles whose clientela carried many votes. 5 The oligarchy knew their man. They admitted Cicero to shut out Catilina.

ar of another’s consulate and public glory, shaming the mediocrity of their elders. They were Caesar and Cato, diverse in hab

tilina, Caesar, then praetor-designate, spoke in firm condemnation of their treason but sought to avert the penalty of death.

deserving rich, and strove to recall the aristocracy to the duties of their station. 2 This was not convention, pretence or d

non-Latin stock, as the name so patently indicates, probably deriving their origin from Picenum, a region where they possesse

on repaid Pompeius. Through a tribune’s law the People conferred upon their champion a vast command against the Pirates, with

anence. The nobiles were much too stubborn to admit a master, even on their own terms. Nor was Pompeius in any way to their l

mit a master, even on their own terms. Nor was Pompeius in any way to their liking. His family was recent enough to excite di

les in the alliance of the general, seeking profit and advancement in their careers, such as the two Metelli (Celer and Nepos

est the dispositions made by Pompeius in the East. Pompeius requested their acceptance by the Senate, all in one measure: Luc

the taxes of Asia requested a rebate from the Senate, Cato denounced their rapacity and repelled their demand. 5 Crassus was

a rebate from the Senate, Cato denounced their rapacity and repelled their demand. 5 Crassus was behind the financiers and C

ulia; and Caesar now married a daughter of Piso. Gabinius and Piso in their turn received important military provinces, Syria

ght have been entrapped by the Optimates and circumvented by Crassus, their potential ally. Now he would have an army of his

pport his predominance at Rome. The enemies of the dynasts paid for their confidence or their illusions. Ahenobarbus was

ce at Rome. The enemies of the dynasts paid for their confidence or their illusions. Ahenobarbus was robbed of his consul

quiescence. 5 The three principes now dominated the State, holding in their hands the most powerful of the provinces and some

h a great army to establish a military autocracy. Their ambitions and their rivalries might have been tolerated in a small ci

may already have been angling for an alliance. 1 The consuls achieved their own disgrace by bargaining to procure the electio

achieved their own disgrace by bargaining to procure the election of their successors for money. 2 Pompeius caused the scand

torship. When Milo killed Clodius, the populace of Rome, in grief for their patron and champion, displayed his body in the Fo

ligarchy by pertinacious proposals that both dynasts should surrender their armies and save the Commonwealth. Curio became

. The threat of a coalition between Pompeius and the Optimates united their enemies and reinforced the party of Caesar. Caesa

ot dangerous; 3 and all the kings, princes and tetrarchs, remembering their patron, were ready to bring their levies at his c

princes and tetrarchs, remembering their patron, were ready to bring their levies at his command. Magnus, it might seem, was

an important factor. PageBook=>043 M. Antonius and Q. Cassius, their veto disregarded, fled from the city. A state of

te five consulates in twenty-three years, the Metelli soon found that their power was passing. Death took off their consuls o

, the Metelli soon found that their power was passing. Death took off their consuls one by one. 2 Marriage or adoption might

eve the waning fortunes of a noble family. The Metelli had employed their women to good effect in the past; and one of thei

telli had employed their women to good effect in the past; and one of their daughters was given in marriage to the elder son

line, himself the grandson of a Metella, had passed by adoption into their family. This was Q. Metellus Scipio, father-in-la

lipse of the plebeian Claudii Marcelli, who emulated the Scipiones in their great age: obscure for a century, they emerge aga

ed. 4 The brothers M. Marcellus (cos. 51) and C. Marcellus (49) and their cousin C. Claudius C. f. Marcellus (50). No consu

9) and their cousin C. Claudius C. f. Marcellus (50). No consul since their great-grandfather (cos. III, 152). PageBook=>

n Spain and in the East:2 five consulates in this generation rewarded their sagacity. 3 With these four families was now jo

th the consul and the tribunes of Pompeius. It was later claimed by their last survivor that the party of the Republic and

, and the Metelli had given him a pointed reminder of the dignitas of their house. 4 It was the oligarchy of Sulla, manifes

weakened by the loss of his ally and of popular support, would be in their power at last, amenable to guidance or to be disc

ill of Marcus Cato. His allies, eager to enlist a man of principle on their side, celebrated as integrity what was often conc

e with Pompeius. Had Pompeius listened and consented to an interview, their old amicitia might have been repaired. With the n

arly four hundred against twenty-two, wished both dynasts to lay down their extraordinary commands. 3 A rash and factious min

is associates in power had thwarted or suspended the constitution for their own ends many times in the past. Exceptions had b

hed. They had driven a wedge between the two dynasts, winning over to their side the power and prestige of Pompeius. They wou

peius later. It might not come to open war; and Pompeius was still in their control so long as he was not at the head of an a

politicians at Rome forbade intervention in a struggle which was not their own. 2 Pompeius might stamp with his foot in the

To rule, he needed the support of the nobiles, yet he had to curtail their privileges and repress their dangerous ambitions.

rt of the nobiles, yet he had to curtail their privileges and repress their dangerous ambitions. In name and function Caesa

der might abate men’s resentment against Caesar, insensibly disposing their minds to servitude and monarchy. A faction recrui

e Free State, but very precisely for the dignity and the interests of their own order. Liberty and the laws are high-sounding

nt of his adherents combined with Republicans and Pompeians to remove their leader. The Caesarian party thus split by the ass

nd Ahenobarbus, diverse in character but equally a joy and comfort to their enemies. Certain of the principes by providenti

d-nephew, see below, p. 128. PageBook=>063 power and noted for their attacks upon Caesar, when Caesar was an ally and

They now turned against the oligarchs. Catullus and Calvus were dead: their friends and companions became Caesarians. 1 He wo

ige and Caesar’s war-trained legions. 6 Others sought protection from their enemies, revenge or reinstatement. Along with ban

acitus, Dial. 25, 3, &c 6 Ad fam. 8, 14, 3 PageBook=>064 their allegiance. 1 Not only senators chose Caesar, but

ay be compared to that of the family. It was often stronger. Whatever their class in society, men went with a leader or a fri

ising dissension at Rome, Sulla outlawed his adversaries, confiscated their property and deprived their descendants of all po

lla outlawed his adversaries, confiscated their property and deprived their descendants of all political rights. Caesar, advo

ius, a popular figure, tribune in Caesar’s consulate, managed to hold their own. 1 Catilina and Clodius were dead but remem

ctivities or, more simply, the victims of political justice, whatever their deserts. The Catilinarian P. Cornelius Sulla (a

ss does not show a conspicuously high proportion. 5 Whatever might be their origin or affiliation, the generals of the Gallic

filiation, the generals of the Gallic Wars as a body stood loyally by their proconsul, commanding armies and governing provin

through a long period of obscurity, strove to revive and re-establish their peers. 5 The patriciate was a tenacious class; th

he rise of dynastic plebeian houses like the Metelli, they remembered their ancient glory and strove to recover leadership.

the oligarchy. More numerous were the decayed patricians that pinned their hopes on Caesar, and NotesPage=>068 1 On

e or principle. Either monarchy or democracy could be made to serve their ends, to enhance person and family. The NotesPa

animi, his sacred duty to protect his friends and clients and secure their advancement, whatever their station in life. Fide

rotect his friends and clients and secure their advancement, whatever their station in life. Fides, libertas and amicitia wer

ugh equestrian officers, whether senators’ sons or not, commonly owed their commissions less to merit than to the claims of f

ical advancement, military experience was not confined to centurions, their social inferiors the knight C. Volusenus Quadratu

he Roman citizenship. The pact of Luca reunited the dynasts and saved their agent. When the case came up for trial, both Pomp

ad no monopoly of the bankrupts and terrorists; 2 while Pompeians and their leader himself, when war broke out, made savage t

ship. Caesar had championed them long ago: as proconsul he encouraged their aspirations, but he did not satisfy them until th

the census of a Roman knight. Caesar’s centurions were notorious for their loyalty, and for the rewards of loyalty. The Sena

of the intruders who derived from remote and backward parts of Italy their harsh accents and hideous nomenclature. Provinc

ents and hideous nomenclature. Provincials, freedmen or centurions, their proportion must have been tiny in an assembly tha

rder. No mere concordia ordinum, with senators and knights keeping to their allotted functions a new government of national c

w adorned the Senate of Rome, augmented in personal standing to match their wealth. 1 As tax-farmers, public contractors, pri

d classes of the Italian towns, men of station and substance, whether their gains were derived from banking, industry or farm

in no way exclusive. Rome outshines the cities of Italy, suppressing their history. Yet these were individual communities, e

ship nor of municipal institutions over the peninsula could transform their internal economy. As at Rome under a Republican c

