en abrupt, avoiding metaphors and abstractions. It is surely time for some reaction from the ‘traditional’ and conventional

s reveal facts or connexions not explicitly mentioned in the text. In some way or other most of the consuls and governors of

r several years and rewritten. But the theme, I firmly believe, is of some importance. If the book provokes salutary critici

hor to rectify certain mistakes of fact or attribution, and to remove some blemishes. It was not possible to register, still

f Sallust’s Histories, combined with Tacitus, Hist. 1, 1–3, will give some idea of the introduction to Pollio’s work on the

r of the revolutionary leader is fantastic and unreal if told without some indication of the composition of the faction he l

followed closely. PageBook=>011 hundred senators the names of some four hundred can be identified, many of them obsc

obility by command in war against the Samnites and the Carthaginians: some had maintained it since then, others had lapsed f

ulla’s oligarchy was the powerful house of the Caecilii Metelli, whom some called stupid. 1 Their heraldic badge was an elep

truggles, M. Porcius Cato. 1 With these three groups were linked in some fashion or other almost all the chief members of

in open day to defend an extortionate provincial governor, to attack some pestilential tribune, or to curb a general hostil

Certain of the earliest consuls after Sulla were old men already, and some died soon or disappeared. 4 Even in numbers there

thout scruple the influence of their husbands. 4 On the whole, when some fifteen years had elapsed since Sulla’s death, th

Pompeius 16, &c.). Ahenobarbus fell in Africa in 82 B.C.: though some versions exculpate Pompeius, there is a contrary

us’ has been taken as evidence of Etruscan influence on the family at some time or other, cf. J. Duchesne, Ant. cl. III (193

e with the Metelli, by no means unequivocal or unclouded, endured for some fifteen years after Sulla’s death. Provinces an

he consulate. Caesar made a rapid decision he would be consul, and to some purpose. The Roman noble, constrained in the purs

d, though modified in various ways, and impaired as time went on, for some ten years. 7 This capture of the NotesPage=>

State, holding in their hands the most powerful of the provinces and some twenty legions. NotesPage=>037 1 Note the

mpeius looked about for new alliances, in the hope perhaps to inherit some measure of Crassus’ influence with the aristocrac

ar’s partisans were frank adventurers, avid for gain and advancement, some for revolution. Yet for all that, in the matter

enators tried to remain neutral, including several eminent consulars, some of whom Caesar won to sympathy, if not to active

hey took the gift of life and restoration with suppressed resentment: some refused even to ask. 3 Under these unfavourable

ocial reform. 2 Having written treatises about the Roman Commonwealth some years earlier, he may have expected to be consult

ain distinguished families of that party had not been proscribed; and some rallied soon or late to the Sullan system and the

action. 3 Some of them he lent to his ally, Caesar the proconsul, and some he lost. 4 Caesar profited by the example and by

but had not forgotten its patrician origin. P. Servilius was a man of some competence: Lepidus had influence but no party, a

, their social inferiors the knight C. Volusenus Quadratus served for some ten years continuous under Caesar NotesPage=>

ed or carried in a Roman triumph. From obscure years of early manhood some said that he served as a common soldier Ventidius

s nowhere mentioned as an army commander in the Gallic campaigns; and some find that his style is not very military. 5 Ad

. 1 The financier Atticus will have been able to forecast events with some accuracy and face the future with equanimity. It

artisans, equestrian or new senators, from the provinces of the West, some were of Italian, others of native extraction. The

ocracy than the sons of freed slaves, less raw and alien perhaps than some of the intruders who derived from remote and back

est and announced. It is evident enough that Caesar’s new senators, some four hundred in number, comprised adherents from

and the legitimate government of Rome. Caesar has a mixed following, some stripped from Pompeius, others not to be closely

months. Among the survivors, a few Caesarians, of little weight, and some discredited beyond remedy: for the rest, the aged

if lost, could be recovered in the provinces, as Pompeius knew and as some of his allies did not. The price was civil war. E

fugitive after the Battle of Munda, conducted guerrilla warfare with some success against the Caesarian governors in the fa

hful friend Matius took a grim pleasure in the most gloomy reports; 4 some , like Balbus and Oppius, dissembled; others again

rs and many a secret muttering at the failure of the coup d’état. Yet some could find the Ides of March a great comfort; and

n hundred million sesterces deposited in the Temple of Ops apparently some kind of fund distinct from the official treasury,

of Antonius and his parade of the grand and guileless manner deceived some of his contemporaries and almost all posterity in

yria and Macedonia, which had been assigned to Dolabella and Antonius some two months earlier, was now prolonged until the e

