tive detail cannot be provided about every family or individual. Even so , the subject almost baffles exposition. The reade

rn’s writings about Antonius and Cleopatra (from which I have learned so much, though compelled to dissent in one matter o

den Professor of Ancient History in the University of Oxford—the more so , precisely, because there is so much in the prese

in the University of Oxford—the more so, precisely, because there is so much in the present volume that will make him rai

ieve, is of some importance. If the book provokes salutary criticism, so much the better. OXFORD, 1 June 1939 R. S. NO

already taken shape, firm and manifest, as early as the year 23 B.C., so that a continuous narrative may run down to that

for Cicero or for Octavianus—or for both at once. A section of it was so written by C. Asinius Pollio, in a Roman and Repu

the courts of law, or masked by secret intrigue. As in its beginning, so in its last generation, the Roman Commonwealth, ‘

son from a small town, succumbed to his talents and his ambition. Not so T. Pomponius Atticus, the great banker. Had Attic

ambition. Not so T. Pomponius Atticus, the great banker. Had Atticus so chosen, wealth, repute and influence could easily

ith a high ideal of Roman patriotism and imperial responsibility. Not so among the financiers. The Roman constitution wa

very precisely a collection of individuals, its shape and character, so far from fading away on close scrutiny, at once s

ate, sadly reduced in political power in the previous generation, not so much through Marius as from internal disasters an

to prevail. The patricians in the restored oligarchy held rank not so much from resources of their own as from alliance

dynastic politics. The tribune M. Livius Drusus, whose activities did so much to precipitate the Bellum Italicum, left no

n class, a hard drinker and an astute politician, the authentic Cato, so far from being a visionary, claimed to be a reali

a family of recent ennoblement, were of non-Latin stock, as the name so patently indicates, probably deriving their origi

ising before long a novel title, ‘the warden of earth and sea’. 2 Not so menacing to outward show, but no less real and pe

reach between Pompeius and his ally might appear imminent. It was not so in reality. Pompeius had not been idle. Though pr

72, censor 70) was a legate in the Pirate War (Appian, Mithr. 95) and so was Marcellinus (ib. and the inscr. from Cyrene,

hment of the Dictatorship of Caesar are events that move in a harmony so swift and sure as to appear pre-ordained; and his

nd perhaps reform the State. Caesar’s enemies were afraid of that and so was Pompeius. After long wavering Pompeius chose

t might not come to open war; and Pompeius was still in their control so long as he was not at the head of an army in the

enerals of Pompeius in Spain were outmanœuvred and overcome. Yet even so , until the legions joined battle on the plain of

action in civil war: he made it his task to transcend faction, and in so doing wrought his own destruction. A champion of

should be radical and genuine. 3 Only the usurers approved of Caesar, so NotesPage=>052 1 Ad fam. 4, 4, 3 (after th

and posterity has seen fit to condemn the act of the Liberators, for so they were styled, as worse than a crime a folly.

the nobiles, he could see, was an anachronism in a world-empire; and so was the power of the Roman plebs when all Italy e

died in the spring of 49 (Dio 41, 14, 5), at the age of ninety-eight, so it was alleged (Pliny, NH 7, 156). 3 Above, p.

t for the worst of reasons. A huge bribe decided C. Scribonius Curio, so history records and repeats but that was not the

er Pompeian tribunes, L. Flavius joined Caesar (Ad Att. 10, 1, 2) and so did C. Messius (Bell. Afr. 33, 2). 2 Gellius 12

7 Clark, &c. PageBook=>067 testimony, that of his enemies, so convincingly reveals: he had delivered over the p

k=>069 not in vain. In the time of Sulla the Fabii have declined so far that they cannot show a consul. A Fabius Maxi

1. Dolabella prosecuted Ap. Claudius Pulcher in 51 (Ad fam. 8, 6, 1), so he had little choice when it came to civil war. C

cure the promotion of deserving friends to the station he had himself so arduously attained. For protection against his

egions, devoted and invincible they could tear down the very heavens, so he told people at Hispalis, misguided Spaniards.