4 Many cities of Italy traced an origin earlier than that of Rome: their rulers could vie in antiquity, and even in dignit

they had always been there. The Caecinae of Etruscan Volaterrae have their name perpetuated in a modern river of the vicinit

er of the vicinity. 7 The Cilnii were dominant in Arretium, hated for their wealth and power. Centuries before, the citizens

f foreign stock had ruled at Rome. More important than the kings were their rivals and heirs in power, the patricians, themse

se baronial houses brought with them to Rome the cults and legends of their families, imposing them upon the religion of the

emember whole wars waged by a single clan. Such families might modify their name to a Latin flexion; but praenomen or cognome

name to a Latin flexion; but praenomen or cognomen sometimes recalled their local and alien provenance. 4 In strife for power

were ready to enlist allies wherever they might be found. They spread their influence among the local aristocracies by marria

dynasts were taken up and brought in by certain patrician houses for their own political ends and for Rome’s greater power;

ptavit’ (probably the despotic censor), cf. Suetonius, Tib. 2, 2. For their intermarriage with a dynastic house of Capua c. 2

asti and the annals of Regal and Republican Rome were not immune from their ambitious and fraudulent devices. The Marcii were

or Volscian history. The Junii could not rise to a king, but they did their best, producing that Brutus, himself of Tarquin b

known. Caeculus, the god who founded Praeneste, is said to have been their ancestor (Festus, p. 38 L). 4 The consul L. Jun

merit and military service he might enter the senatorial order under their protection: they never fancied that he would aspi

ius nursed resentment against the nobiles and sought to break through their monopoly of patronage. Through alliance with the

inst Rome, in the name of Italy. Italia they stamped as a legend upon their coins, and Italia was the new state which they es

vances and seeing no redress from Rome after the failure and death of their champion, the conservative demagogue Livius Drusu

nesty in the form of an offer of the citizenship to any who laid down their arms within sixty days may have weakened the insu

t the new citizens had been cheated of the full and equal exercise of their franchise, a grant which had never been sincerely

whom he strove in defiance of the nobiles to secure the consulate. In their political careers he may have encouraged or defen

were recruited from the impoverished or martial regions of Italy, as their names often testify. 7 All classes came in. The t

wealth of the Pompeii no doubt raised up many enemies against them in their own country. Sulmo of the Paeligni opened its gat

etected. Others, failing contradictory record, may be presumed to owe their status to him, for example three of the praetors

bearers of obscure names, the first and perhaps the last senators of their respective families. 3 Above all, the confedera

e earliest accessions may sometimes be detected in the alien roots of their names, to which they give a regular and Latin ter

e military leaders accelerated the promotion of the most efficient of their partisans without regard for law or precedent, ap

aw or precedent, appointing numerous suffect consuls as well. For all their admitted talents, it is by no means likely that t

nts of long standing who had fought in Gaul, conspired to assassinate their leader. 4 The soured military man Ser. Sulpicius

wounds. The Senate broke up in fear and confusion, the assassins made their way to the Capitol to render thanks to the gods o

l. Antonius had played his hand with cool skill. The Liberators and their friends had lost, at once and for ever, the chanc

, the crowd broke loose and burned the body in the Forum. In fear for their lives, the Liberators barricaded themselves in th

rum. In fear for their lives, the Liberators barricaded themselves in their houses. Nor, as the days passed, did it become sa

the neighbourhood of the capital. Long before this, the futility of their heroic deed was manifest to the assassins and to

he futility of their heroic deed was manifest to the assassins and to their sympathizers. The harm had already been done. Not

of a tyrant, and that action alone, was the end and justification of their enterprise, not to be altered by wisdom after the

n of Brutus and Cassius forsworn its principles and appealed to arms, their end would have been rapid and violent. The modera

or for statesmanship; and the conspirators had not initiated him into their designs. The public support of Cicero would be of

advantage. They became truculent and tumultuous. Not without excuse: their Imperator, in defence of whose station and dignit

t the Liberators. 1 Further, attempts were made to convert Hirtius to their cause. 2 But Dolabella, though not impervious to

nothing. Money was another matter. The Liberators sought to inveigle their supporters into contributing to a private fund: w

it, they could find little to encourage them abroad. The execution of their plot allowed no delay, no attempt to secure a maj

no delay, no attempt to secure a majority of the army commanders for their cause and they did not think that it was necessar

os, Vita Attici 8, 1 ff. 6 The ancient evidence about provinces and their governors in 44 B.C. suffers from confusion and i

17th, it was feared that the consul would not allow them to take over their provinces. 1 What happened is obscure the provinc

licy and performance, Roman aristocratic standards, old and new, with their insistence upon civic virtue or personal liberty,

n that under the pretext of concord Caesarian partisans should retain their acquisitions ’pacis isti scilicet amatores et non

as distasteful to the sentiments of soldiers and officers, ruinous to their interests. Remonstrance was addressed to Antonius

ciliation; his recent speech was held to be distinctly amicable. 1 To their edict he now made reply with a public proclamatio

7, 7. PageBook=>119 with a firm manifesto (August 4th), taking their stand upon their principles and their personal ho

>119 with a firm manifesto (August 4th), taking their stand upon their principles and their personal honour: they told A

manifesto (August 4th), taking their stand upon their principles and their personal honour: they told Antonius that they val

ciples and their personal honour: they told Antonius that they valued their own libertas more than his amicitia and bade him

aesar. 1 Of any immediate intentions the Liberators said no word in their edict. But they now prepared to depart from Italy

ffirmed the loyalty of the Liberators towards the Roman constitution, their reluctance to provide a cause of civil war and th

an constitution, their reluctance to provide a cause of civil war and their proud conviction that wherever they were, there s

Caesarian sentiments of the legionaries were steadily reinforced and their appetites whetted by the dissemination of propaga

e aim of Octavianus to seduce the moderate Caesarians by an appeal to their loyalty towards the memory of the Dictator, to th

by an appeal to their loyalty towards the memory of the Dictator, to their apprehensions or envy of Antonius: through them h

elements. The supreme art of politics is patent to rob adversaries of their adherents and soldiers, their programme and their

olitics is patent to rob adversaries of their adherents and soldiers, their programme and their catchwords. If the process go

rob adversaries of their adherents and soldiers, their programme and their catchwords. If the process goes far enough, a fac

gain that certain intimate friends of the dead autocrat at once lent their support and devotion to his son and heir. Loyalty

provincial armies. Brutus and Cassius had left Italy, ostensibly for their provinces of Crete and Cyrene; of their whereabou

ad left Italy, ostensibly for their provinces of Crete and Cyrene; of their whereabouts and true intentions nothing was known

legions. The veterans refused to fight. Many deserted and returned to their homes, none the worse for a brief autumnal escapa

nted the consul: the leaflets and the bribes of Octavianus were doing their work. To restore discipline Antonius ordered summ

openly compromised. They would have to go quietly for the present but their chance might come. Octavianus’ other relatives we

y are said to have resigned to Octavianus. 4 Nothing else is known of their attitude or activities at this time. NotesPage=

vil wars, suffering in consequence. But they could not be stripped of their ancestors Octavianus’ friend was of regal stock,

erence to him (Ad M. Brutum 1, 17, 4). No mention of either by Cicero their mere names would have been a damaging revelation.

nd, money and power, the estates and prerogatives of the nobility for their enjoyment, and the daughters of patricians for th

the nobility for their enjoyment, and the daughters of patricians for their brides. The men of action in the party like Sal

s. Further, Caesar’s freedmen were very wealthy. The heir could claim their services. 2 Nor is this all. Caesar, intending to

. Many of its most prominent members were neutral, evasive, playing their own game or bound to Antonius; and some of the be

y influence. In public Cicero professed warm and eager admiration for their loyalty, their patriotism, their capacity. His pr

public Cicero professed warm and eager admiration for their loyalty, their patriotism, their capacity. His private letters t

fessed warm and eager admiration for their loyalty, their patriotism, their capacity. His private letters tell another story:

, P. Servilius, L. Piso and Cicero: they are described as neutrals, their policy dishonest. 2 No word here of the consulars

3 Not all invention, perhaps. The subtle intriguers were now showing their hand. In November they were clearly working for t

ere now showing their hand. In November they were clearly working for their young kinsman. 4 But the situation was complicate

required the open backing of senior statesmen in the Senate: through their auctoritas he might acquire recognition and offic

tion and official standing. Which of the principes were ready to give their sanction? NotesPage=>134 1 Phil. 8, 19.

of Isauricus. 3 Piso and P. Servilius each had a change of side to their credit. No politician could compete with Cicero f

assion or conviction, but impatience and despair. Pharsalus dissolved their embrace. Cicero was persuaded to avail himself of

ate initiative for the salvation of the State, they clamoured to have their position legalized. The offensive was therefore l

a stable and balanced state with Senate and People keeping loyally to their separate functions in pursuit of the common good,

