rkshire PREFACE THE subject of this book is the transformation of state and society at Rome between 60 B.C. and A.D. 14.

e ancient evidence, to refer but seldom to modern authorities, and to state controversial opinions quite nakedly, without hed

miracles: his constitutional reign as acknowledged head of the Roman State was to baffle by its length and solidity all huma

d hardly been strong or coherent enough to seize control of the whole State and form NotesPage=>007 (No Notes) PageB

by the political dynasts Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar to control the State and secure the domination of the most powerful of

spised. Above all, it was necessary to conciliate the second order in state and society, the Roman knights, converted into a

flower of the equestrian order, the ornament and bulwark of the Roman State . 2 Cicero never spoke against these ‘homines hone

ought to secure fair treatment for provincials or reform in the Roman State through the re-establishment of the peasant farme

tment. Among the old nobility persisted a tradition of service to the State that could transcend material interests and combi

ncerned with Roman political life. Whether he held authority from the State or not, he could thus raise an army on his own in

the poorest classes in Italy, were ceasing to feel allegiance to the State ; military service was for livelihood, or from con

of empire social, economic and political —broke loose in the Roman State , inaugurating a century of revolution. The tradit

oligarchy is slowly transformed with the transformation of the Roman State , the manner and fashion of dynastic politics chan

stic marriages. In their great age the Metelli overshadowed the Roman State , holding twelve consulates, censorships or triump

and popular favour the paramount office in the religion of the Roman State , that of pontifex maximus. 5 The same year furnis

er opposition from leaders of the government. The Senate proclaimed a state of emergency, suspended the tribune from his func

ir of P. Clodius Pulcher, a mild scandal touching the religion of the State which his enemies exploited and converted into a

ations of loyal acquiescence. 5 The three principes now dominated the State , holding in their hands the most powerful of the

onsul or dictator. 3 The Senate was compelled to act. It declared a state of emergency and instructed Pompeius to hold mili

ntonius and Q. Cassius, their veto disregarded, fled from the city. A state of emergency was proclaimed. Even had Pompeius

and his adherents would capture the government and perhaps reform the State . Caesar’s enemies were afraid of that and so was

rous ambitions. In name and function Caesar’s office was to set the State in order again (rei publicae constituendae). Desp

aken in his name. 2 Was this the measure of his ordering of the Roman State ? Was this a res publica constituta? It was disq

w’. 3 Caesar postponed decision about the permanent ordering of the State . It was too difficult. Instead, he would set out

quotation about tyranny (Cicero, De off, 3, 82). PageBook=>054 State in his ambition and the modest magistrate who res

ndings. 1 After death Caesar was enrolled among the gods of the Roman State by the interested device of the leaders of the Ca

ry of Pompeius Magnus. In vain reckless ambition had ruined the Roman State and baffled itself in the end. 4 Of the melanchol

rue nature of political catch-words and the urgent needs of the Roman State . The character and pursuits of Marcus Brutus, the

onal virtues of the governing class in an aristocratic and republican state . Hellenic culture does not explain Cato; 3 and th

he heritage of the Civil War and reinvigorate the organs of the Roman State . It was going to last and the Roman aristocracy w

d the old Caesarian party into a national government in a transformed State . The composition and vicissitudes of that party,

however, in eminence. Few of them were of any use to Caesar or to the State . During the previous three years Caesar had not b

raditional way of the patricians, Caesar exploited his family and the state religion for politics and for domination, winning

sh or disinterested motives, to break the power of money in the Roman State . Not so Crassus and Caesar. The faction of Pompei

e extolled as the flower of Italy, the pride and bulwark of the Roman State . 3 That would not avail to guard these new Italia

gends of their families, imposing them upon the religion of the Roman State and the history of the Roman People. The Secular

ellic peoples of the central highlands, had not belonged to the Roman State at all, but were autonomous allies. Italy had now

pirit and practice of government had not altered to fit a transformed state . Men spoke indeed of tota Italia. The reality was

towns and families that had long since been incorporated in the Roman State , or at least subjected to Roman influences. In a

lia they stamped as a legend upon their coins, and Italia was the new state which they established with its capital at Corfin

