s partisan and pragmatic interpretation of the Roman Revolution there
stands
a notable exception. To one of the unsuccessful c
However talented and powerful in himself, the Roman statesman cannot
stand
alone, without allies, without a following. That
of merit, industry and protection. The nobilitas did not, it is true,
stand
like a solid rampart to bar all intruders. No nee
ape and character, so far from fading away on close scrutiny, at once
stands
out, solid and manifest. In any age of the histor
nastic houses of the plebeian nobility. But neither Valerii nor Fabii
stand
in the forefront of his oligarchy. The predominan
e shore of Pontus and the mouth of the river Danube. A little apart
stands
M. Licinius Crassus, who commanded NotesPage=&g
sending home from the East, as before from Spain, his lieutenants to
stand
for magistracies and intrigue in his interest. Hi
him as ‘humili loco Picens, loquax magis quam facundus’. He hoped to
stand
for the consulate in 67 (Val. Max. 3, 8, 3) and a
s in Ad Att. 4, 5, 1. PageBook=>038 The basis of power at Rome
stands
out clearly the consulate, the armies and the tri
w passed by the tribunes of the year conceding to Caesar the right to
stand
for the consulate in absence. Detected, he made t
Book=>048 The precise legal points at issue in Caesar’s claim to
stand
for the consulate in absence and retain his provi
y alleged intentions. As his acts and his writings reveal him, Caesar
stands
out as a realist and an opportunist. In the short
self in the end. 4 Of the melancholy that descended upon Caesar there
stands
the best of testimony ’my life has been long enou
Ch. V THE CAESARIAN PARTY PageBook=>061 CAESAR, who took his
stand
on honour and prestige, asserted that Pompeius wa
t, elderly survivors, nonentities, neutrals or renegades. A few names
stand
out, through merit or accident, from a dreary bac
through the faction-wars of Marius and Sulla. 3 A consular who could
stand
neutral without the imputation of lack of courage
larming nor novel. In theory, every free-born citizen was eligible to
stand
for the quaestorship: in fact, the wealth and sta
PageBook=>119 with a firm manifesto (August 4th), taking their
stand
upon their principles and their personal honour:
ue to his name and station. But not to excess: Octavianus took a firm
stand
upon dignitas without dangerous indulgence in chi
onths. The importance of his speech is difficult to estimate: but the
stand
made by the two consulars, though negative, irres
n army. He was at first quite uncertain what to do with it. Was he to
stand
at Capua and prevent Antonius from returning to R
of Arretium. The veterans in the private army of Octavianus would not
stand
against Antonius, the Caesarian general: yet Anto
uspecting the real designs of Octavianus and doubting his capacity to
stand
against Antonius. Octavianus for his part exerted
rty and the laws against the forces of anarchy or despotism. He would
stand
as firm as Cato had stood, he would be the leader
vir fortis’, a pillar of Rome’s empire and honour. 9 L. Piso, for his
stand
against Antonius, acquires the temporary label of
an order in society or labels of political allegiance. Virtus itself
stands
at the peak of the hierarchy, transcending mores.
raetor. 2 Further, by a special dispensation, he was to be allowed to
stand
for the consulship ten years before the legal age
ons of Pansa, which he refused to surrender to D. Brutus, resolved to
stand
firm, precarious though his own position was. Ant
ation in Rome. The Senate sent envoys with the offer of permission to
stand
for the consulate in absence8 a move of conciliat
fortune shielded him once again. In the negotiations he now took his
stand
as an equal: but the apportionment of power revea
s the only weak spot in the forces of the Republic: would the legions
stand
against the name and fortune of Caesar? From his
consul threw himself into the strong city of Perusia and prepared to
stand
a brief siege, expecting prompt relief from Polli
y men, the first of new families to attain the consulate. Beside them
stand
three descendants of patrician houses, Ap. Claudi
enemies had augmented the aristocracy with a new nobility. No record
stands
of the sentiments of the nobiles when they contem
probably now alive. The origin of these poets was diverse. Lucretius
stands
solitary and mysterious, but Calvus was a nobilis
ooks like the original dedication: but a poem in honour of Octavianus
stands
at the head of the series. 3 Varro wrote a Bell
loyalty or family ties rather than by a programme and a cause, would
stand
the strain of war. The clash was now imminent,
her understanding. Yet that is not proved. Antonius was compelled to
stand
by Cleopatra to the end by honour and by principl
ntonius in the East. 1 Antonius replied with a manifesto. He took his
stand
upon legality and upon the plighted word of coven
ntimidation. Of the manner in which the measure was carried out there
stands
no record at all. The oath of allegiance was perh
, but not perhaps as resolute as he might appear. Antonius now had to
stand
beside Cleopatra—there could be no turning back.