Cicero defined the nature of glory, no doubt showing how far, for all their splendour and power, the principes Crassus, Caesa

t, confident and convincing, the Philippics carry the impression that their valiant author stood in sole control of the polic

nius, for Octavianus, or for peace. The new consuls had a policy of their own, if only they were strong enough to achieve i

the scenes private ambition, family politics and high finance were at their old games. Cicero and the ambiguous contest of th

ical or edifying. Persons, not programmes, came before the People for their judgement and approbation. The candidate seldom m

n in the last age of the Republic are embodied in types as perfect of their kind as are the civic and moral paragons of early

flower of society, the pride of the Empire:3 they earn a dignitas of their own and claim virtues above their station, even t

he Empire:3 they earn a dignitas of their own and claim virtues above their station, even the magnitudo animi of the governin

n that there was a state of emergency, or that certain individuals by their acts had placed themselves in the position of pub

ter all, did exist the propertied classes; and it was presumably in their interests that an alliance between the wealthiest

monopolized by the oligarchy or by any party in power. It was open to their opponents to claim and demonstrate that a gang (o

already had a derisive ring. 3 The friends of peace had to abandon their plea when they spoke for war. Peace should not be

brigands’ or ‘parricides’. 7 It would be necessary to ‘bring them to their right minds again’. Plancus was an adept. Years b

ollow great leaders like Caesar or Antonius: they had no mind to risk their lives for intriguers such as Plancus or Lepidus,

rs from poverty and the prospect of pay and loot, regarded loyalty to their leaders as a matter of their own choice and favou

ect of pay and loot, regarded loyalty to their leaders as a matter of their own choice and favour. 1 Treachery was commended

ir own choice and favour. 1 Treachery was commended by the example of their superiors; and the plea of patriotism was all-emb

judge. What if it had not lent its sanction? Why, true patriots were their own Senate. 9 It is evident that res publica co

ns of the dominant consulars in the defeated oligarchy, departed with their kinsman and leader M. Junius Brutus, whether or n

fanatically loyal to the claims of pietas. Thapsus and Munda thinned their company: Afranius, Petreius and Labienus had fall

ion. In this December the total of consulars had fallen to seventeen: their effective strength was much less. Various in char

lpina. Despite the assertions and the exhortations of Cicero, despite their own exemplary professions of loyalty to the Repub

, despite their own exemplary professions of loyalty to the Republic, their attitude was ambiguous and disquieting: it was sc

dge at Rome at the end of the year. That they would in fact not go to their trivial provinces of Crete and Cyrene was a fair

in Italy. It was also decided that governors should continue to hold their provinces until relieved by the authority of the

. It was claimed by conservative politicians and widely admitted by their adversaries that in emergencies the Senate enjoye

were limits. The Senate did not choose its own members, or determine their relative standing. On no known practice or theory

Nothing could be more scandalous, more disgusting than the conduct of their mission by Piso and Philippus. ’2 The conditions

until Brutus and Cassius should have become consuls and have vacated their consular provinces, that is, until the end of the

adventurer. As for Brutus and Cassius, he appears to have recognized their right to the consulate of 41 B.C. The breach was

st taken, he moved with rapidity. The quaestors of Asia and Syria, on their homeward journey, bearing the revenues of those p

nues of those provinces, were intercepted and persuaded to contribute their funds4 for the salvation of the State, no doubt.

A thrill of horror ran through the Senate. The Republicans exploited their advantage with allegations of atrocities it was a

the unfortunate Trebonius. The Caesarians were thus forced to disown their compromising ally. It was Calenus and no other wh

r and impose some kind of settlement. They were honest patriots. With their providential removal, the adventurer emerges agai

roops directly. The soldiers refused to tolerate such a slight upon their leader, patron and friend. Octavianus, his forc

s and Plancus. Antonius and the Liberators might even combine against their common enemy civil wars have witnessed stranger v

t, crushed and exterminated. If Brutus and Cassius came to Italy with their host of seventeen legions, his ‘father’ Cicero wo

from the East loomed heavily. The Republicans in the Senate showed their hand. The position of M. Brutus had already been

dominions. It was high time for the Caesarians to repent and close their ranks. Octavianus made no move. He remained in th

ng his invasion of Narbonensis. Lepidus alleged that he was pained by their behaviour but merciful ‘nos etsi graviter ab iis

concord. 2 It was on May 30th that Antonius and Lepidus carried out their peaceful coup. They had now to reckon with Plan

ίας παρανόμου πόλϵμον μϕύλιον. 4 Phil. 10, 18. PageBook=>167 their estates; and the soldiers serving in the legions

soldiers serving in the legions might expect ultimate recompense from their generals without the necessity of fighting for it

the constitutional principles invoked by faction and to fight against their fellow-citizens had the result that they were des

ginal compact with Octavianus with clear perception of the dangers of their equivocal alliance. He had not been deluded then.

d seem) Cicero denounced certain ‘treasonable machinations’, revealed their authors, and rebuked to their faces the relatives

in ‘treasonable machinations’, revealed their authors, and rebuked to their faces the relatives of Caesar (presumably Philipp

ited at once to destroy him Octavianus in his true colours, openly on their side against Caesar’s murderer. The designs of

d suicide. That was the only bloodshed. The senators advanced to make their peace with Octavianus; among them, but not in the

s did not claim to be the government or the State: it was enough that their rivals should be thwarted and impotent. Caesar th

mpotent. Caesar the Dictator pardoned his adversaries and facilitated their return to public life. The Triumvirs, however, de

ir return to public life. The Triumvirs, however, decided to root out their opponents all at once, alleging in excuse the bas

zation surpassed all memory and all fears. As if to give a measure of their ruthlessness, the Triumvirs inaugurated the prosc

esPage=>190 1 Appian (BC 4, 8, 31 ff.) gives what purports to be their official manifesto. 2 lb. 4, 4, 15 perhaps the

knights. 3 Their victory was the victory of a party. 4 Yet it was not their principal purpose to wipe out utterly both politi

consular victim, M. Tullius Cicero. The Caesarian leaders proscribed their relatives and other personages of distinction mor

delay and warning enough. For the Triumvirs it was expedient to drive their political enemies out of the land, thus precludin

terature with an immortal theme. 1 But the fugitives could not take their property with them; some of the proscribed remain

ed in Italy, under collusion and protection, or returned soon, saving their lives but making a sacrifice in money. 2 There ha

ed for the profession of ancient virtue, but avid and unscrupulous in their secret deeds. The town of Larinum will surely hav

t of Italy, long exploited and thwarted, seized what they regarded as their just portion. A social revolution was now carried

s, astute neutrals and freedmen of the commercial class got value for their money in the solid form of landed NotesPage=>

necessarily the wealthiest of the citizens: men of property, whatever their station, were the real enemies of the Triumvirs.

sonage for leader, the daughter of the orator Hortensius, they abated their demands a little, but did not NotesPage=>195

by knights in competition or in complicity, and spent by senators for their own magnificence and for the delight of the Roman

ficence and for the delight of the Roman plebs; the knights had saved their gains and bought landed property. The Roman citiz

sar, lapse completely from record. Philippus and Marcellus had played their part for Caesar’s heir and served their turn: the

ppus and Marcellus had played their part for Caesar’s heir and served their turn: they departed to die in peace. Lepidus’ bro

erate Caesar’s ostensible political heirs and the declared enemies of their own class. The older men were dead, dishonoured o

s policy. The Triumvirs had expelled from Italy not only the nobiles, their political enemies, but their victims as well, men

xpelled from Italy not only the nobiles, their political enemies, but their victims as well, men of substance and repute from

two of them at least, having passed over to the Liberators, curtailed their own survival. 4 Few men indeed who already belo

new generation of marshals enters the field, almost all non-Latin in their nomenclature. Some had held independent command u

ius Piso (Tacitus, Ann. 2, 43). For the coinage of the Liberators and their lieutenants, cf. BMC, R. Rep. 11, 471 ff. 2 Abo

of success, but did not survive. Saxa and Fango were to be cut off in their prime, cheated of the consulate; Octavius the Mar

the rulers of Rome but, as sole and sufficient proof, the presence of their names upon the Fasti. 7 The Antonians Decidius,

1 Which is appropriate, given the rarity and non-Latin termination of their family names. But the Antonians were not the wors

aly in winter or even in summer, but to occupy the time by organizing their resources and raising more money: so several mont

ia. Brutus and Cassius met again at Ephesus. In the late summer of 42 their armies passed the Hellespont, nineteen legions an

ight wing, Cassius on the left. They had leisure to unite and fortify their front. Then Antonius arrived. Working his way t

in which the advantage gradually passed to the Caesarians. Otherwise their situation was desperate, for on the day of the fi

should try the fortune of battle again. Moreover, eastern princes and their levies were deserting. Brutus gave way at last.