Tusculum, and even Atina, had long been integral members of the Roman State . It was no part of Cicero’s policy to flood the

l men and capture for imported merit the highest dignity in the Roman State . He glorified the memory of Cato and of Marius bu

aly. That Italy should at last enter the government of the enlarged state is a fair notion, but perhaps anachronistic and n

ure the numerous new senators from certain older regions of the Roman State which hitherto had produced very few. Cautious or

de their way to the Capitol to render thanks to the gods of the Roman State , They had no further plans the tyrant was slain,

of the Dictator and return to normal government, the direction of the State passed at once to the supreme magistrates. Antoni

unduly. In these April days fortune seemed to smile upon the Roman State and upon Antonius. It had been feared that the as

n latrocini auctores’ (Ad Att. 14, 10, 2). PageBook=>107 Roman State had much to be thankful for, as partisan testimon

iliatory, taking counsel with senior statesmen and deferential to the State . He proposed and carried a specious measure the n

y, six of the best of the Roman legions. From his possession of the State papers and private fortune of the Dictator, duly

and his ambition, Octavianus had nothing to gain from concord in the State , everything from disorder. Supported by the plebs

Caesar should be added to the solemn thanksgivings paid by the Roman State to the immortal gods; and he had already promulga

he fate of the private fortune of Caesar the Dictator and the various state moneys at his disposal. Antonius is charged with

ieve it to restore concord in the Caesarian party and so in the Roman State . They would gladly see Antonius curbed but not de

in public. Then Octavianus urged Cicero to come to Rome, to save the State once again, and renew the memory of the glorious

they were both acting on private initiative for the salvation of the State , they clamoured to have their position legalized.

t, a chance had come to redeem all, to assert leadership, to free the State again or go down with it in ruin. Once he had wri

s or should have been a century earlier, namely a stable and balanced state with Senate and People keeping loyally to their s

n detail the institutions of a traditional but liberal oligarchy in a state where men were free but not equal. He returned to

came a new impulsion to demonstrate his conception of a well-ordered state and to corroborate it in the light of the most re

that their valiant author stood in sole control of the policy of the State . The situation was much more complicated than tha

e to magistrates, was widened to cover a declaration that there was a state of emergency, or that certain individuals by thei

ed duty or an occasion of just pride. The family was older than the State ; and the family was the kernel of a Roman politic

promise with the assassins of his leader and benefactor. Pietas and a state of public emergency was the excuse for sedition.

ld ever prevent him from allying with his bitterest enemy to save the State . 5 Plancus soon followed the unimpeachable exampl

itution, empty names. Roman discipline, inexorable in the wars of the State , had been entirely relaxed. The soldiers, whether

d the plea of patriotism was all-embracing surely they could help the State on whichever side they stood. 2 The conversion

t could secure sanction for almost any arbitrary act: at the worst, a state of public emergency or a ‘higher legality’ could

through publica auctoritas; 3 the bribery of the troops of the Roman State was coolly described as the generous investment o

enacted by Heaven itself, namely that all things advantageous for the State are right and lawful’. 7 Extraordinary commands w

e spirit of the constitution8 but they might be necessary to save the State . Of that the Senate was supreme judge. What if it

f public emergency and the charge of levying armed forces against the State . Now the champion of the constitution had become

ose auctoritas, so custom prescribed, should direct the policy of the State : they are suitably designated as ‘auctores public

pose that, in grateful memory of the services of Lepidus to the Roman State , a gilded statue should be set up on the Rostra o

of Octavianus were converted into legitimate armies recognized by the State ; the promises of money made by Octavianus were so

ntal principle, whether democratic or aristocratic, of the Republican state . 1 That was not the only irregularity practised

ltimate decree the consuls were to take steps for the security of the State . With the consuls was associated Octavianus. The