the last resort, Antonius might not need to appeal to the legions to
stand
in battle against their kinsmen. He might be able
ce might elevate Parthia to be a rival empire of Rome :2 it could not
stand
the trial of arms—or even of diplomacy. Of an inv
ok=>305 unfolded the annals of the future. On the brightest page
stands
emblazoned the Caesar of Trojan stock, destined h
icture is consistent. Livy, Virgil and Horace of all Augustan writers
stand
closest to the government. On the whole, better t
of Augustus was in reality far too similar to that of the Dictator to
stand
even a casual reminder, let alone pointed and gen
tuation itself. Beyond and above all legal and written prescription
stands
auctoritas; it was in virtue of auctoritas that A
that nothing should shatter the fabric, that the Commonwealth should
stand
and endure, even when its sovran organs, the Sena
Suetonius, Divus Aug. 79, 2. 2 Tiberius was permitted in 24 B.C. to
stand
for office five years earlier than the legal term
Suetonius, Dims Aug. 79, 2. 2 Tiberius was permitted in 24 B.c. to
stand
for office five years earlier than the legal term
ike another personal friend of the Princeps, Vedius Pollio, could not
stand
as a model and an ornament in the New State. The
PageBook=>349 THE modest origins of the faction of Octavianus
stand
revealed in the names of the foundation-members;
frequent praefecti classium; and the position of praefectus castrorum
stands
high in the equestris militia (e.g. ILS 2688).
he latus clavus on young men of equestrian stock, encouraging them to
stand
for the office of the quaestorship and so enter t
never pretend to derive from pure Latin stock. 2 Above and before all
stands
that blatant prodigy of nomenclature, Sex. Sotidi
gh a republican constitution which permitted any free-born citizen to
stand
for magistracies but secured the election of memb
Tacitus, Ann. 1, 15. 2 Cicero, Pro Murena, passim. 3 He hoped to
stand
for the consulate in 67 B.C. (Val. Max. 3, 8, 3)
was menaced and precarious in the last century of the Free State, now
stand
foremost among the principes viri in an aristocra
n-in-law of the Princeps, died six years before, Augustus appeared to
stand
alone, sustaining the burden of Empire in war and
. 1 Not at all: both the Princeps and his party were strong enough to
stand
the strain. Though a certain lull prevailed now o
doxical, for this was a Claudian faction. In the background, however,
stand
certain noble houses which, for all their social
elii Lentuli. 1 A powerful coalition of individuals and of families
stands
behind Tiberius, mostly with interlocking matrimo
and order, built by the untutored sagacity of Roman statesmen, would
stand
and endure for ever. The Romans could not compete
The same proud insistence on the inherited virtue of class and family
stands
out in Horace’s laudation of the young Claudii:
ed a privileged rank in the empire of all the world. Privilege should
stand
for service. If the citizen refused to fight, the
its authors, whoever they were. The Augustus of history and panegyric
stands
aloof and alone, with all the power and all the g
er was afoot, the deliberate creation of a Roman literature worthy to
stand
beside the achievement of Greece, a twin pillar t
granted: policy and system cannot be discovered. Once again Augustus
stands
revealed as the deliberate founder of monarchy, t
dinarian, abandoning bodily exercise and bathing rarely: he could not
stand
the sun, even in winter, in which season he would
ishly bestowed upon social distinction or political success. Velleius
stands
revealed in his literary judgements as well. Next
orace’s charming ode and by the loyal effusions of Ovid, he might not
stand
in such startling contrast to his son, the infamo
‘nobilissimus vir, amicus meus’. 4 The successful novi homines can
stand
their ground. Superfluous the effort either to ar
s glory, have composed the first draft of the inscription that was to
stand
outside his monument, the Res Gestae]5 or at the