n Rome or commanded the armies that destroyed the Republic along with their new allies and peers in rank, Ventidius and Carri

simorum virorum fuit. ’ PageBook=>206 Livius Drusus. 1 Brutus, their own leader, took his own life. Virtus had proved

s until the end. 7 The rest of them, irreconcilable or hopeless, made their escape and joined the admirals of the Republic, M

or ten years. The Caesarian leaders now had to satisfy the demands of their soldiers for land and money. Octavianus was to re

r cities in alarm joined the ranks of discontent. Owners of land with their families flocked to Rome, suppliant and vocal. 3

fought for the Marian cause against Sulla. Now a new Sulla shattered their strength and broke their spirit. From Lepidus,

use against Sulla. Now a new Sulla shattered their strength and broke their spirit. From Lepidus, his triumviral colleague,

orse. The sentiments of the soldiery veered round to Octavianus where their interests clearly lay. Octavianus, for his part,

take charge of that region. Even if Salvidienus returned in time and their combined armies succeeded in dealing with L. Anto

is brother, and his soldiers inscribed the name of Marcus Antonius as their imperator upon their sling-bullets; 1 those of th

oldiers inscribed the name of Marcus Antonius as their imperator upon their sling-bullets; 1 those of the besiegers bore appe

ppa and Salvidienus at Fulginiae, less than twenty miles from Perusia their fire-signals could be seen by the besieged. Venti

a more potent factor than the doubts and dissensions of the generals their soldiers had an acute perception of their own int

dissensions of the generals their soldiers had an acute perception of their own interests as well as a strong distaste for wa

calve peristi | C. Caesarus victoria. ’ 3 Martial (11, 20) praises their ‘Romana simplicitas’, quoting examples that are q

f distinction had espoused the cause of liberty and the protection of their own estates. It may be supposed that the escape o

of the war the men of Nursia set an inscription which proclaimed that their dead had fallen fighting for freedom. Octavianu

in arms of the young Caesar, his coeval Agrippa and Salvidienus Rufus their senior had triumphed over all hazards. Confronted

enus Rufus their senior had triumphed over all hazards. Confronted by their vigour and resolution, the most eminent and the m

foreign enemy had supervened. The Parthians, with Roman renegades in their company, poured into Syria and reduced the govern

ot be necessary to repeat Plutarch’s dramatic and romantic account of their confrontation. 4 Appian, BC 5, 7, 31; Martial 1

e again, however, the Caesarian legions bent the Caesarian leaders to their will and saved the lives of Roman citizens. They

ens. They refused to fight. On each side deputations of soldiers made their wishes known. 1 Tentative negotiations followed.

nt, a friend of Antonius but acceptable to the other party. 2 Under their auspices a full settlement was reached. 3 The Tri

the boundary between the provinces of Illyricum and Macedonia, formed their frontier by land. To the inferior Lepidus the dyn

ope of concord at last. The reconciled leaders, escorted by some of their prominent adherents, made their way to Rome. Of A

conciled leaders, escorted by some of their prominent adherents, made their way to Rome. Of Antonius’ men, the Republican Ahe

rned of the danger that had menaced him. In a moment of confidence in their new alliance, Antonius revealed the treachery of

us. After Philippi, Valerius Messalla, Bibulus and others transferred their allegiance to Antonius, who, though a Caesarian,

ervice under Antonius and remained with him until they recognized, to their own salvation, the better cause ‘meliora et utili

stood some forty legions diverse in history and origin but united by their appetite for bounties and lands. Octavianus was g

rvile in origin, lacked any right or status: they were handed over to their former masters or, failing such, impaled. Certain

marshals, in so far as definitely attested, were the first members of their families to acquire senatorial rank. The admirabl

6 B.C.) and P. Sulpicius Quirinius (cos. 12 B.C), were perhaps making their début in Octavianus’ service about this time. 4

. In the Bellum Siculum no Metelli, Scipiones or Marcelli had revived their family laurels and the memory of victories over a

hem from following a revolutionary leader or taking up an ally not of their own class, from ambition or for survival in a dan

B.C. (Nepos, Vita Attici 12, 2). PageBook=>239 remunerated for their daring and their foresight. As yet they were co

Attici 12, 2). PageBook=>239 remunerated for their daring and their foresight. As yet they were conspicuous by thei

r their daring and their foresight. As yet they were conspicuous by their rarity. The vanquished of Philippi and of Perusia

le faction among the aristocracy. The nobiles would attract others of their own rank and many a humbler snob or time-server a

civil dissensions, the tribes of the mountainous hinterland extended their depredations and ravaged northern Italy, Istria a

dominant in every order of society, were in no way disposed to share their new privileges or welcome intruders. In a Senate

not wealth as well, to the Triumvirs; and a mass of Roman knights, by their incorporation in that order, reinforced the bond

corded to his centurions on discharge the rank of town-councillors in their municipia. 1 Hence certain symptoms of consolidat

sular families. There remain twenty-five men, the earliest consuls of their respective families (not all, of course, sons of

suls and the front ranks of the Senate regained even the semblance of their traditional distinction. New and alien names we

heir traditional distinction. New and alien names were prominent in their place, Etruscan or Umbrian, Picene or Lucanian. 4

nt of Cornificius. It would have been vain to point in extenuation to their valour in war, to urge that many of the upstarts

ion to their valour in war, to urge that many of the upstarts derived their origin from ancient families among the aristocrac

litary despotism. Among the earliest consuls, Plancus and Pollio made their way as commanders of armies and as diplomats. 4

Neither Brutus nor Calvus found Cicero firm and masculine enough for their taste. 3 Of those great exemplars none had surv

s none had survived; and they left few enough to inherit or propagate their fame. Pomp and harmony of language, artful variat

argument and ample development of theme would scarcely have retained their hold upon a generation that had lost leisure and

tion that had lost leisure and illusions and took no pains to conceal their departure. But a direct, not to say hard and truc

of Calvus and Catullus, and in speeches and poetry reproduced some of their Republican vigour and independence, little of the

eproduced some of their Republican vigour and independence, little of their grace. His style was dry and harsh, carrying avoi

lly maintained by the aristocracy to intimidate the people, to assert their own domination and to reinforce the fabric of the

ow far Atticus and Balbus, who still lived on without public signs of their existence, were susceptible to such an appeal mig

rtable theme. Oppius and Balbus came forward to protect the memory of their friend and patron. 1 Nor was Sallustius unmindful

, assuming for themselves the names or attributes of gods, and ruling their diverse kingdoms with the hazardous support of me

s they were called, possessed a common doctrine and technique: it was their ambition to renovate Latin poetry and extend its

ked in lampoon and invective the dynast Pompeius, his ally Caesar and their creature Vatinius. With Caesar reconciliation was

possible, but hardly with Pompeius. Cornificius, Cinna, and others of their friends were found on Caesar’s side when war came

were found on Caesar’s side when war came. 1 The men were dead, and their fashion of poetry lost favour rapidly. Young Prop

d, once enlisted in his defence, might escape from control, terrorize their neighbourhood and defy the government. After the

be annulled. 3 The Caesarian soldiers were tumultuous from pride in their exploits, conscious that by their support the gov

diers were tumultuous from pride in their exploits, conscious that by their support the government stood or fell. Grave mutin

of the beneficiaries of the proscriptions, newly acquired along with their wealth and status, assumed the form of a dislike

ed astrologers and magicians from Rome,3 that was only a testimony to their power, an attempt of the government to monopolize

ave men and the true had perished: the survivors were willing to make their peace with the new order, some in resignation, ot

coercion of the governing class and the abolition of active politics: their sentiments concerning state and society did not n

trarchs and petty tyrants abode loyalty, not to Rome, but to Pompeius their patron, whose cause suddenly revived when young L

rators Hybreas of Mylasa and Zeno of Laodicea, took up arms to defend their cities ; 5 and a brigand called Cleon, born in

inherited estates or the fruits of mercantile operations, dynastic in their own right. Caesar did his best to equal or usur

, retained title and throne. 3 In the eastern lands many Julii reveal their patron by their names, despots great and small or

and throne. 3 In the eastern lands many Julii reveal their patron by their names, despots great and small or leading men in

heir patron by their names, despots great and small or leading men in their own cities and influential outside them. 4 Domina

cities of Asia might hope to enter the Senate of Rome, take rank with their peers from Italy and the western provinces and bl

h the command of Antonius’ Balkan army, has not been recorded. From their base in Armenia the legions began their long marc

has not been recorded. From their base in Armenia the legions began their long march to Phraaspa, the capital city of Media

o retreat. The winter was upon him. Worn by privations and harried on their slow march by the Parthians, the legions struggle

aken up for propaganda and the survivors were not loath to exaggerate their sufferings for political advantage, to the discre

ggerate their sufferings for political advantage, to the discredit of their old general. 2 Antonius was delayed in the next

now on good terms, for Mede and Parthian had at once quarrelled after their victory. NotesPage=>265 1 Velleius 2, 82,

eady there: let them remain, the instruments of Roman domination. Not their strength, but their weakness, fomented danger and

remain, the instruments of Roman domination. Not their strength, but their weakness, fomented danger and embarrassment to Ro

eeting Dionysus, for the blessing of Asia, so one account goes; 1 and their union has been represented as a ‘sacred marriage’

. 4 Antonius consigned the statement of his acta and the demand for their ratification to a document which he dispatched be

discussed here. On the one hand, the Triumvirs could continue to hold their powers after the date fixed for their expiry, as

riumvirs could continue to hold their powers after the date fixed for their expiry, as in 37 B.C. This was what Antonius did

rs from the towns of Italy Caesarian veterans, personal adherents and their armed bands. Returning to Rome, on his own initia

man. PageBook=>281 able to retain all his partisans or prevent their adhesion to Octavianus. Nor were Republicans and

nce or by the diplomatic arts of the new master of Italy, had changed their allegiance on a calculation of interest, or prefe

3, 1 ff.; Velleius 2, 83. Dio is not very explicit about the cause of their desertion πρoσκρʋúσαντέϛ τι αὐτῷἐκεῖνʋι ἤ καὶ τῇ

ts or diplomatic marshals, whose political judgement was sharper than their sense of personal obligation, may have departed i

any recalcitrant communities, would pay the price in confiscation of their lands when the war was over. 2 In the constitut