terested motives, to break the power of money in the Roman State. Not so Crassus and Caesar. The faction of Pompeius was u

tius Postumus, is the same person as the notorious Rabirius Postumus, so named after testamentary adoption by his maternal

nd cities stood loyal to Pompeius as representative of Rome, but only so long as his power subsisted. Enemies and rivals w

ῷ µέλ∊ι’; 3 Dio 43, 47, 3. The total may not really have been quite so large. 4 Ib. 43, 49, 1. Caesar clearly contempl

tic families, Hellenized before they became Roman, whose citizenship, so far from being the recent gift of Caesar, went ba

m their internal economy. As at Rome under a Republican constitution, so in the municipia, the aristocracy retained in civ

and the insurrections of Lepidus and Catilina. It is not merely that so many of his soldiers and centurions were recruite

o the same family. 3 So Cicero described him (Pliny, NH 7, 135) and so did Plancus (Ad fam. 10, 183). Really an army con

a party in politics. But even now the work had much farther to go in so far as Italy was concerned: the Revolution had ba

f their names, to which they give a regular and Latin termination not so the more recent, with foreign endings; and the lo

of the previous age, whether conservative or revolutionary, despised so utterly the plebs of Rome that they felt no scrup

or principle. The salutary respite from politics and political strife so firmly imposed by the Dictatorship might even be

t. More than that, Antonius was consul, head of the government, and so unassailable by legal weapons. In the next year,

principle, he would have been a nuisance to any government: not less so , but for different reasons, the Caesarian young m

ons, the Caesarian young men Curio and Caelius, had they survived for so long the inevitable doom of brilliant talents a

s since Madvig choose to omit the word ‘Sextilibus’ wrongly. But even so , the date meant by Cicero is quite certain. Pag

avianus also, though less easily perhaps. Only two of his associates, so it was recorded, were ever thrown over, and that

and the arms of Octavianus to subvert the domination of Antonius, and so destroy the Caesarian party, first Antonius, then

he local gentry of the towns of Italy. The hazards were palpable, and so were the rewards land, money and power, the estat

correctly transmitted we might have here not Maecenas but his father ( so Münzer, P-W xiv, 206). About the last three names

d they might achieve it to restore concord in the Caesarian party and so in the Roman State. They would gladly see Antoniu

nt the rule of a class and the perpetuation of privilege. Yet, even so , libertas could not be monopolized by the oligarc

et Romano homine moriamur. PageBook=>157 be called, being not so much ethical qualities as standards of an order i

s exalted disloyalty into a solemn duty. Lepidus’ army compelled him, so he explained in his despatch to the Senate, to pl

or the good of the Commonwealth, might then organize opinion in Italy so as to exert unofficial pressure on the government

hese nobiles had abandoned the cause of Pompeius after Pharsalus. Not so the personal adherents of the dynast, fanatically

the persons of its leading members, the ex-consuls, whose auctoritas, so custom prescribed, should direct the policy of th

deed, for good or evil, in the last effort of the Senate. Only three, so Cicero, writing to Cassius, asserted, could be ca

mpioned by Cicero, the pomp and insincerity of whose oratory he found so distasteful. But Pollio was to play his part for

us was clearly unassailable; when proconsul, his position, though not so strong, was valid in this, that he held his extra

e described as constitutional. ‘Eine staatsrechtliche Unmöglichkeit’, so Schwartz terms it, Hermes XXXIII (1898), 195. P

was ominous with a war much more formidable than that which was being so gently prosecuted in the Cisalpina. Cicero presse

citizens Lepidus and Plancus, but spurning all thought of negotiation so long as Antonius retained his army. 2 Cicero had

had none; and the exhilaration of a victory in which his legions had so small a share could not compensate the ravages of

or, if he had, is it certain that the troops would have obeyed. 1 And so Ventidius slipped through. Before long Octavian

