itary adventurer who betrayed and proscribed his ally. The reason for such exceptional favour may be largely assigned to one

own right, exercising a power beyond the reach of many a senator. Of such dominating forces behind the phrases and the faça

ribery, intimidation or rioting, the friendly offices of lowly agents such as influential freedmen were not despised. Above

ance of the general, seeking profit and advancement in their careers, such as the two Metelli (Celer and Nepos) and certain

, pathetically loyal to a leader of whose insincerity he could recall such palpable and painful testimony. The party of the

s the nemesis of ambition and glory, to be thwarted in the end. After such wreckage, the task of rebuilding confronted him,

would soon direct that deadly weapon against one who had used it with such dexterity in the past and who more recently claim

sentative figure in the conspiracy, might lend plausible colouring to such a theory. Yet it is in no way evident that the na

of interest demanded (48 per cent.) was high but not unparalleled in such transactions (SIG3 748, 36): Brutus, invoking the

so spoke. Envious detractors there might be but Balbus, the friend of such eminent citizens, could surely have no enemies. 4

him chief minister of finance in the kingdom. Senators and knights, such was the party of Caesar. With the Roman plebs and

d the topography of the imperial city. 2 The joke is good, if left as such . Gallia Cisalpina still bore the name and statu

ted: he secured senatorial rank or subsequent promotion for partisans such as the orator and intriguer Lollius Palicanus, an

s Taurus? Along with the survivors of the Catonian party, Pompeians such as Q. Ligarius and obscure individuals like D. Tu

then consulted in secret with the chief men of the Caesarian faction, such as Balbus, the Dictator’s secretary and confidant

ation. Many of the charges levelled against the character of Antonius such as unnatural vice or flagrant cowardice are trivi

es of conspicuous ability or the most disinterested patriotism. For such men, the most austere of historians cannot altoge

e; for the short and perilous path that Octavianus intended to tread, such resources would have to be doubled and redoubled.

troy the Caesarian party, first Antonius, then Octavianus. But before such respectable elements could venture openly to advo

ong his supporters certain obscure and perhaps unsavoury individuals, such as Mindius Marcellus, whose father had been activ

senatorial associates and (except for C. Rabirius Postumus) the only such recorded for a long time. What remained of the Ca

elevated principles that were professed, and sometimes followed, with such robust conviction. Piso, a patriotic Roman, did n

rs, as detestable as Antonius. From youth he had revelled in cruelty: such had been his lusts that no modest person could me

r himself and the enslavement of others without invoking libertas and such fair names. 4 In the autumn of 44 B.C. Caesar’s h

mate government comes peace, a cause which all parties professed with such contentious zeal that they were impelled to civil

he public good was supported by the profession of private virtues, if such they should NotesPage=>156 1 Ad Att. 14, 2

esar or Antonius: they had no mind to risk their lives for intriguers such as Plancus or Lepidus, still less for liberty and

ur, decision and authority. ‘We have been let down by the principes’; such was the constant and bitter complaint of Cicero t

ad both Pompeius and Caesar in the past. 2 To contest the validity of such grants was to raise a large question in itself, e

descended on the associates of Antonius, on many a Caesarian, and on such honest friends of peace as were not blinded by th

d to approach the troops directly. The soldiers refused to tolerate such a slight upon their leader, patron and friend.

itiated in the previous autumn. Brutus was evidently afraid of some such manoeuvre. 4 He remained in Macedonia, though a v

been to see a fine soldier and a Roman noble like Antonius reduced to such company and such expedients. For Antonius there w

e soldier and a Roman noble like Antonius reduced to such company and such expedients. For Antonius there was some palliatio

Antonius 20) presumably senators. It is to be regretted that there is such a lack of evidence for the significant category,

connexions and social influence, had been able to evade proscription, such as the father of Brutus and others. The decadence

have remained loyal to the Caesarian party. Certain wealthy families, such as the Aelii Lamiae from Formiae or the Vinicii o

vonius and by his own personal friends and agents of equestrian rank, such as the banker C. Flavius, with no heart for war b

us in Sicily. 8 It was a great victory. The Romans had never fought such a battle before. 9 The glory of it went to Antoni

, and probably young P. Lentulus Spinther; and some of the assassins, such as Tillius Cimber and Q. Ligarius, are not heard

he policy of the Caesarian party, was in danger of succumbing to just such an alliance of Caesarians and Republicans as he h

was welcomed by the populace and by the Senate with a sincere fervour such as can have attended none of his more recent pred