, not least the dynastic house of the patrician Claudii, had enhanced their power by inducing men of repute and substance in

city to form a nation. The Italian peoples did not yet regard Rome as their own capital, for the memory of old feuds and rece

a deception. Etruria, Picenum and the Samnite country could remember their conquest by Sulla and by the Pompeii: that was a

ugh many of the veterans had served under Antonius, they had received their lands from his rival, regarded Caesar’s heir as t

ey had received their lands from his rival, regarded Caesar’s heir as their patron and defender and were firmly attached to h

firmly attached to his clientela. For the rest, local dynasts exerted their influence to induce the municipal senates to pass

e the municipal senates to pass patriotic resolutions; they persuaded their neighbours, they bribed or bullied their dependen

resolutions; they persuaded their neighbours, they bribed or bullied their dependents, just as that wholly admirable charact

power at the expense of absent enemies and establishing a claim upon their estates. Many regions were under the control of O

t;291 Those who were not deceived by the artifices of Octavianus or their own emotions might be impelled by certain melanch

contra maledicta Antonii. PageBook=>292 severed his amicitia, their feud was private and personal. But if Antonius st

es and Corduba. 2 Old Balbus and his nephew were all but monarchic in their native Gades; it may be presumed that the wealthy

communications. The fleet and the army were tied to each other. For their combined needs, Antonius abandoned the Albanian c

us might not need to appeal to the legions to stand in battle against their kinsmen. He might be able to employ sea-power wit

erience of naval warfare. The admirals of Octavianus were schooled by their many defeats, invigorated by their final success

als of Octavianus were schooled by their many defeats, invigorated by their final success in the Sicilian War. Octavianus d

tinous. Octavianus crossed the wintry seas to Brundisium and appeased their demands. 3 Warfare would provide occupation for

tions. Sosius survived Actium; young Furnius and young Metellus saved their fathers; 6 M. Aemilius Scaurus, the half-brother

make his dispositions in the East. The vassal princes, well aware of their own weakness, were unswervingly loyal to Roman au

lientela. 6 As heir to the power of Antonius in the East he confirmed their titles when he did not augment their territories.

ntonius in the East he confirmed their titles when he did not augment their territories. It had been an essential part of his

on such apprehensions. Once aroused they would be difficult to allay: their echo could still be heard. Horace produces a divi

e attempts of earlier statesmen had been baulked by fate—or rather by their own ambition, inadequacy or dishonesty. Sulla est

vern, in appearance unhindered. Some would have military provinces in their charge, about which due foresight would be exerci

of the Republic had commonly been called principes, in recognition of their authority or their power. 1 The name was not alwa

commonly been called principes, in recognition of their authority or their power. 1 The name was not always given in praise,

e, People and magistrates were to resume the rightful exercise of all their functions. Three days later the Senate again me

ustus did not take all the legions: three proconsuls had armies under their command, the governors of Illyricum, Macedonia an

. The civil wars were over, but the Empire had not yet recovered from their ravages. Spain, a vast land, had not been properl

champion of constitutional propriety might be constrained to concede their necessity. 1 If the grant of extended imperium in

proscribing the Republicans: in his mature years the statesman stole their heroes and their vocabulary. Livy was moved to

Republicans: in his mature years the statesman stole their heroes and their vocabulary. Livy was moved to grave doubts—was

2 But any official cult of Cicero was an irony to men who recalled in their own experience—it was not long ago—the political

gustus. 1 That is an anachronism: the theorists of antiquity situated their social and political Utopias in the past, not in

ela. He fed them with doles, amused them with games and claimed to be their protector against oppression. Free elections retu

d and devoted garrisons. Towns in Italy and the provinces knew him as their founder or their patron, kings, tetrarchs and dyn

risons. Towns in Italy and the provinces knew him as their founder or their patron, kings, tetrarchs and dynasts over the wid

th Syria went the small adjuncts of Cyprus and Cilicia Campestris); 1 their garrison was a great army of twenty legions or mo

had governed vast provinces as proconsuls, who had fought wars under their own auspices and had celebrated triumphs would co

rsica. PageBook=>329 These regions were far from peaceful, but their garrison was kept small in size, perhaps some fiv

legates are uncertain; 2 none of the others had consular ancestors—if their parents were senatorial at all, they were obscure

would require yet deeper foundations. The provinces must be pacified, their frontiers secured and extended, their resources a

The provinces must be pacified, their frontiers secured and extended, their resources assessed and taxed; there were veterans

e of Roman arms; and in the confusion of the Civil Wars they extended their raids and their domination southwards over certai

and in the confusion of the Civil Wars they extended their raids and their domination southwards over certain of the more hi

us in Ulterior)5 dealt with the Asturians by a convergent invasion of their territory. Official interpretation hailed the com

captured when evading arrest, and put to death. The Senate sanctioned their doom by its publica auctoritas. 1 The truth of

state papers to the consul Piso, to Agrippa his signet-ring. 2 Under their direction the government could have continued for

n of the Odes of Horace. 1 The chief men of the Caesarian party had their own reasons. If Caesar’s heir perished by disease

ere might come again, as when Caesar the Dictator fell, dissension in their ranks, ending in civil war and ruin for Rome. P

ne for life, in 30 B.C. certain powers in law. No trace hitherto of their employment. 3 It was not until this year that the

scribed as magisterial, an impression which was carefully conveyed by their definition to a period of years. The assumption o

described, the arguments indicated which might have been invoked for their public and plausible justification, Words and phr

arfare in the senatorial provinces. But now, as though to demonstrate their independence, proconsuls of Africa were permitted

nts. In the previous winter flood, famine and pestilence had spread their ravages, producing riots in Rome and popular clam

d in full measure the statecraft of houses that held power in Rome of their own right, the Claudii and the Livii. She exploit

e leadership of his party Agrippa and other party-magnates would have their word to say about that. Two different conceptions

people might acclaim him in the theatre, in cheerful subservience to their new rulers, or boisterously, as though towards a

grim upstart, the ruthless instrument of the tyranny that had usurped their privileges and their power. M. Vipsanius Agrippa

hless instrument of the tyranny that had usurped their privileges and their power. M. Vipsanius Agrippa was a better Republic

im, he was constrained to stifle his sentiments. What they thought of their common taskmaster was never recorded. The novus h

rogant, they were the very reverse of exclusive, recalling with pride their alien origin. In politics the Claudii, far from b

e Republic perished, three dynasts divided and ruled the Roman world: their ambitions and their dissensions broke the compact

three dynasts divided and ruled the Roman world: their ambitions and their dissensions broke the compact and inaugurated the

ly’s leader in the War of Actium, most of them with scorn and hate in their hearts yet from the salutary compulsion to derive

ast. As soon as a census came they would forfeit it, if they had lost their fortunes. After Actium certain cities of Italy we

ies of Italy were punished for Antonian sympathies by confiscation of their lands for the benefit of the veterans. 2 The esta

obably belonged to the deplorable class of senators unable to keep up their station. For the rest, the high assembly now disc

e, acclaimed in public and hated in secret. A sufficient company of their peers was spared for further honours and emolumen

economy of Italy. The speculators and the bankers who supported with their funds, willing or constrained, the coup d’état an

ition of profiteers, invoking the law and the constitution to protect their fortunes. So far indeed from there being reaction

ed the Roman Republic: none the less, when offered some prospect that their aspirations for land and security would be recogn

le politicians, disarm generals and avert bloodshed. In possession of their farms, the veterans were now the strongest pillar

ies in Italy and a large number in the provinces honoured Augustus as their patron and their defender. 2 In the year 29 B.C

a large number in the provinces honoured Augustus as their patron and their defender. 2 In the year 29 B.C., about the time

fewer than one hundred and twenty thousand men received the bounty of their leader. This unofficial army of civic order was s

that in time knights were willing to divest themselves temporarily of their rank to become centurions. 2 The equestrian ord

volution, by purchasing the lands of the proscribed. Their number and their gains must have been very great: during Octavianu

ring Octavianus’ preparations before Actium special taxation provoked their resistance. The freedman Isidorus declared in his

llion sesterces in ready cash, to say nothing of slaves and cattle in their thousands. The funeral of this person cost a mill

d designated victims of the capital levy. Though momentarily thinned, their ranks were soon augmented by a surge of successfu

successful speculators. But Augustus did not suffer them to return to their old games. The great companies of publicani die o

expressed by the sons of knights themselves, sublime or outrageous in their snobbery. One of them derided L. Aelius Seianus a

y and service would ultimately bring the consulate and ennoblement of their families for ever. In brief, Augustus’ design w

nd subservient to power. Their manner and habit of speech was rustic, their alien names a mockery to the aristocracy of Rome,

a long line of local magnates, bound by ties of blood and marriage to their peers in other towns, and desperately proud of bi

before in the Senate or even at Rome. They were the first senators of their families, sometimes the last, with no prospect of

iar than these now emerge from municipal status, maintain and augment their dignity and become a part of imperial history. M.