e reply with a public proclamation and a private letter, in a tone of some anger and impatience. 2 Brutus and Cassius retort

and the Republic. 2 Cassius, however, lingered in Italian waters for some time. As for Antonius, pressure from a competit

i. In the colonies of Calatia and Casilinum Octavianus raised quickly some three thousand veterans. The new Pompeius now had

ugh. Octavianus also won the support of private investors, among them some of the wealthiest bankers of Rome. Atticus, who r

journeyed to Campania to raise an army by bribery, five adherents of some note participated in the venture. Only two names

re neutral, evasive, playing their own game or bound to Antonius; and some of the best of the Caesarian military men were ab

ed the Senate as well. He hoped to win sympathy, if not support, from some of the more respectable Caesarians, who were alie

bibulous. 2 Hirtius and Pansa might yet save the Republic, not, as some hoped, by action, but by preventing the actions o

er the proconsul returned, on any excuse. Piso replied, no doubt with some effect. 3 Nor did any political enemy or ambitiou

a man of action yet he governed the province of Asia for Caesar with some credit in 46-44 B.C. On his return to Rome late i

4 In the speech Pro Marcello (autumn, 46 B.C.). PageBook=>139 some kind of open letter, expressing approval of the g

the Senate; there would be a meeting of the Senate on August 1st and some prospect that Brutus and Cassius might return to

ἀλι-τήριοι ὠνομἀσθησαν. Like Sallust, he had studied Thucydides with some attention. PageBook=>155 the profession of

ant, the consulars partly timid, partly disloyal. ’6 Worse than this, some of them were perverted by base emotions, by envy

lenus, one of Caesar’s generals, a clever politician and an orator of some spirit. 1 So much for Senate and senior statesm

74 separately. He met and broke the army of Pansa at Forum Gallorum some seven miles south-east of Mutina. In the battle P

stilities after the defeat of Antonius, curb Caesar’s heir and impose some kind of settlement. They were honest patriots. Wi

en southwards by arduous passes across the mountains to Vada Sabatia ( some thirty miles south-west of Genoa). Here on May 3r

ad initiated in the previous autumn. Brutus was evidently afraid of some such manoeuvre. 4 He remained in Macedonia, thoug

re revealed in June. In July a strange embassy confronted the Senate, some four hundred centurions and soldiers, bearing the

t of my friends’, the young man observed. 1 But even now there were some who did not lose hope. In the evening came a rumo

ed, and the conferment of nobility. The dynasts made arrangements for some years in advance which provide some indication of

The dynasts made arrangements for some years in advance which provide some indication of the true balance of power and influ

s, it may already have been feared, and it was soon to be known, that some of them had been seized by the adventurer Sex. Po

s reduced to such company and such expedients. For Antonius there was some palliation, at least when consul he had been harr

theme. 1 But the fugitives could not take their property with them; some of the proscribed remained in Italy, under collus

The fierce Marsians and Paelignians had long and bitter memories. Yet some of the proscribed were saved by civic virtue, per

l rank. 3 A large number of local aristocrats supported Caesar; 4 and some will have remained loyal to the Caesarian party.

the money to pay the standing army of the Caesarians, which numbered some forty-three legions. So much for present needs. F

attle, failure or treachery provide victims and vacancies. Persons of some permanence also emerge before long, rising to con

6 After negotiation they made an honourable capitulation to Antonius, some entering his service. One of the friends of Brutu

s Varus (Velleius, ib.), and probably young P. Lentulus Spinther; and some of the assassins, such as Tillius Cimber and Q. L

g the veterans from the colonies to rally and march against Antonius; some turned back. 4 Octavianus might command a mass of

gs of guilt and despair. Men yearned for escape, anywhere, perhaps to some Fortunate Isles beyond the western margin of the

and the speculations of Pythagorean philosophers might conspire with some plausibility and discover in the comet that appea

secure hope of concord at last. The reconciled leaders, escorted by some of their prominent adherents, made their way to R

mily or municipal aristocrats. Here were allies to be courted, men of some consequence now or later. 1 There were others: ye

e was no rapid or unanimous adhesion to the new master of Rome. While some reverted again to Pompeius, many took service und

tratinus in western waters is likewise to be inferred from his coins, some struck in Sicily (BMC, R. Rep. 11, 515 f.; Greek

-law Libo, deserted the brigand’s cause and made peace with Antonius, some entering his service. 1 At last Titius captured P

ις, ἃτϵ καὶ ἱσχυρότϵρος αὐτο ὤν, χϵιν. PageBook=>233 now stood some forty legions diverse in history and origin but u