l flagitiosius. ’ 3 Phil 8, 27. 4 Phil. 9. PageBook=>171 A state of war was then proclaimed. It existed already. F

ted and persuaded to contribute their funds4 for the salvation of the State , no doubt. By the end of the year almost all Mace

om stood now the legitimate government and the authority of the Roman State , it was impossible to discover. For the judgement

court was established by a law of the consul Pedius; along with these state criminals a convenient fiction reckoned Sex. Pomp

the blame. 4 Octavianus had spent his patrimony for purposes of the State , and now the State made requital. He seized the t

vianus had spent his patrimony for purposes of the State, and now the State made requital. He seized the treasury, which, tho

t and arbitrary power under the familiar pretext of setting the Roman State in order (tresviri rei publicae constituendae). W

nt. Pompeius and his allies did not claim to be the government or the State : it was enough that their rivals should be thwart

ator. More than this, Caesar was enrolled among the gods of the Roman State . 1 In the Forum a temple was to be built to the n

er five years until the end of 33 B.C.3 By then, it was presumed, the State would have been set in order and the organs of go

spect. In the forefront, in the post of traditional leadership of the State , stood an array of consulars, impressive in numbe

ade their way as commanders of armies and as diplomats. 4 In a free state the study of law and oratory might confer the hig

sty, banished utterly from the public honours and transactions of the State , took refuge in the pursuits and relationships of

now permit political satire or free attack upon the existing order in state and society. Republican libertas, denied to the n

iotism, between a world-empire and the Roman People. The new order in state and society still lacked its shape and final form

ty in years when Rome yet displayed the name and the fabric of a free state . That was not so long ago. But they had changed w

ass and the abolition of active politics: their sentiments concerning state and society did not need to undergo any drastic t

s that commanded success, and even earned repute, in the well-ordered state which he almost lived to see firmly established.

ugh distinguished survivors to support a new combination in the Roman State . The young Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, beyond all

the direct rule of Rome was distasteful and oppressive, to the Roman State a cause of disintegration by reason of the milita

and phrasing not beyond the reach of valid conjecture. 3 Of the Roman State , of Senate and People, no word. The oath of alleg

vate quarrel against his enemies, his inimici, not the enemies of the State (hostes); and as such the oath could never change

s of Rome against a foreign enemy. The martial glory of the renascent state was also supported in the years following by the

nience of the government. How far was the process of regulating the State to go, under what name were the Caesarian party a

only conceded, but even claimed, that he held sovranty over the whole State and the whole Empire, for he solemnly affirmed th

as part of any official titulature. There were other principes in the State , there could not fail to be such in a Republic. S

impatient to render thanks, to confer honours upon the saviour of the State . They voted that a wreath of laurel should be pla

r, justice and piety. 2 He had founded—or was soon to found—the Roman State anew. He might therefore have been called Romulus

of extended imperium in the past had threatened the stability of the State , that was due to the ruinous ambition of politici

hat princeps did not cure, but only aggravated, the ills of the Roman State . Very different was Augustus, a ‘salubris princep

e history of ideas and institutions—his whole conception of the Roman State triumphed after his death, receiving form and sha

ablishment of the Principate of Pompeius, and foreshadowing the ideal state that was realized under the Principate of Augustu

ed the admiration of Polybius:2 even if the primacy of one man in the State were admitted, it was not for a princeps like Pom

cero professes in De legibus (3, 4, cf. 12) to be legislating for the state depicted in the Republic. The traditional constit

have proved to himself and to others that the new order was the best state of all, more truly Republican than any Republic,

e with Murena, a prominent partisan, as his colleague. Three events a state trial, a conspiracy and a serious illness of Augu

t, arose grave consequences for the Caesarian party and for the Roman State . Late in 24 B.C. or early in 23 a proconsul of Ma

few enough at the time, and they preferred not to publish a secret of state . The incident was disquieting. Not merely did the

ve no indication of his last intentions he merely handed over certain state papers to the consul Piso, to Agrippa his signet-

nd her family. Augustus never failed to take her advice on matters of state . It was worth having, and she never betrayed a se

he leader whom they all supported for Rome’s sake. The service of the State might be described as a ‘noble servitude’. For Ag

and Samos. But the Princeps after all stood at the head of the Roman State and would be required in the capital. It might be