thers already had gone farther, securing from Augustus ennoblement of their families. In the forefront the military men, carr

ry few new names, save for a Passienus and a Caecina, unmistakable in their non-Latin termination. 5 In the last years, howev

e. Quite early in the Principate five or six men appear to have begun their senatorial career, coming from the towns of Veron

by creating an official career for Roman knights and by facilitating their entry to the Senate. The concordia ordinum thus a

ilies, whether in the Senate or not, all alike now looking to Rome as their capital, to the Princeps as their patron and defe

t, all alike now looking to Rome as their capital, to the Princeps as their patron and defender. The towns of Italy contrib

in the equestrian service. 1 Further, he devised a scheme for making their influence felt in Rome town councillors were to c

for making their influence felt in Rome town councillors were to cast their votes in absence for candidates at Roman election

litical science, especially by such as take the rule of the People as their ideal. The Romans, who distrusted democracy, were

sar and of Augustus. In granting the Roman franchise and in spreading their clientela, those rulers inherited the dynastic de

Nor was it for reasons of theory that Caesar and Augustus attached to their party and promoted to the Senate the aristocracy

tied classes in the towns of the Empire, east and west, stood firm by their protector. The vassal kings, though still in name

bonensian rulers. Augustus will hardly have desired or sought to stem their steady advance. Augustus, it is commonly held,

distinction. Caesar and Tiberius, the Julian and the Claudian, knew their own class better and knew its failings. His nam

ation of civil wars: the sons of the slain were found willing to make their peace with the military dynast. Augustus bent a

tions of honour and emolument in the senatorial career, dispensing to their adherents magistracies, priesthoods and provincia

constitution the political dynasts dealt out offices and commands to their partisans. The dynasts had destroyed the Republic

themselves, down to the last survivor, Caesar’s heir. Engrossing all their power and all their patronage, he conveniently re

the last survivor, Caesar’s heir. Engrossing all their power and all their patronage, he conveniently revived the Republic t

m of election. Fed by the bounty and flattered by the magnificence of their champion, the plebs of Rome knew how they were ex

nasts were temperate. Then after the Pact of Brundisium the nature of their revolutionary rule shows itself clearly on the Fa

y two novi homines appear on the Fasti, both with military service to their credit, as against eleven nobiles. 1 Conspicuous

arded and governed as separate provinces; many of them by the size of their armies already called for legates of consular sta

our or five large commands already existed. 4 It was some time before their number increased through division of provinces, t

Eloquence and the study of the law (‘illustres domi artes’) ennobled their adepts. NotesPage=>374 1 Tacitus, Ann. 1,

inated the field: Gallus and Messallinus recalled but could not rival their parents. Paullus Fabius Maximus, of varied and pe

vi homines, worthy heirs of the revolutionary marshals, could show to their credit service in the military provinces before t

They were not all trusted: yet he could not deny them the consulate, their birthright. So Iullus Antonius, the younger son o

hen they would hardly be able to induce the soldiers to march against their patron and imperator. Augustus both created new

ed from poverty and restored by subsidy to the station and dignity of their ancestors. After long lapse of ages shine forth o

ries, remembered old ties of kinship and furbished up the imagines of their ancestors, genuine or supposed. 2 Clients or dist

this age hangs the veil of a dubious authenticity, penetrated only by their contemporaries. Messalla raised vigorous and publ

the nobility could not compete. Even if lucky enough to have retained their ancestral estates, they were now deprived of the

or meritorious novi homines, enabling them to preserve the dignity of their station and propagate their families. In the year

enabling them to preserve the dignity of their station and propagate their families. In the year A.D. 4 he thus augmented

ion or for political success. From cult and ritual the priests turned their energies to intrigue or portentous banquets. 9

great soldiers and politicians there was still a place for nobles in their own right, without special or public merit. 7 T

Caesarian party attained to the consulate and dispensed patronage in their turn, open or secret. Tiberius, being the head of

and influence followed traditional devices and secured promotion for their friends and their adherents, bringing young men o

lowed traditional devices and secured promotion for their friends and their adherents, bringing young men of respectable fami

in the Principate of Augustus, but not always clearly discernible in their working. Political competition was sterilized a

at, but for another purpose, the solemn and ostensible restoration of their ancient dignity. XXVI. THE GOVERNMENT PageBoo

. Augustus controlled the consulars as well as the consuls, diverting their energies and their leisure from intrigue and viol

ed the consulars as well as the consuls, diverting their energies and their leisure from intrigue and violence to the service

from private ambition and personal feuds, from incompetence and from their very paucity. In December of 43 B.C. there were o

quence. By the year of Pollio, at the time of the Pact of Brundisium, their total and their prestige had sunk still further e

ear of Pollio, at the time of the Pact of Brundisium, their total and their prestige had sunk still further except for the dy

Augustus and his subordinates could show a stupendous achievement to their credit. The outcome of the crisis of 23 B.C. fu

n and provincial colonies. Fresh material and a better tradition took their place. Augustus in the same year promulgated re

historical record: the two Claudii, the stepsons of the Princeps, had their martial exploits commemorated by a contemporary p

e State, Augustus and history have paid scant requital; the record of their achievements has been defaced and obliterated.

nors, being legally independent of the Princeps, conducted wars under their own auspices. But the Senate lost the other two a

way his especial favourites, Tiberius and Drusus, commanded armies in their twenties. Patronage was justified in its results

f intrigue and corruption. Noble families enlisted whole provinces in their clientela and sought to exercise hereditary right

a prolonged and deadening course of professional training. They kept their heads clear for decision and for action. Where na

escribed by Sallust (BC 45, 2) as ‘homines militares’. Rightly so, as their careers demonstrate. On Q. Marcius Crispus, cf. a

litary achievements of his rule should be glorified at the expense of their real but subordinate authors. Many important mili

conquest of Illyricum and the invasions of Germany. Other generals in their turn would have commanded in the north. Moreove

manded in the north. Moreover a large number of legionary soldiers, their service expired, were dismissed in the years 7-2

re novi homines, next to Agrippa and Taurus the most distinguished of their class, namely Lollius, Quirinius and Vinicius, al

s, and in time even an edict forbidding senators to admit soldiers to their morning receptions. 7 NotesPage=>404 1 Dio

at, nothing more. Domitius and Titius were the last commoners to give their names to cities, and that was in far Cilicia. N

command in Spain. The earlier class of provincial magnates recall by their gentilicia the proconsuls who gave them the franc

nsis). 2 Caesar’s law about the colony of Urso forbids senators and their sons from becoming patroni (ILS 6087, c. 130). Th

ncipat des Augustus (1935), 93 ff. There can hardly be any doubt that their powers were developed and used, though not freque

the feelings of the senators, avoid surprises and shocks each way in their reciprocal dealings, and gently prepare the way f

ns. The mechanical choice by lot of a small council of senators and their inevitable impermanence, restricted as they were

ther bodies, which kept and left no written records. Their existence, their character and their composition must be deduced f

ept and left no written records. Their existence, their character and their composition must be deduced from the relations be

educed from the relations between the Princeps and the State and from their effects as revealed in the course of events: it w

at in dignity and power surpassed many magistracies or proconsulates; their importance increased steadily as the reign drew t

e new posts in the city of Rome; and knights as well as senators have their place in the different councils of state. Roman k

senatorial rank. Others, like the modest Proculeius, remained within their station. The greatest of all was Maecenas. After

authentic record of such momentous transactions was ever published by their agents. Contemporary rumour and subsequent dedu

t. The moral programme of the New State was designed to keep women in their place: the name of Livia is never mentioned by an

restoration of the Republic, with rival candidates already asserting their claims to monarchy. The provincial armies elevate

ugustus expressed his prayer that they should inherit his position in their turn. 2 That was too much. Tiberius and Drusus

tolerate the rule of monarchy more easily than the primacy of one of their own number. Augustus knew it. The ambition of the

than the Roman State, dynastic and even regal in ancestry), regarded their obligations to Rome in the personal light of thei

ncestry), regarded their obligations to Rome in the personal light of their own ambitions. The Republic had served their ends

in the personal light of their own ambitions. The Republic had served their ends, why not the Monarchy? The most sincere or m

m proximi’. 2 Too much, perhaps, to hope for the power themselves but their descendants might have a chance or a portion. The

PageBook=>421 But with Augustus dying before his sons attained their majority, a Council of Regency, open or secret, w

is father was the great Republican admiral. The Aemilii perpetuated their old political alliance with the Caesarian cause,

nd M. Aemilius Lepidus (cos, A.D. 6), attained the distinction due to their family and their mother’s prayers, but not with e

pidus (cos, A.D. 6), attained the distinction due to their family and their mother’s prayers, but not with equal fortune. 1 T

us, genealogical claims may be tenuous or dubious. These Plautii have their mausoleum near Tibur (ILS 921, &c). PageBoo

al servants of whatever happened to be the government of Rome now had their turn for nine years. Livia waited and worked for

unhindered succession to the throne of Gaius and Lucius. To this end their mother served merely as an instrument. There may

ns who had not committed themselves too deeply were quick to transfer their adherence openly to the prospective Princeps; and

s, cos. 22 B.C. (PIR2, A 1129); his son, cos. A.D. 6 (ib., 1130). For their Pompeian connexions, which help to explain their

. 6 (ib., 1130). For their Pompeian connexions, which help to explain their prominence, cf. above, p. 425. 3 See above, p.