expected more solid recompense. But the Senate reduced the bounties so generously promised to the patriotic armies, choo

hardened by the renascence of the Republican and Pompeian cause, was so strong that the loyal dispatches which Lepidus co

ancus joined the company of the ‘parricides’ and ‘brigands’ as he had so recently termed them. The unfortunate Brutus, dup

cerning this matter there is scant but significant evidence. In June ( so it would seem) Cicero denounced certain ‘treasona

lendum. ’ Cicero (ib. 11, 21, 1) does not expressly deny that he said so . 2 Above, p. 143. 3 Ad M. Brutum 1, 15, 6 (mi

t that there was no room left for scruple or for legality. 1 Yet even so , the possession of Macedonia and an army meant fo

even so, the possession of Macedonia and an army meant for Brutus not so much an instrument for war as security and a basi

our, sending one of the officers to Antonius with a friendly message, so it was alleged. 1 The union of Antonius and Lepid

m Italicum and became a Roman senator, now perished for his wealth; 5 so did M. Fidustius, who had been proscribed by Sull

ay not have abandoned all hope of an accommodation with East and West so evenly matched between Republicans and Caesarians

other of Antonius. When Brutus heard of the end of Cicero, it was not so much sorrow as shame that he felt for Rome. 2 F

occupy the time by organizing their resources and raising more money: so several months of the following year were spent i

at the soul and spirit of Rome. No battle of all the Civil Wars was so murderous to the aristocracy. 5 Among the fallen

d untouched bride, the daughter of Fulvia. But the consul and Fulvia, so far from giving way, alleged instructions from M.

a serious and irreparable error of political calculation which is not so certain. 6 The envoys were L. Scribonius Libo a

ked to secure an accommodation between her brother and her husband or so at least it was alleged, in order to represent An

rgans of government repaired or the position of the Caesarian leaders so far consolidated that they could dispense with th

ompeius might be able to influence Antonius or Lepidus: they had done so before. For Octavianus there subsisted the danger

beration of Rome from famine placated the urban plebs that had rioted so often against the Triumvirs. Their iron rule in I

suffect consul in 35 B.C.5 For the rest, his earliest marshals, in so far as definitely attested, were the first member

aecilia, the daughter of Atticus. 8 Of the associates of Octavianus so far as now revealed to history, Messalla, Ap. P

an Antonian (Dio 49, 44, 3). None of these men ever commanded armies, so far as is known, save Autronius and M. Acilius (G

arsh, carrying avoidance of rhythm to the extremity of abruptness and so archaic that one would have fancied him born a ce

er. The archaisms were borrowed, men said, lifted from Cato; not less so the grave moral tone, flagrant in contrast with h

tion of Carthage, and refusing to detect any sign of internal discord so long as Rome had to contend with rivals for empir

ageBook=>250 thoughts and darker operations, which it never lost so long as the art was practised in the classical ma

al biographies designed for use in schools, that he drew the parallel so clearly when alluding to the behaviour of the vet

orned in the past by the names of a Fabius, a Cato, a Calpurnius, was so patently the pride and monopoly of the senator th

ollio’s good offices may have preserved or restored the poet’s estate so long as he held Cisalpina, but the disturbances o

e yet displayed the name and the fabric of a free state. That was not so long ago. But they had changed with the times, ra

rity that by now had accrued to Octavianus. It was great, indeed, not so much by contrast with Antonius as with his earlie

to twin children, not a matter of any importance hitherto at least in so far as concerned Roman politics, the rival Caesar

ssed, however, and the crisis in his relations with Octavianus became so acute that Antonius instructed Canidius to bring

d long ago, Cato and the consulars Bibulus and Ahenobarbus were dead; so were Brutus and Cassius, Q. Hortensius, young Luc

e three children whom Cleopatra had borne him. Hostile propaganda has so far magnified and distorted these celebrations th

sia ; 3 NotesPage=>271 1 Below, p. 278. 2 As Strabo (p. 671) so clearly states. 3 Dio 42, 6, 3. PageBook=>