.D. 6, when large dismissals of legionaries were in prospect, did the State take charge of the payments, a special fund being

attached to the head of the government and, through him, to the Roman State . One body of troops stood in an especial relation

us and Gallus are symbols of the Revolution. Peace and a well-ordered state can do without such men. NotesPage=>355 1

thus in colonies and municipia that had long been a part of the Roman State , or in wealthy cities of old civilization, what o

wns of Italy contributed soldiers, officers and senators to the Roman State . They were themselves a part of it; the bond of u

n-rights in the provinces, for they are an integral part of the Roman State , wherever they may be Corduba, Lugdunum, or even

ial commands. The quaestorship admitted a man to the highest order in state and in society, the consulate brought nobility an

obility. The youth who had invested his patrimony for the good of the State found himself the richest man in all the world. L

m it passed to the family of Statilius Taurus. 6 Agrippa now lived in state , sharing with Messalla the house of Antonius. 7 S

a, paraded like a princess. It was her habit to appear, not merely at state banquets, but on less exacting occasions, draped

e positions and provincial commands. When religion is the care of the State in an oligarchical society, it is evident that sa

provinces were held by consulars, who are the principal ministers of state and therefore deserve separate and detailed treat

nd visibly monarchic the garb and attire of the Princeps of the Roman State . 3 In portraiture and statuary, Augustus and the

tem of patronage and nepotism. Hence and at this price a well ordered state such as Sulla and Caesar might have desired but c

g of all Italy and a wide empire under the ideas and system of a city state was clumsy, wasteful and calamitous. Many able me

Republic behaved like dynasts, not as magistrates or servants of the State . Augustus controlled the consulars as well as the

es and their leisure from intrigue and violence to the service of the State in Rome, Italy and the provinces. The Senate beco

fare any better. 3 To the military men who served the dynasty and the State , Augustus and history have paid scant requital; t

ssed through a long career of faithful service to Augustus and to the State . Among his achievements (perhaps before his consu

s only that the principes were trained and yoked to service. The city state of Rome lacked permanent administrative officials

e of temples and public buildings. 3 When Agrippa died in 12 B.C. the State took over his trained staff; of the cura aquarum

practice of taking cognizance of matters affecting the safety of the State in an emergency, and gradually develops into a hi

n themselves but the qualification for a career in the service of the State . The principes of the Free State might take cou

ition must be deduced from the relations between the Princeps and the State and from their effects as revealed in the course

hts as well as senators have their place in the different councils of state . Roman knights had been amongst the earliest frie

ted for Augustus the resources of Gaul. 5 The treasury of the Roman State was placed (in 23 B.C.) under the charge of two p

nd freedmen. These financial secretaries later emerge as ministers of State , under Caligula and Claudius: they had been there

tus, to be divulged only if and when he handed in his accounts to the State . 9 NotesPage=>410 1 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 6.

ntier provinces, the consulate, and, no doubt, a place in councils of State . Silius had conducted mountain warfare in Spain a

p into one party and harnessed as they had been to the service of the State , the nobiles now enjoy a brief and last renascenc

ecially patricians (for the latter families were older than the Roman State , dynastic and even regal in ancestry), regarded t

the critical session of the Senate certain of the leading men of the State , such as Asinius Gallus, played without skill the

le and the inevitable ratification of Augustus’ disposal of the Roman State . Nothing was said in the Senate of the summary ex

rdered and done in secret, through Sallustius Crispus, a secretary of state , in virtue of the provision of the dead Princeps

the provinces, that was not enough. Peace came, and order; but the State , still sorely ailing, looked to its ‘salubris pri