35 B.C.; the upstart Laronius and the noble Messalla had to wait for some years not many. High priesthoods were conferred

splay and advertisement that heralded an armed struggle. It had begun some six years before. 2 At first Octavianus was out

his Spanish triumph (33) repaired a temple of Hercules. These were some , but not all, of the edifices that already foresh

s of Italian gentry and farmers. Many of the exiles had returned, and some through influence or protection got restitution o

e consulate by brutality or by craft. 2 The marshals might disappear, some as suddenly as they had arisen, but the practice

circle of Calvus and Catullus, and in speeches and poetry reproduced some of their Republican vigour and independence, litt

g abstention from politics and the cultivation of private virtue; and some brand or other of Pythagorean belief might suitab

;249 in vocabulary, with brief broken sentences, reflecting perhaps some discordance in his own character. The archaisms w

d to a special commission to restore order in the countryside. 2 With some success a few years later charges of highway robb

rnment to monopolize the control of prophecy and propaganda. Yet in some classes there was stirring an interest in Roman h

d: the survivors were willing to make their peace with the new order, some in resignation, others from ambition. Ahenobarbus

PageBook=>258 brief lull when many feared the imminent clash and some favoured Caesar’s heir, none could have foreseen

coast and the tetrarchy of Chalcis; further, the island of Cyprus and some cities of Cilicia Aspera. The donation was not ma

egions began their long march to Phraaspa, the capital city of Media, some five hundred miles away. Antonius neglected to se

The following year witnessed a turn of fortune in the northeast and some compensation for the disastrous invasion of Media

ugmentation of territory. His dispositions, though admirable, were in some respects premature. A province of Cilicia was now

ius changed sides. A number of the younger nobiles remained, however, some to the very end. Most significant is the strong

for a renewed attack. Calvisius, the Caesarian soldier, adopting with some precipitance the unfamiliar role of a champion of

e will was held genuine, and did not fail in its working, at least on some orders of the population, for it confirmed allega

2; Dio 50, 6, 3. Bononia was in the clientela of the Antonii 2 And some certainly did, Dio 51, 4, 6. 3 Of one of the Cl

when compared with the armed domination of Octavianus at home. Yet in some way, by propaganda, by intimidation and by violen

of Italy was imminent, bankers and men of property probably received some kind of assurance. PageBook=>291 Those who

own as a historian and authority on rhetoric, must have been a man of some substance if he could secure senatorial rank for

to 32 B.C., mentioning an ἔπαρχʋϛ (praefectus), C. Julius Papius, and some centurions, among them a man called Demetrius. A

y through Macedonia, but in vain. He had to escape to Antonius. After some days the legions capitulated, an interval perhaps

and appeased their demands. 3 Warfare would provide occupation for some of his legions. Though no serious outbreak had di

eavily rewarded with consulates, triumphs, priesthoods and subsidies; some had even been elevated into the patriciate. Octav

arbus the Republican leader was dead; but Messalla and Pollio carried some authority. If the young despot were not willing o

spot were not willing of his own accord to adopt—or at least publish— some tolerable compromise with Senate and People, cert

pedient to overlay the hard and astringent pill of supreme power with some harmless flavouring that smacked of tradition and

ories of Trojan descent and the obsession with Romulus, prevalent for some years in the aftermath of Actium, gradually reced

That much more than the memory and the oratory of Cicero was revived some fifteen years after his death has been maintained

B.C. they held Gaul, Cisalpine and Transalpine, Spain and Syria, with some twenty legions. The Cisalpina was no longer a pro

art from these survivals of a lost cause, Rome could boast in 27 B.C. some eleven viri triumphales. Some of the military men

far from peaceful, but their garrison was kept small in size, perhaps some five or six legions in all. Reasons of internal p

ss of Augustus were a sudden warning. The catastrophe was near. For some years, fervent and official language had celebrat

ew. Agrippa received for himself a share in the power. There would be some warrant for speaking of a veiled coup d’état. I

to build up a syndicate of government. 1 It is time to investigate in some detail the composition and recruitment of the gov

ppa carried out a purification in 28 B.C. Of the ‘unworthy elements’, some two hundred were induced to retire by the exercis

50 Scaurus and Cn. Cinna were not especially favoured Scaurus, like some other Republicans and Pompeians, never reached th

he consulate, Cinna not until more than thirty years had elapsed. But some perished or disappeared. Nothing is heard again o

novi homines about. From an ostentation of clemency and magnanimity, some of the minor partisans of Antonius may have been

menaced and shattered the Roman Republic: none the less, when offered some prospect that their aspirations for land and secu

of no small consequence, the praefectus fabrum. The names alone of some of these officers are sufficient testimony. 2 W

a hierarchy and with graded honours. 1 C. Velleius Paterculus passed some eight years as tribunus militum and praefectus eq

ageBook=>357 Not only that Roman knights could govern provinces, some of them quite small and comparable to the command

boast rich and regular corps of novi homines, obscure or illustrious, some encouraged by grant of the latus clavus in youth

e to their peers in other towns, and desperately proud of birth. 1 Of some the town or region is attested; in others the fam

