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1 (1960) THE ROMAN REVOLUTION
s partisan and pragmatic interpretation of the Roman Revolution there stands a notable exception. To one of the unsuccessful c
However talented and powerful in himself, the Roman statesman cannot stand alone, without allies, without a following. That
of merit, industry and protection. The nobilitas did not, it is true, stand like a solid rampart to bar all intruders. No nee
ape and character, so far from fading away on close scrutiny, at once stands out, solid and manifest. In any age of the histor
nastic houses of the plebeian nobility. But neither Valerii nor Fabii stand in the forefront of his oligarchy. The predominan
e shore of Pontus and the mouth of the river Danube. A little apart stands M. Licinius Crassus, who commanded NotesPage=&g
sending home from the East, as before from Spain, his lieutenants to stand for magistracies and intrigue in his interest. Hi
him as ‘humili loco Picens, loquax magis quam facundus’. He hoped to stand for the consulate in 67 (Val. Max. 3, 8, 3) and a
s in Ad Att. 4, 5, 1. PageBook=>038 The basis of power at Rome stands out clearly the consulate, the armies and the tri
w passed by the tribunes of the year conceding to Caesar the right to stand for the consulate in absence. Detected, he made t
Book=>048 The precise legal points at issue in Caesar’s claim to stand for the consulate in absence and retain his provi
y alleged intentions. As his acts and his writings reveal him, Caesar stands out as a realist and an opportunist. In the short
self in the end. 4 Of the melancholy that descended upon Caesar there stands the best of testimony ’my life has been long enou
Ch. V THE CAESARIAN PARTY PageBook=>061 CAESAR, who took his stand on honour and prestige, asserted that Pompeius wa
t, elderly survivors, nonentities, neutrals or renegades. A few names stand out, through merit or accident, from a dreary bac
through the faction-wars of Marius and Sulla. 3 A consular who could stand neutral without the imputation of lack of courage
larming nor novel. In theory, every free-born citizen was eligible to stand for the quaestorship: in fact, the wealth and sta
PageBook=>119 with a firm manifesto (August 4th), taking their stand upon their principles and their personal honour:
ue to his name and station. But not to excess: Octavianus took a firm stand upon dignitas without dangerous indulgence in chi
onths. The importance of his speech is difficult to estimate: but the stand made by the two consulars, though negative, irres
n army. He was at first quite uncertain what to do with it. Was he to stand at Capua and prevent Antonius from returning to R
of Arretium. The veterans in the private army of Octavianus would not stand against Antonius, the Caesarian general: yet Anto
uspecting the real designs of Octavianus and doubting his capacity to stand against Antonius. Octavianus for his part exerted
rty and the laws against the forces of anarchy or despotism. He would stand as firm as Cato had stood, he would be the leader
vir fortis’, a pillar of Rome’s empire and honour. 9 L. Piso, for his stand against Antonius, acquires the temporary label of
an order in society or labels of political allegiance. Virtus itself stands at the peak of the hierarchy, transcending mores.
raetor. 2 Further, by a special dispensation, he was to be allowed to stand for the consulship ten years before the legal age
ons of Pansa, which he refused to surrender to D. Brutus, resolved to stand firm, precarious though his own position was. Ant
ation in Rome. The Senate sent envoys with the offer of permission to stand for the consulate in absence8 a move of conciliat
fortune shielded him once again. In the negotiations he now took his stand as an equal: but the apportionment of power revea
s the only weak spot in the forces of the Republic: would the legions stand against the name and fortune of Caesar? From his
consul threw himself into the strong city of Perusia and prepared to stand a brief siege, expecting prompt relief from Polli
y men, the first of new families to attain the consulate. Beside them stand three descendants of patrician houses, Ap. Claudi
enemies had augmented the aristocracy with a new nobility. No record stands of the sentiments of the nobiles when they contem
probably now alive. The origin of these poets was diverse. Lucretius stands solitary and mysterious, but Calvus was a nobilis
ooks like the original dedication: but a poem in honour of Octavianus stands at the head of the series. 3 Varro wrote a Bell
loyalty or family ties rather than by a programme and a cause, would stand the strain of war. The clash was now imminent,
her understanding. Yet that is not proved. Antonius was compelled to stand by Cleopatra to the end by honour and by principl
ntonius in the East. 1 Antonius replied with a manifesto. He took his stand upon legality and upon the plighted word of coven
ntimidation. Of the manner in which the measure was carried out there stands no record at all. The oath of allegiance was perh
, but not perhaps as resolute as he might appear. Antonius now had to stand beside Cleopatra—there could be no turning back.