Tarsus, it was Aphrodite meeting Dionysus, for the blessing of Asia, so one account goes; 1 and their union has been repr

me, he went beyond Senate and People, appealing to a higher sanction, so far had the Roman constitution declined. Octavi

him insist that the party of Antonius should be Roman, not regal. Not so Munatius Plancus, who set himself to win the favo

with the secrets of Antonius, the renegades brought a precious gift, so it is alleged news of the documentary evidence th

ft, so it is alleged news of the documentary evidence that Octavianus so urgently required. They told him that the last wi

arriage, was an act of high politics. Now came an opportune discovery so opportune that forgery might be suspected, though

avourite oath, it was even stated (and has since been believed), was ‘ so may I deliver my edicts upon the Capitol’. 5 No R

s to be believed (50, 4, 2). The publication of the will is not given so much importance and effect by Plutarch (Antonius

s manifestly inadequate if it was the instrument of Rome’s enemy. And so Octavianus, like Cicero twelve years earlier when

’s enemy. And so Octavianus, like Cicero twelve years earlier when he so eloquently justified a Catilinarian venture and a

ting, perhaps, the prospect of an indecisive struggle, with each side so evenly balanced, leaving the rivals as before, ru

h alacrity to reconquer the kingdoms of the East and to seize a spoil so long denied, the rich land of Egypt. The most ard

that in subsequent ages the division between West and East was masked so well and delayed so long. The loss of the dominio

ges the division between West and East was masked so well and delayed so long. The loss of the dominions beyond the sea wo

cf. AJ 14, 449) attests local recruiting in Syria in 38 B.C. 2 Dio so , 14, 1 f. PageBook=>296 Then the odds move

e was himself recalled by troubles in Italy. There had been a plot—or so it was alleged. It was suppressed at once by Maec

). Carrinas held a triumph, on May 30th, 28 B.C. (CIL 12, p. 77). Not so Nonius, so far as known, though he took an impera

held a triumph, on May 30th, 28 B.C. (CIL 12, p. 77). Not so Nonius, so far as known, though he took an imperatorial salu

cinius Crassus (cos. 30 B.C.). 2 The other provinces of the East, not so important because they lacked permanent garrisons

stained with a brother’s blood and himself killed by Roman senators, so one legend ran, before his assumption NotesPage

ry was a continuous and harmonious development. 2 Augustus himself, so he asserted, accepted no magistracy that ran cont

, his counsellors or his critics scanned the records of the past with so anxious an eye for legal precedents as have the l

nguished for long years. Certain precedents of the recent past were so close as to be damaging. Pompeius Magnus governed

be urged that the political doctrine of Cicero was couched in phrases so vague and so innocuous that it could be employed

the political doctrine of Cicero was couched in phrases so vague and so innocuous that it could be employed by any party

o: the speeches of his peers and rivals have all perished. That being so , the resurgence of phrases, and even of ideas, th

about the rule of Augustus which was hidden from contemporaries. In so far as Cicero had a political programme, he advoc

tuta’; and certain Roman writers echoed the official description. Not so Tacitus—in his brief account of Augustus’ feigned

hat Augustus twice thought of restoring the Republic— not that he did so . 3 To Suetonius, the work of Augustus was the cre

one governor, with several legates as his subordinates. 2 Provinces so large and so important called for proconsuls of c

with several legates as his subordinates. 2 Provinces so large and so important called for proconsuls of consular rank,

serve as legates of the Princeps in his provincia; 2 and three only, so far as known, hold the proconsulate of Africa wit

tes in the first dozen years, and hardly any consulars. Likewise in so far as concerns the provinces left in the charge

must build up, for Rome, Italy and the Empire, a system of government so strong and a body of administrators so large and