ead, decrepit or retired, giving place to another generation, but not their own sons the young men inherited nobility, that w

ls, began a military career, commanding the army of the Balkans after their praetorships; 2 they received the consulate but n

ed of the nobiles, the rivals and equals of Tiberius, could hope that their sons would govern provinces with legionary armies

ssimi moris’ (cos. A.D. 3). 3 The laudatory labels of Velleius tell their own story. The names of consuls and legates, a bl

In the background, however, stand certain noble houses which, for all their social eminence, do not seem to have been implica

and utterances. On the other hand his enemies were alert to prosecute their advantage. Tiberius Caesar had the power they wou

ization of Greece originally roused the Romans to become conscious of their own individual character as a people. While they

ok over and assimilated all that the Hellenes could give, they shaped their history, their traditions and their concept of wh

imilated all that the Hellenes could give, they shaped their history, their traditions and their concept of what was Roman in

Hellenes could give, they shaped their history, their traditions and their concept of what was Roman in deliberate oppositio

nec tempora pono: imperium sine fine dedi. 1 The Greeks might have their Alexander it was glorious, but it was not Empire.

tern lands, the successors of the Macedonian; and they had subdued to their rule nations more intractable than the conqueror

rincipal actors of the tragedy had little of the traditional Roman in their character. Augustus paid especial honour to the g

newly enriched who aped the extravagances of the aristocracy without their ancestral excuse or their saving qualities. Soo

he extravagances of the aristocracy without their ancestral excuse or their saving qualities. Soon after Actium Augustus ap

the arts. They were formidable and independent, retaining control of their own property in marriage. The emancipation of wom

f women had its reaction upon the men, who, instead of a partner from their own class, preferred alliance with a freedwoman,

s severe relegation to the islands and deprivation of a large part of their fortune. The tightening of the matrimonial bond

ustus awarded commissions in the militia equestris to men approved by their towns (perhaps ex-magistrates). 2 The municipia,

the governing class the penalties were in proportion to the duties of their high station. Marriage with freedwomen, though no

ple was to contemplate and imitate the ancient ideals, personified in their betters: but it was to be a purified Roman People

evere restriction upon the freedom of individual owners in liberating their slaves. 5 Yet even freedmen were given corporate

our the generals of ancient days, the builders of empire. 1 He caused their statues, with inscribed record of their deeds, to

ilders of empire. 1 He caused their statues, with inscribed record of their deeds, to be set up in his new Forum, where the t

Q. Remmius Palaemon were noted for the rich return they secured from their vines. 1 But the advocates of the high ideals o

to examine the concepts of economic science, or reveal the manner of their operation. That would be inexpedient. The politic

. No thought of mulcting the rich men of Italy, curbing the growth of their fortunes, or dividing up their monstrous estates

ch men of Italy, curbing the growth of their fortunes, or dividing up their monstrous estates for the benefit of the deservin

ike were stayed and superseded. The rich were in power conspicuous in their serried ranks were hard-headed and hard- faced me

was observed with malicious glee that neither of the consuls who gave their names to the Lex Papia Poppaea had wife or child.

transgressions of his daughter and his granddaughter though in truth their offence was political rather than moral. Nor is i

fe, self-righteous and intolerably moral. The Italian bourgeoisie had their sweet revenge when the New State was erected at t

e New State was erected at the expense of the nobiles, as a result of their feuds and their follies. PageNotes. 453 1 Ode

erected at the expense of the nobiles, as a result of their feuds and their follies. PageNotes. 453 1 Odes 2, 15, 10 ff.

ssors in the dynasty of the Julii and Claudii. Opulent families spent their substance in ostentation or perished through ambi

ines from the towns of Italy, and especially from the provinces, took their place, the rigour of whose parsimony was not rela

er towns in Spain and Gallia Narbonensis that soon might send to Rome their local aristocrats, well trained in ‘provincialis

ture. The frequency of legionary recruits giving Transpadane towns as their domicile is easily explained numerous tribes of a

to its hereditary traditions of service; and the men of property, in their own interest and for their own defence, were made

ns of service; and the men of property, in their own interest and for their own defence, were made to understand that wealth

in politics, the other classes were susceptible to auctoritas, taking their tone and their tastes from above. Political invec

e other classes were susceptible to auctoritas, taking their tone and their tastes from above. Political invective was vigoro

iberty; but it does not follow that the poets and historians who lent their talent to the glorification of the new order in s

rmy, less acceptable to the Senate. If the later books of Livy with their record of recent and contemporary history had bee

verything to gain from the new order. Both Virgil and Horace had lost their paternal estates in the confiscations that follow

ippi or the disorders of the Perusine War: they subsequently regained their property, or at least compensation. History does

of the pacific and non-political order in society. On the other hand, their genius was not the creation of the Augustan Princ

ssive, were far from being revolutionaries. In many respects, indeed, their outlook was notably old-fashioned and traditional

pper and middle classes of a regenerated society. Their influence and their example would cause the lessons of patriotism and

ow public baths as well. But complaints were rare. The poor expressed their gratitude by crowding to the Capitol on the first

ated on war and peace, where generals offered prayers before going to their armies or thanksgiving when returning from succes

stood the mailed statues of military men with the inscribed record of their res gestae, from Aeneas and Romulus in the beginn

hil. 5, 43. PageBook=>472 Perusia, Philippi and Actium all had their portents. With victory, the flood of miracles and

que tuum per numen ponimus aras. 1 In Rome the magistri vicorum had their altars; likewise throughout Italy and in Roman to

inscription rendering them the honours due to heroes and anticipating their rule: nam quom te, Caesar, tem[pus] exposcet deum

rather, the towns in sedulous loyalty imitated for the expression of their own sentiments the themes and forms made standard

ording the cardinal virtues of Augustus. 1 Many loyal towns possessed their own copies of the Fasti consulares and of the off

inherited from the dynasts Pompeius, Antonius and Caesar, along with their clientela, the homage they enjoyed. Caesar accept

bove, p. 30. PageBook=>474 not only do cities compete, pouring their cascades of dithyrambic prose, as Sardis in inord

ed with which kings, tetrarchs and petty tyrants promoted the cult of their patron, friend and master. They gave cities his n

king of Judaea. 6 In the East, Roman citizens joined with Greeks in their worship of Augustus as a god. The West was differ

s where deputies from the peoples of Comata could gather and manifest their loyalty. 7 PageNotes. 474 1 IGRR IV, 1756.

or dealing with cases of extortion. Moreover, the provincials through their concilia possessed an organ for voicing complaint

hrough their concilia possessed an organ for voicing complaints about their rulers or making representations to the Princeps.

ns to the Princeps. How far they deemed it safe or expedient to exert their rights, if such they were, is another question. T

nd opinions. Certain of the towns of Italy and the West took pride in their Republican traditions. On the whole, a harmless p

isloyalist; 3 while Patavium and Auximum harboured conspirators among their citizens. 4 Like the army, the plebs of Rome su

Too prudent or too grateful to attack Augustus, the plebs could visit their disfavour on the more unpopular of his partisans.

eBook=>479 Augustus, the patronus of the plebs, could answer for their good behaviour. Disturbances broke out during h

ble or unwilling to overthrow the New State that had been built up at their expense. They had no illusions about it and they

ds was elevated into a fine art, and desperate wits preferred to risk their heads rather than forego a jest. 3 For Augustus

ations, but Augustus reassured him, pointing to the real impotence of their enemies. 4 The strength of Augustus’ position whe

e possit. ’ PageBook=>482 These outbursts of liberty flattered their authors without alarming the government; and men

friends: a trial might be the occasion either of a direct attack upon their persons or for occasional and apparently spontane

They were roughly handled by the prosecution. Augustus intervened on their side, with salutary rebuke of their enemies. 3 Au

osecution. Augustus intervened on their side, with salutary rebuke of their enemies. 3 Augustus did not forget his friends an

und much to criticize. Certain politicians had not delayed to produce their memoirs: it may be presumed that they were not al

assured Augustus that the envy incurred by the great ones of earth in their lifetime is silenced in death, being converted in

r, were succeeded by rulers who had an interest in the deification of their own predecessors. Death or disgrace delivered up

in Juvenal’s day, and they mattered not at all. The Empire had broken their power and their spirit. The satirist did not dare

, and they mattered not at all. The Empire had broken their power and their spirit. The satirist did not dare to deride the n

ntment of the Roman aristocracy and reveals the causes and tragedy of their decadence. The nobiles have not spoken themselves

no more triumphs after war, no more roads, temples and towns named in their honour and commemorating the glory of the great h

Dictatorships the old families, especially the patricians, marshalled their resources and tightened their alliances. Thus did

, especially the patricians, marshalled their resources and tightened their alliances. Thus did Servilia work for her family,

them it had been hard enough to preserve and perpetuate the glory of their state in times of civil peace. The Revolution mad

s, Sulla, Pompeius and Caesar, engross the stage of history, imposing their names, as families had done in happier days, upon

n happier days, upon a period or a government. In the background lurk their allies or their rivals, certain great houses or p

upon a period or a government. In the background lurk their allies or their rivals, certain great houses or permanent faction

wer had passed to the Metelli. Both houses waned before the Julii and their allies. The Metelli had backed Sulla: they made a

onsul of the ancient patrician house of the Scipiones. Their name and their mausoleum passed to another branch of the patrici

istinguished partisan of Caesar the Dictator. PageNotes. 491 1 On their burial-place, cf. Mommsen in CIL 12, p. 376. Pa

eat jurist, endured down to Nero. 3 Certain noble families, showing their last consuls in the age of Pompeius, became extin