, Republican or neutral. 2 For the present, however, no indication of such a change. Octavianus went to Gaul for a brief v

or status: they were handed over to their former masters or, failing such , impaled. Certain of the adherents of Pompeius, s

l act and religious sanction. Caesar’s heir was granted sacrosanctity such as tribunes of the plebs enjoyed. 7 He had alread

tional government. Few senators can have believed in the sincerity of such professions. That did not matter. Octavianus was

in. Some names are known, but are only names, accidentally preserved, such as the admiral M. Mindius Marcellus from his own

a Maecenas was married (Dio 54, 3, 5). Other persons later prominent, such as the great novi homines M. Lollius (cos. 21 B.C

re long the marshal Calvisius engrossed two of the more decorative of such offices: Taurus followed his unholy example. 4 Mo

land from northern Italy by way of Belgrade to Salonika or Byzantium: such was the principal and the most arduous of the ach

epeated disturbances, the lapse of time permitted the Revolution (for such it may with propriety be called) to acquire perma

umvirate even professed or pretended any attachment to eloquence; and such of them as deserved any distinction for peaceful

lived on without public signs of their existence, were susceptible to such an appeal might well be doubted. The aged Varro,

of note, if not of scandal, when an inferior person presumed to tread such august precincts: a freedman, the tutor of Pompei

ew patron. In the company of statesmen, diplomatists and other poets, such as the tragedian Varius Rufus, they journeyed tog

phew, remained with Antonius to the end; 2 likewise minor characters, such as the Pompeian admiral Q. Nasidius, and the few

n the Capitol’. 5 No Roman however degenerate could have descended to such treason in his right mind. It was therefore solem

s enemies, his inimici, not the enemies of the State (hostes); and as such the oath could never change or lapse. By whatever

o other lands. The propaganda of Octavianus had skilfully worked upon such apprehensions. Once aroused they would be difficu

s dat iura. ’ 4 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 28. PageBook=>308 marshals, such as Agrippa, Calvisius and Taurus, to any extremit

. There were other principes in the State, there could not fail to be such in a Republic. So Horace addresses him, maxime

Dio does not explicitly mention a grant of proconsular imperium. That such there was, however, is clear enough. Premerstein

general ‘cura rei publicae’ (o. c, 120 ff.). That Augustus exercised such a supervision there is no doubt—but in virtue of

ate the peaceful provinces (53, 12, 2, cf. 13, 1): yet in his list of such provinces occur Africa, Illyricum and Macedonia,

єίαν See further below, p. 326. PageBook=>315 For the grant of such a mandate there was plenty of justification. The

not to control through consular imperium the proconsuls abroad. 2 For such cumulation of powers a close parallel from the re

man State. Very different was Augustus, a ‘salubris princeps’, for as such he would have himself known. 5 Not only that. T

and his treacheries were not forgotten. 2 It would not do to revive such memories, save by covert apology, or when an offi

L. Vinicius are not found in charge of military provinces; still less such nobiles as the three Valerii, Cinna’s grandson, o

t in charge of the military provinces of Illyricum and Macedonia; and such are in fact attested, namely three of the princip

high and sombre patriotism could prevail over political principle, if such existed, or private dislike. Yet even so, only fo

es of Horace (published in the second half of 23 B.C.) should contain such vivid and exact anticipations of the reforms that

rs, or boisterously, as though towards a popular entertainer. Despite such powerful advocacy, Maecenas, like another persona

bols of the Revolution. Peace and a well-ordered state can do without such men. NotesPage=>355 1 Caesar, BG 3, 5, 2 &

s. 5 Like other senators outside the circle of the consular families, such men were commonly precluded from the highest dist

k (P-W III A, 72). As for M. Lollius, there were Lollii from Picenum ( such as Palicanus) and from Ferentinum in Latium, cf.

rved with disapproval by students of political science, especially by such as take the rule of the People as their ideal. Th

ople, were in fact the devoted clients of the Princeps and behaved as such . 2 NotesPage=>365 1 Dio makes Maecenas adv

Two, if not three, provincials were Prefects of Egypt. 4 The sons of such eminent personages regularly entered the Senate u

omalies, men designated to the consulate who had never been senators, such as Balbus the Elder and Salvidienus Rufus. Rome c

war might find no higher reward than the praetorship, unless aided by such powerful protection as the low-born Afranius had

d the glory and the security of the New State. Some were passed over, such as M. Lurius and P. Carisius, both of whom had se

of the most eminent were attached to the cause by various ties. Some, such as Paullus Fabius Maximus, may even have enjoyed

partisans thus honoured were descendants of ancient plebeian houses, such as the renegade M. Junius Silanus; but also the n

tain of the military proconsuls in the early years of the Principate, such as Balbus in Africa, P. Silius and M. Vinicius in

tical ladies of the Republic, from the daughters of consular families such as Sempronia and Servilia down to minor but effic

naged the private finances and political machinations of the dynasts, such as Pompeius’ agent Demetrius, the affluent Gadare

patronage and nepotism. Hence and at this price a well ordered state such as Sulla and Caesar might have desired but could

esar like Afranius and Labienus and generals of the revolutionary age such as Taurus and Canidius were models and precedents