Empire, a system of government so strong and a body of administrators so large and coherent that nothing should shatter th

e. Some of these campaigns may have prepared the way for Augustus: if so , scant acknowledgement in history. 3 In 26 B.C.

f the party. Fannius was a ‘bad man’ to begin with, a Republican. Not so Murena. Long ago Salvidienus the marshal betrayed

er political principle, if such existed, or private dislike. Yet even so , only four years earlier, one of the closest of t

of his powers in that sense a return to constitutional government, in so far as his authority was legal. The new settlemen

The tribunicia potestas was elusive and formidable; while imperium is so important that all mention of it is studiously om

upon the King of the Parthians to regain the standards of Crassus and so acquire easy prestige for the new government. 3

façade as under the Republic. Not only that. Augustus himself is not so much a man as a hero and a figure-head, an embodi

it was rumoured, to those notorious charms which the poet Horace has so candidly depicted. 5 Maecenas might be dropped,

andidly depicted. 5 Maecenas might be dropped, but not Agrippa; and so Agrippa prevailed. He did not approve of the exor

revolutionary age and the heir of the Claudian house were perhaps not so far apart in this matter and in others. PageNot

, 26. 4 Dio 54, 29, 6. 5 Odes 1, 6. Varius should write the epic, so Horace suggests. 6 Pliny, NH 7, 46, mentions Ag

sium and the War of Actium had been alarming, because it corresponded so clearly with history and geography, with present

compulsion to derive honour and advancement. Of this imposing total, so Augustus proudly affirmed, no fewer than eighty-t

y the exercise of moral suasion. 2 The true character of the purge, so gravely attested and so ingenuously praised by hi

suasion. 2 The true character of the purge, so gravely attested and so ingenuously praised by historians, did not escape

The passage of time extended the process and abbreviated the stages, so that the sons of knights, knights themselves and

capula and P. Salvius Aper. In the time of Augustus the Guard was not so important as Egypt, therefore Scapula’s prefectur

of Livia Drusilla held the office of a municipal magistrate at Fundi, so her irreverent great-grandson alleged. 1 The Em

seriously here. 5 Cf. above, p. 81. PageBook=>359 It was not so : the property qualification was low indeed, when

ock, encouraging them to stand for the office of the quaestorship and so enter the Senate. Not only that the tribunate was

tradition of the marshals of the revolutionary wars but not imposing so rapid and frequent a succession of alien names on

y, many of them from the Italia whose name, nation and sentiments had so recently been arrayed in war against Rome. But It

ons. 2 If the experiment was ever made, it was quickly abandoned. Not so much because it was a mockery, given the true cha

tonius’ daughter, the brutal and efficient Herod, whom Agrippa prized so highly, Polemo of Pontus or the Thracian dynasts,

me Augustus acquired sole power, the Revolution had already proceeded so far that it could abate its rhythm without any da

t four years of the Principate. Riots in Rome could not imperil peace so long as the Princeps controlled the armies. Nor i

her approved of by Augustus; 3 the other, a critic of exacting taste, so they said, had Ovid’s poems by heart. 4 Nobiles

son of the Triumvir, became consul. But the consulate did not matter so much. Enemies were dangerous only if they had arm

lus, a Scaurus and other nobles did not rise to the consulate. 4 With so few suffect consulates in the early years of the

orms and hierarchies. The ruler has his intimates, amici and comites, so designated by terms which develop almost into tit

o Tiberius the exploits of his peers and rivals have been passed over so as to create the impression that Tiberius was Rom

s. The Romans were at least preserved from the dreary calamities that so often attend upon the theoretical study of the mi

s are described by Sallust (BC 45, 2) as ‘homines militares’. Rightly so , as their careers demonstrate. On Q. Marcius Cris