pon it, even if he had wished. The mandate was not exhausted when the State was saved from a foreign enemy. The solid mass of

intain empire without the virtues that had won it? 4 A well-ordered state has no need of great men, and no room for them. T

rat than many have believed; and Sulla sought to establish an ordered state . Both were damned by the crime of ambition and ‘i

irisque. 3 The Roman aristocrat requited privilege with duty to the State . Then individuals were poor, but the State was ri

privilege with duty to the State. Then individuals were poor, but the State was rich. His immoral and selfish descendants had

as no less than this, to bring the family under the protection of the State a measure quite superfluous so long as Rome remai

uppiter? 2 There could be only one answer. The official head of the state religion, it is true, was Lepidus, the pontifex m

ent guild of the Arval Brethren: which meant enhanced dignity for the State and new resources of patronage. In 28 B.C. the Se

r. He must learn to love it, for his own good and for the good of the State , cheerful and robust: angustam amice pauperiem pa

nk from the charge of studied antiquarianism. But the religion of the State , like the religion of the family, was not totally

es of the Roman past, attached men’s sympathies to the majesty of the State and secured loyalty to the new régime. PageNote

rats, well trained in ‘provincialis parsimonia’ and in loyalty to the State . Agrícola was the civil servant of whom Augustus

orians who lent their talent to the glorification of the new order in state and society were merely the paid and compliant ap

ordained harmony of the soul of man, the whole universe and the ideal state now realized on earth: spiritus intus alit, tot

That did not matter. Ovid was a disgrace. He had refused to serve the State . Sulmo and the Paelignians, a virile and hardy ra

of criminals. It took courage to assail openly the leading men in the State ; and Augustus will have preferred to condone the

pate could also show its judicial murders or deaths self-inflicted by state criminals, conscious of guilt or evading capture.

ter death to attack or traduce the Founder was an offence against the State . Not all emperors, however, were succeeded by rul

gly loyal to Tiberius and to L. Aelius Seianus, the chief minister of state . The variations of the technique are curious and

it had been hard enough to preserve and perpetuate the glory of their state in times of civil peace. The Revolution made an e

t Appius Claudius Pulcher, were put to death for offences against the State . 2 Another noble, a Sempronius Gracchus, was bani

e son of the consular Passienus, adopted by the Augustan secretary of state Sallustius, became a great courtier, an artist in

o was already out of the way when Octavianus took up arms against the State . But Cato was worshipped as a martyr of liberty.

09 WHEN a party has triumphed in violence and seized control of the State , it would be plain folly to regard the new govern

st of Rome than a manifestation of active discontent with the present state of affairs. It need not be taken as seriously as

Capito (Pliny, Epp. 1, 17). This person had been a high secretary of state under Domitian, Nerva and Trajan, without a break

ed great themes and orators to match. By definition, the best form of state was spared these evils. Well-ordered commonwealth

ways, enjoying both Republican liberty and the benefits of an ordered state . Nor was there need for orators any more, for lon

ss true of the Principate of Augustus rather more so. To be sure, the State was organized under a principate no dictatorship

orm of government. It was also primeval, fated to return again when a state had run through the whole cycle of change. The

so. With the Principate comes a change. For the senator, as for the State , there must surely be a middle path between the e

r. 1 Likewise the excellent P. Memmius Regulus, a pillar of the Roman State and secure himself, though married for a time to

ppy Principate of Nerva was a cogent argument for firm control of the State . Like the vain pomp of eastern kings, the fanat

e Augustus represented the Populus Romanus: under his trusteeship the State could in truth be called the Commonwealth, ‘res p

he phrase might fittingly be applied to the whole fabric of the Roman State . It was firm, well-articulated and flexible. By a

st, it may be conjectured that some such document was included in the state papers which the Princeps, near to death, handed

rateful humanity: to Romans he was no more than the head of the Roman State . Yet one thing was certain. When he was dead, Aug

he career that began when he raised a private army and ‘liberated the State from the domination of a faction’. Dux had become