Ann. 11, 24: ‘manent posteri eorum. ’ 2 Junius Gallio, a speaker of some note, who adopted one of the three sons of Seneca

ld attach to his cause even the most recalcitrant of the nobiles; and some , like Cn. Piso (cos. 23 B.C.), joined perhaps fro

or from its friends. Augustus in the first years masked or palliated some of its maladies at least no juvenile consuls are

ed some of its maladies at least no juvenile consuls are attested for some time. None the less, in the ordinances of Augustu

at least, when four or five large commands already existed. 4 It was some time before their number increased through divisi

returned to favour. Certain of the nobiles, old or recent, displayed some show of talent in oratory or letters. Pollio and

distant collaterals may have usurped rank and forged pedigrees. Over some noble houses of this age hangs the veil of a dubi

nd the first stage in the pacification of the Balkans (c. 9 B.C.,) or some dozen years later, the legions of Macedonia were

may be, legate of Syria. 8 NotesPage=>398 1 He is attested at some time between 13 and 8 B.C. (Josephus AJ 16, 270),

, a tribe of the African desert dwelling to the south of Cyrene. 1 At some time in the twelve years after his consulate Quir

8 f.; Tacitus, Ann. 4, 44; Strabo, pp. 303-5; and by the elogium with some confidence to be assigned to M. Vinicius (ILS 896

rs of useful service. Of the rest, no fewer than five were related in some way to the family of the Princeps. The significan

ia Flaminia. 3 The charge of other roads radiating from Rome, fell to some of his generals who had recently celebrated trium

ood of Gaius and Lucius, the position of Tiberius became irksome; and some spoke of estrangement from his wife, embittered b

isiting the Danubian and Balkan armies, now appeared in the East. For some years disturbances in Armenia, a land over which

place at Court. His coeval, Germanicus’ young brother Claudius, whom some thought stupid and whom his mother Antonia called

E. Groag, P-W VI, 1784 f. 4 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 13, according to whom some authorities substituted Cn. Piso (cos. 7 B.C.) fo

names of consuls and legates, a blend of the old and the new, provide some indication of the range and character of Tiberius

nelia, the epitaph in lapide hoc uni nupta fuisse legar. 6 Though some might show a certain restraint in changing husban

nd confident without pietas, the honour due to the gods of Rome, On some tolerable accommodation with supernatural power

rovinces or drift to the towns rather than return to a hard living in some valley of the Apennines. Small farmers there were

It was pietas, the typical Roman virtue. Augustus might observe with some satisfaction that he had restored a quality which

conscripted and given the Roman citizenship on enlistment. 4 Further, some of the finest fighting material in Europe was now

der had won power more through propaganda than through force of arms: some of his greatest triumphs had been achieved with b

the reluctant Cicero was coerced into writing a letter that expressed some measure of approval. Constructive proposals from

he anaemic Tibullus. Fabius Maximus, the patrician dilettante, showed some favour to Ovid, and perhaps to Horace; 4 and Piso

possessed too many of the authentic features of Caesar the Dictator, some of them recently acquired or at least enhanced. R

e on the aspirations or the achievements of the government stamped in some concentrated phrase Libertatis P. R. Vindex, Civi

admit an accommodation with the assassins. He was only incited to pay some honour to his dead benefactor by the spur of the

r were abruptly extinguished in the Revolution had a better fate than some that prolonged an ignoble existence for a generat

ressed by vice or poverty, lack of enterprise or excess of principle, some of the nobiles failed to reach the consulate unde

ith the family tree of the Julio-Claudians. Other families related in some way or other to the reigning dynasty died out bef

The family of M. Plautius Silvanus from Tibur had become connected in some way, through marriage or adoption, with a new con

y commanders of Claudius and Nero are to be found Curtius Rufus, whom some alleged to be the son of a gladiator, Duvius Avit

n nobility, there are still on the Fasti three Republican nobiles and some seven or eight men sprung from Triumviral or Augu

ng, Tacitus abandoned the Empire and the provinces and turned to what some have regarded as a narrow and outworn theme. In

brought to power deserved any public repute, and that was Agrippa, so some held. 1 Candid or malignant informants reveal the

onument, the Res Gestae]5 or at the least, it may be conjectured that some such document was included in the state papers wh

uded when important for their political allegiance or as the origo of some person: in most cases the bare reference is given