Princeps won unhappy prominence. Their morals were impugned: it was their name or their ambition that ruined them. Two youn

nhappy prominence. Their morals were impugned: it was their name or their ambition that ruined them. Two young patricians,

es of the Julii, the Aemilii, the Antonii and the Domitii perpetuated their compacts and their feuds over the body of the dyi

e Aemilii, the Antonii and the Domitii perpetuated their compacts and their feuds over the body of the dying Republic and und

had defeated the Aemilii and the Antonii: to rule at Rome, he needed their descendants. The heir to his power was a Claudian

me went on, the Julii, the Antonii and the Claudii met and mingled in their successors. Caligula, Claudius and Nero all had A

eir successors. Caligula, Claudius and Nero all had Antonian blood in their veins, Nero from both sides of his family. Nero,

l penalty for the exiguous trickle of the divine blood of Augustus in their veins and enriched the scandalous history of the

nd Pompeius, were still prominent in the first days of the Empire but their direct line did not survive the dynasty of the Ju

eir direct line did not survive the dynasty of the Julii and Claudii, their rivals and social equals. It was fitting that the

The prominence of the Lentuli, threatened for a moment by the fall of their ally Seianus, was shattered by the ruin of Lentul

of Seianus (Tacitus, Ann. 6, 30), reinforcing an earlier link between their families (ILS 8996). The last consular Lentuli we

est of contrasts in fate and duration. Some were unable to perpetuate their name and establish the families which their respl

were unable to perpetuate their name and establish the families which their resplendent fortune could so handsomely have endo

e marshals and admirals of the Triumviral period seldom left heirs to their acquired dignity. The names of Ventidius and Cani

again envelops the unfamiliar names of Carrinas and Laronius. With their disappearance the Fasti become less alien and tru

patrician Fabii; and other novi homines disappear utterly or prolong their family by one generation only. 3 Nor are the ne

and the two Vibii from Larinum are the first and the last consuls of their families. Papius and his colleague in the consula

viral or Augustan novi homines, however, appeared to have established their families securely enough. But good fortune seldom

d their families securely enough. But good fortune seldom accompanied their descendants. The families of two Pompeian partisa

t entirely lack bearers of Augustan consular names to adorn the Fasti their principal use. For all else they were believed a

ics of the aristocracy, rare and portentous from the disappearance of their peers. The family of M. Plautius Silvanus from Ti

wer parts of Italy and the civilized regions of the West prospered in their place. When Claudius proposed to admit to the Rom

ce govern the world for Nero, dispensing patronage and advancement to their friends or fellow countrymen. 2 Agricola, one of

explanation of the decline of the nobiles under the Empire to assert their lack of ability; and much of the hostile testimon

novi homines of Republican days were in the habit of drawing between their own ‘industria’ and the ‘inertia’ of the nobles.

eBook=>505 The nobiles were pushed aside from power, stripped of their estates and steadily thinned by a progressive pro

uragement. Tiberius, however, was insecure. The nobiles suffered from their own ambitions and feuds. It was a temptation to h

as well as political. It was not merely that the Principate engrossed their power and their wealth: worse than that, it stole

ical. It was not merely that the Principate engrossed their power and their wealth: worse than that, it stole their saints an

ate engrossed their power and their wealth: worse than that, it stole their saints and their catchwords. Despotism, enthroned

ir power and their wealth: worse than that, it stole their saints and their catchwords. Despotism, enthroned at Rome, was arr

ment of the process, was sickened when men of his own class abandoned their Roman tradition and behaved like courtiers and fl

enjoyed under the tolerant Principate of Augustus. 2 Discontent with their own times drove them to idealize the past. Under

historians clung tenaciously to the memory of the first beginnings of their art, the record of consulates and triumphs, the e

any more: the aristocracy was degraded and persecuted. The record of their ruin might be instructive it was not a happy task

ndal have preserved a sufficient testimony to unmask the realities of their rule. The halo of their resplendent fortune may d

fficient testimony to unmask the realities of their rule. The halo of their resplendent fortune may dazzle, but it cannot bli

. Vinicius and P. Silius. 2 More good fortune perhaps than merit that their characters should be colourless and innocuous. Th

colourless and innocuous. Their descendants enjoyed power and repute, their enemies kept silence; and the grandson of Viniciu

being on the ‘wrong side’ in politics and profiting at the expense of their betters. The game of traducing the upstart may ha

it rested upon support and subsidy by a military leader, the enemy of their class, acquired in return for the cession of thei

ader, the enemy of their class, acquired in return for the cession of their power and ambition. Pride and pedigree returned:

verty was the extremest of evils. Hence avarice or rapacity to repair their shattered fortunes, and the hope that the Princep

d the hope that the Princeps would provide: Rome owed them a debt for their ancestors. It was paid by the Principate, under p

lissimus vir, amicus meus’. 4 The successful novi homines can stand their ground. Superfluous the effort either to arraign

ke had salvaged honour and fame, yet had done well for themselves and their families. Messalla changed sides, passing to Anto

Velleius 2, 83, 1. Plancus’ memory was unpopular. The Domitii kept up their feud (Suetonius, Nero 4); and Plancina his grandd

labore ad summas emergere opes rerumque potiri. 2 The nobiles, by their ambition and their feuds, had not merely destroye

emergere opes rerumque potiri. 2 The nobiles, by their ambition and their feuds, had not merely destroyed their spurious Re

nobiles, by their ambition and their feuds, had not merely destroyed their spurious Republic: they had ruined the Roman Peop

ceful men of property to be driven into taking sides in a quarrel not their own or mulcted of their lands for the benefit of

be driven into taking sides in a quarrel not their own or mulcted of their lands for the benefit of the legions. That was ov

re inextricably bound up with the New State, being indebted to it for their preservation and standing. As more and more sons

serious-minded person. No danger that they would be challenged to put their ideals into practice. NotesPage=>514 1 ILS

as could be invoked as a catchword against unpopular rulers, to stamp their power as illicit, in a word, as ‘dominatio’, not

ere could be great men still, even under bad emperors, if they abated their ambition, remembered their duty as Romans to the

l, even under bad emperors, if they abated their ambition, remembered their duty as Romans to the Roman People and quietly pr

s from Alexandria paid public observance to him who was the author of their lives, liberty and prosperity. 8 NotesPage=>

als before him, like Sulla and Caesar, had published the narrative of their res gestae or recounted their life, deeds and des

Caesar, had published the narrative of their res gestae or recounted their life, deeds and destiny for glory or for politics

n have fabricated history with such calm audacity. Other generals had their memorial in the trophies, temples or theatres the

their memorial in the trophies, temples or theatres they had erected; their mailed statues and the brief inscribed record of

y had erected; their mailed statues and the brief inscribed record of their public services adorned Augustus’ Forum of Mars U

versions may more easily be surmised than detected. The Res Gestae in their final form were composed early in A.D. 13, along

Augustus, members of his family, and Roman emperors are entered under their conventional or most familiar names. Names of pla

most familiar names. Names of places are included when important for their political allegiance or as the origo of some pers

.; her rapacity, 260, 270; relations with Antonius and the problem of their marriage, 261, 273 f., 277, 280; character and am

s, function of, 259, 271 ff., 300 f., 365 f., 476 f.; status of, 412; their part in the cult of Augustus, 474. Clients, dut

ror, called ‘dux’ by Statius, 312. Domitii, 19, 382, 492, 494, 495; their interest in Gallia Transalpina, 44, 75, 79 f.; fe

. Dux, 288; as used of Augustus, 311 f., 519. Dynasts, political, their habits and activities, 8 f., 15, 26, 38, 250, 315

litical notion, 87, 286. Italici, 86 ff., 94; disliked by Cato, 26; their hatred of Rome, 86 f., 286 f., 359; aristocracy o

end of, 205 f.; on the side of Antonius, 268 f.; descendants of, 492; their memory honoured at Mediolanium, 465, 478. Liber

Mars Ultor, temple and forum of, 449, 470 f., 522. Marsi, 86 f.; their proverbial valour, 86, 287, 449; nomenclature, 93

estation of Agrippa, 344; rancour towards Augustus, 479 ff., 490 ff.; their survival largely fraudulent, 510 f.; vices of, 51

icum, 357, 390, 394, 457. Novi homines, definition, 11; barriers to their advancement, 11, 13, 24, 45, 358, 374; promoted b

, 357 f., 509 f.; rehabilitation of, 511 f.; descendants of, 498 ff.; their steady advance as a historical process, 364 f., 5

87, 392; prerogatives of, 322; loss of prerogatives, 404 f.; need for their moral reform, 442; rivals of Tiberius, 433 f.; in

338 f., 420, 481 ff., 512 ff. Res Gestae, of Augustus, 438, 522 ff.; their literary style, 484. Res publica, a façade, 11