22 (ILS 940, cf. Tacitus, Ann. 3, 74). PageBook=>397 But even so , in the fully developed system of the Principate,

not exceptional. Vinicius is a close parallel; it is unfortunate that so little is known of the careers of L. Tarius Rufus

argument for assigning to him the inscr. from Tibur (ILS 918) is not so strong. Cf. n. 8. 2 Josephus, AJ 16, 344, &

s rose in revolt. As twenty years before in the Thracian War of Piso, so now the Balkan lands called again for reinforceme

impressive. Quirinius was certainly the first senator of his family, so perhaps was Lollius. Silvanus and Piso, however,

he Curia; in A.D. 13 its composition was modified and its powers were so far enhanced as to encroach seriously upon the fu

hosen by lot. 6 The finances of a great empire cannot be conducted in so simple a fashion. There must be financial experts

at a loss to explain Agrippa’s dispatch to the East. The gossip that so constantly asserted the preponderating influence

as explaining Dio’s date. Yet Cinna’s consulate was probably due, not so much to Augustus, as to the Republican Tiberius,

of usurpation could be consummated in a peaceful and orderly fashion, so that the transmission of power appeared to be no

er of the Princeps in war and government. The marriage was unwelcome, so gossip asserted. Tiberius dearly loved his own pl

stus. 1 Cinna was one of themselves, noble and patrician at that, and so was Tiberius Augustus had never been. Though the

ext to them the Claudian connexion. NotesPage=>420 1 At least, so Seneca says (De clem. 1, 9, 10): ‘cedo, si spes t

. But even he could serve the political ambitions of his grandmother; so the young Claudius, after losing his bride Livia

nna, Sulla, Crassus and Pompeius. Some missed the consulate and none, so far as is known, were permitted by Augustus to go

such as that mild-mannered person P. Quinctilius Varus, who were not so deeply committed to the court faction that they c

comes et rector’ fell abruptly from favour and died, of his own hand, so it was reported. Everybody rejoiced at his death,

les, in which, close upon the gravest foreign war since Hannibal (for so the rebellion of Illyricum was designated)1 there

not a decorative figure. But Claudius was harmless and tolerated. Not so Agrippa, of the blood of Augustus. This political

nsulate, only one of them, however, to military command. 3 This being so , few indeed of the nobiles, the rivals and equals

time to receive the last mandates from the lips of the dying Princeps so ran the official and inevitable version, inevitab

but to incriminate the new régime. ‘Primum facinus novi principals’, so Tacitus describes the execution of Agrippa. The a

’. Augustus, like the historian Tacitus, would have none of them; and so they receive no praise from the poets. 1 Pompeius

family under the protection of the State a measure quite superfluous so long as Rome remained her ancient self. In the ar

in the city of Rome. No fewer than eighty-two required his attention, so he claimed, no doubt with exaggeration,5 passing

tage, in invoking the better sort of Greek deities on the right side, so that the War of Actium could be shown as a sublim

al and patriotic revival of religion is a large topic; and a movement so deep and so strong cannot derive its validity or

otic revival of religion is a large topic; and a movement so deep and so strong cannot derive its validity or its success

brought no money to the peasant, if his life was stern and laborious, so much the better. He must learn to love it, for hi

remunerative and more modern methods of cultivation. As in politics, so in economic life, there could be no reaction. Non

victories of the Caesarian party over the nobiles. Being recruited in so large a measure from Roman knights of the towns o

structure created by the Princeps was solid yet flexible: it was not so easy to shape the habits of a whole people and re

nd due to other causes than the legislation of Augustus,2 for luxury, so far from being abated, was quite unbridled under

, the war profiteers became respectable. ‘Fortuna non mutât genus’, so Horace exclaimed in the revolutionary period. 2 T

Pollio, it is true, was honoured by Horace in a conspicuous ode. Not so Messalla, however. As for the plebeian military m

e date in Horace’s life and was dedicated to two sons of this Piso is so plausible that it can dispense with the support o

both Roman and Greek. The War of Actium was shown to be a contest not so much against Greece as against Egypt and the East