the last resort, Antonius might not need to appeal to the legions to stand in battle against their kinsmen. He might be able
ce might elevate Parthia to be a rival empire of Rome :2 it could not stand the trial of arms—or even of diplomacy. Of an inv
ok=>305 unfolded the annals of the future. On the brightest page stands emblazoned the Caesar of Trojan stock, destined h
icture is consistent. Livy, Virgil and Horace of all Augustan writers stand closest to the government. On the whole, better t
of Augustus was in reality far too similar to that of the Dictator to stand even a casual reminder, let alone pointed and gen
tuation itself. Beyond and above all legal and written prescription stands auctoritas; it was in virtue of auctoritas that A
that nothing should shatter the fabric, that the Commonwealth should stand and endure, even when its sovran organs, the Sena
Suetonius, Divus Aug. 79, 2. 2 Tiberius was permitted in 24 B.C. to stand for office five years earlier than the legal term
Suetonius, Dims Aug. 79, 2. 2 Tiberius was permitted in 24 B.c. to stand for office five years earlier than the legal term
ike another personal friend of the Princeps, Vedius Pollio, could not stand as a model and an ornament in the New State. The
PageBook=>349 THE modest origins of the faction of Octavianus stand revealed in the names of the foundation-members;
frequent praefecti classium; and the position of praefectus castrorum stands high in the equestris militia (e.g. ILS 2688).
he latus clavus on young men of equestrian stock, encouraging them to stand for the office of the quaestorship and so enter t
never pretend to derive from pure Latin stock. 2 Above and before all stands that blatant prodigy of nomenclature, Sex. Sotidi
gh a republican constitution which permitted any free-born citizen to stand for magistracies but secured the election of memb
Tacitus, Ann. 1, 15. 2 Cicero, Pro Murena, passim. 3 He hoped to stand for the consulate in 67 B.C. (Val. Max. 3, 8, 3)
was menaced and precarious in the last century of the Free State, now stand foremost among the principes viri in an aristocra
n-in-law of the Princeps, died six years before, Augustus appeared to stand alone, sustaining the burden of Empire in war and
. 1 Not at all: both the Princeps and his party were strong enough to stand the strain. Though a certain lull prevailed now o
doxical, for this was a Claudian faction. In the background, however, stand certain noble houses which, for all their social
elii Lentuli. 1 A powerful coalition of individuals and of families stands behind Tiberius, mostly with interlocking matrimo
and order, built by the untutored sagacity of Roman statesmen, would stand and endure for ever. The Romans could not compete
The same proud insistence on the inherited virtue of class and family stands out in Horace’s laudation of the young Claudii:
ed a privileged rank in the empire of all the world. Privilege should stand for service. If the citizen refused to fight, the
its authors, whoever they were. The Augustus of history and panegyric stands aloof and alone, with all the power and all the g
er was afoot, the deliberate creation of a Roman literature worthy to stand beside the achievement of Greece, a twin pillar t
granted: policy and system cannot be discovered. Once again Augustus stands revealed as the deliberate founder of monarchy, t
dinarian, abandoning bodily exercise and bathing rarely: he could not stand the sun, even in winter, in which season he would
ishly bestowed upon social distinction or political success. Velleius stands revealed in his literary judgements as well. Next
orace’s charming ode and by the loyal effusions of Ovid, he might not stand in such startling contrast to his son, the infamo
‘nobilissimus vir, amicus meus’. 4 The successful novi homines can stand their ground. Superfluous the effort either to ar
s glory, have composed the first draft of the inscription that was to stand outside his monument, the Res Gestae]5 or at the
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