Other small groups of consulars were established from time to time, such as an Economy Commission of three members in A.D.

rnment under the Principate, however, was strong enough to do without such a prohibition. 3 BCH XII (1888), 15 (Mylasa, in

ess public fashion, about matters of weight; and the power exerted by such extra- constitutional forces as the auctoritas of

us who procured the removal of Agrippa Postumus. 1 History records no such acts of public service to the credit of P. Vedius

invasion of Arabia. More modest and more useful men are later found, such as C. Turranius, C. Julius Aquila and M. Magius M

in private before being sponsored by eminent senators if possible by such as had a reputation for independence. The eloquen

aken about the frontiers of Empire. Veterans of the triumviral period such as Calvisius, Taurus and Messalla were available

could never discover. Dio was well aware that no authentic record of such momentous transactions was ever published by thei

that generation of nobiles. Privilege and patronage, and admitted as such but not outrageous. To bestow the supreme magistr

emy of Tiberius. There were other nobles with influential connexions, such as that mild-mannered person P. Quinctilius Varus

story of the Punic Wars in the manner of Sallustius. 2 The time for such exciting speculations had passed ten years before

The government party among the aristocracy old and new, built up with such care by Augustus to support the monarchy and the

osition and in allegiance. Some of the enemies or rivals of Tiberius, such as Lollius and Iullus Antonius, were dead, others

ches and relatives of the Cornelii Lentuli, men of more recent stocks such as L. Nonius Asprenas (linked through marriage wi

itical session of the Senate certain of the leading men of the State, such as Asinius Gallus, played without skill the parts

vealed in the words it employs with an emotional content. To a Roman, such a word was ‘antiquus’; and what Rome now required

doubts, if men reflected on human nature and past history. Moreover, such regulation was repugnant to aristocratic breeding

born, or had lived, on country estates; and it will be recalled that such apparently sophisticated types of urban humanity

alien vices. So far the ideal. Italy was spared the realization of such perverse anachronisms. The land was more prospero

ed and hard- faced men like Lollius, Quirinius and Tarius Rufus. With such champions, property might rest secure. The auth

ptance it is difficult to say. Of the efficacy of mere legislation in such matters, a virtuous prince like Tiberius, himself

as more often an engineer: the auxilia did most of the fighting. By such expedients the fiction of a national army was gal

rae. 1 Not all the poets were inclined by character or situation to such unreserved eulogies of the New State as were Virg

triotism and morality to spread more widely and sink more deeply. For such as were not admitted to the recitations of the ri

on on the last occasion there flocked to Rome from the towns of Italy such a concourse as had never before been seen. 8 This

avenged by his son and heir. This dynastic monument is a reminder, if such be needed, that Dux was disguised but not displac

surpasses decency in the thanks it renders to divine providence. 4 If such was the demeanour of citizens or free men, the fe

s. How far they deemed it safe or expedient to exert their rights, if such they were, is another question. The rule of Rome

silence about the victims of civil war and proscriptions, except for such as could usefully be revived to adorn legend or c

mber of the Princeps by mentioning his own manifest unsuitability for such an honour. 6 Of the pre-eminence of Labeo in lega

nst noxious literature. 5 Public bonfires were instituted but not for such trifles as the Ars amatoria of Ovid. Contemporary

had descendants only through collaterals or through the female line, such as Cn. Cornelius Cinna, and the Scribonii, issue

s, went crashing to his fall. But they seldom got away unscathed from such spectacles. The present was ominous, the future o

harming ode and by the loyal effusions of Ovid, he might not stand in such startling contrast to his son, the infamous Persi

melior, et numquam postea nisi de principatu quaesitum. ’ 3 And, as such , properly admitted in Hist. 1, 50: ‘mansuram fuis

us liberty and degrading servility. A sensible man could find it. And such there were. NotesPage=>517 1 Tacitus, Agr.

be reconciled, with constitutional monarchy as a guarantee of freedom such as no Republic could provide: nunquam libertas

tiny for glory or for politics: none can have fabricated history with such calm audacity. Other generals had their memorial

nt, the Res Gestae]5 or at the least, it may be conjectured that some such document was included in the state papers which t

Münzer (P-W III, 1229 f.; RA, 304). Certain additions have been made, such as the family of Ap. Claudius Pulcher, the sons o