2 ff. 3 Aen. 1, 286 ff. 4 Ib. 6, 791 ff. PageBook=>463 And so Aeneas follows his mission, sacrificing all emoti

roverting Sallustius. When Pompeius thus became a respectable figure, so did Octavianus. It was the fashion to be Pompeian

he north, which was patriotic rather than partisan. The North, unlike so many parts of Italy, had no history of its own, w

or his epic poet of Italy a man whose verse and sentiments harmonized so easily with his own ideas and policy. Here was hi

lained of the dearness of wine, there was always the excellent water, so the Princeps pointed out, from the aqueducts whic

rt designs for the succession of Gaius and Lucius. He did not need it so much for himself. At the colony of Acerrae in Cam

fashion of the eastern lands. The language of that ‘Graeca adulatio’ so loathsome to Republican sentiment becomes more an

hipping power in the eastern fashion. Such at least was the theory in so far as concerned Gallia Narbonensis and the more

Empire. 1 The institution would further inspire among the Gauls just so much community of sentiment as would serve the co

ly. 2 What lay behind the mask? The cardinal virtues of the Princeps, so studiously celebrated in public, must have been p

as ducis’ after Actium, exclaims that he would have behaved precisely so in earlier wars, had it been possible. 4 As for A

plures. ’2 Official truth begot disbelief and its own corrective; and so rumour assumed an epic part, many- tongued, inven

tory, ambition and political intrigue. Augustus was invulnerable. Not so his friends: a trial might be the occasion either

his real opinion of the character, policy and style of Cicero was not so far from that of Pollio. Pollio’s native distrust

was not the only defect that Pollio could discover in Livy. Pollio, so it is recorded by Quintilian, criticized Livy for

years later they removed him to the barren rock of Seriphus. 4 Not so dangerous as Labienus and Cassius, or possessing

Empire, they wore the purple of the Caesars. Juvenal’s poem is not so much a panegyric of plebeian merit as a lament fo

ion-leaders; yet the personal domination of those dynasts never meant so drastic a depression of the nobiles. They were no

aller and smaller: if they went on long enough, they would disappear, so a wit of the Republic observed. 3 Yet this family

name and establish the families which their resplendent fortune could so handsomely have endowed. The Caesarian partisans

r all else they were believed a danger, though often only a nuisance, so great a tribute did Roman conservatism and snobbe

probable, but not proved, by SHA Hadr. 12, 2. A slight confirmation, so far ignored, is the woman of Nemausus Pompeia Mar

aded tribe of prosecutors and informers. The position of Augustus was so strong that the evil found little encouragement.

tus, that was hard for a patriot and an honest man to bear. It is not so much the rigour of despotism as the servility and

ad brought to power deserved any public repute, and that was Agrippa, so some held. 1 Candid or malignant informants revea

a snob as well as a careerist. 4 The Republican profession was not so much political as social and moral: it was more o

fools call liberty’, left no record in the annals of eloquence. 5 Not so Athens and Rhodes they were democracies, and depl

nce. 5 Not so Athens and Rhodes they were democracies, and deplorably so . 6 Rome too, so long as Rome was on the wrong pat

hens and Rhodes they were democracies, and deplorably so. 6 Rome too, so long as Rome was on the wrong path, produced vigo

berius. It was no less true of the Principate of Augustus rather more so . To be sure, the State was organized under a prin

employ with indifference the names of ‘rex’ or ‘princeps’,3 the more so because a respectable tradition of philosophic th

was not long before the Principate gave birth to its own theory, and so became vulnerable to propaganda. Augustus claimed

with it that of protector: optime Romulae custos gentis. 5 And so Augustus is ‘custos rerum’; 6 he is the peculiar

done and a successor left on guard. Augustus used the word ‘statio’: so did contemporaries. 3 Augustus’ rule was domini

ght or for soldier, for Roman or for provincial. The rewards were not so splendid as in the wars of the Revolution; but th

. 362, where, as the author admits, there are uncertainties. Not less so in the matter of the Arruntii, cf. above, pp. 425