ion. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford Universi

transference of power and of property; and the Principate of Augustus should be regarded as the consolidation of the revolutio

ize, the writings and discoveries of the last twelve years, much as I should have liked to insert various small yet significan

n in the provinces. Crassus was in the habit of observing that nobody should be called rich who was not able to maintain an ar

ed rich who was not able to maintain an army on his income. 2 Crassus should have known. The competition was fierce and ince

o capture this useful orator. Terentia, Cicero’s wife, afraid lest he should divorce her and marry Clodia, provoked a breach b

Pompeius, inaugurated his tribunate with alarming proposals: Pompeius should be elected consul in absence or recalled to Italy

arry by bribery the election of Bibulus, his daughter’s husband. 6 He should have made certain of both consuls. Caesar, retu

confounding the oligarchy by pertinacious proposals that both dynasts should surrender their armies and save the Commonwealth.

e outbreak of war or distrustful of Pompeius, took no active part and should more honestly be termed neutrals (P-W 111, 2762;

e same time decrees of the Senate ordained that an oath of allegiance should be taken in his name. 2 Was this the measure of h

sses, a drastic reduction of debts and a programme of revolution that should be radical and genuine. 3 Only the usurers approv

hands of loyal partisans, or of reconciled Pompeians whose good sense should guarantee peace. For that period, at least, a sal

Pompeius, schemed for the Caesarian alliance and designed that Brutus should marry Caesar’s daughter. 2 Her plan was annulled

not only that Curtius was ‘fortissimus et maximus publicanus’, which should suffice. Eloquent advocacy proclaims that this pe

principle who had been condemned on a charge of corruption. 3 Cicero should have sought consolation: he could now see beside

his own ancestors. 3 He desired that the sentiment and voice of Italy should be heard at Rome but it was the Italy of the post

uld not be confined to Rome, but must embrace all Italy. That Italy should at last enter the government of the enlarged stat

m Tibur; 2 and Caesar probably intended that M. Brutus and C. Cassius should be consuls in 41 B.C.3 But before these dispositi

d in the insignia of a consul; for Caesar had intended that Dolabella should have the vacant place when he resigned and depart

ish lack of counsel. ’2 Brutus and Cassius, since they were praetors, should have usurped authority and summoned the Senate to

on the Capitol, it was afterwards urged. 3 But that was treason. They should not have left the consul Antonius alive. But th

ad another favourite. More truly representative of the Roman People should have been the soldiers of the legions and the inh

o’s indignation that under the pretext of concord Caesarian partisans should retain their acquisitions ’pacis isti scilicet am

absence in Campania, he now made up his mind that Brutus and Cassius should leave Italy. Antonius had returned to Rome with a

oposal there is no evidence: perhaps he suggested that Cisalpine Gaul should cease to be a province at the end of the year and

ate on September 1st Antonius proposed that a day in honour of Caesar should be added to the solemn thanksgivings paid by the

e present, but simply the ancestral constitution of Rome as it was or should have been a century earlier, namely a stable and

fficiis is a theoretical treatment of the obligations which a citizen should render to the Commonwealth, that is, a manual of

between the wealthiest members of the two orders, Senate and knights, should withstand the People, maintain the rights of prop

ther, it was an attractive theory that the conduct of affairs in Rome should not be narrowly Roman, but commend itself to the

nds of peace had to abandon their plea when they spoke for war. Peace should not be confused with servitude; 4 negotiations wi

good was supported by the profession of private virtues, if such they should NotesPage=>156 1 Ad Att. 14, 21, 2; 15, 2,

. Rep. 11, 400 ff.). PageBook=>158 patriotism private enmities should be composed, private loyalties surrendered, for t

c enemy. Lepidus duly uttered the exemplary prayer that private feuds should be abandoned. 4 Plancus had assured Cicero that n

usam suscipere, ut vere dicam, coegit. ’ He urged that ‘misericordia’ should not be regarded as criminal. Cf. Appian, BC 3, 84

itution was being perversely invoked against them: what if the People should appear misguided in the use of its prerogative of

s argument to demonstrate that Antonius is not really a consul at all should excite suspicion. The conception of a consul’s im

ding members, the ex-consuls, whose auctoritas, so custom prescribed, should direct the policy of the State: they are suitably

memory of the services of Lepidus to the Roman State, a gilded statue should be set up on the Rostra or in any part of the For

ould be set up on the Rostra or in any part of the Forum that Lepidus should choose. Lepidus could afford to wait. A stronge

the campaign and estates in Italy. It was also decided that governors should continue to hold their provinces until relieved b

not do to condemn a Roman citizen unheard. At the very least Antonius should be brought to trial, to answer for his alleged mi

re it was legal until the legislation of Antonius (and of his agents) should have been declared null and void. That was not do

he would hold for the five years following, until Brutus and Cassius should have become consuls and have vacated their consul

at the loyal dispatches which Lepidus continued to send to the Senate should have deceived nobody. The two armies lay agains

m Brutus had captured in Macedonia. Cicero insisted that the criminal should be put to death: there was nothing to choose betw

im to be the government or the State: it was enough that their rivals should be thwarted and impotent. Caesar the Dictator par

Foresight and good investments preserved Atticus: his wealth alone should have procured his doom. The Caesarian party was f

‘Carisius’. His origin is unknown. The dedication ILS 925 (Spoletium) should belong to him (below, p. 221) but CIL ix, 414 (Ca

Caesarians and impatient of delay, officers and men clamoured that he should try the fortune of battle again. Moreover, easter

original portion was by now in the hands of Pompeius. As for Africa, should Lepidus make complaint, he might have that for hi

ere not slow to make open protest: they suggested that the imposition should be spread out and equalized. Then other cities in

Gaul was in negotiation and ready to desert. If anybody, Salvidienus should have known how the odds lay. Once again, however,

on in 40 B.C. PageBook=>220 leadership of the Caesarian party, should in truth have ruled over a world that had been pa

poses or governmental proclamations also decreed that a golden statue should be set up in the Forum with an inscription to ann

ncorous and impotent at the moment, but a danger for the near future, should the Republicans and Pompeians come back from the

future, should the Republicans and Pompeians come back from the East, should Antonius demand lands for the veterans of his leg

e East, should Antonius demand lands for the veterans of his legions, should the dynasts, fulfilling a solemn pledge, restore

ing a programme of order and regeneration for the new government that should replace the narrow and corrupt oligarchy of the n

the better part of two years not Ventidius but the victor of Philippi should have driven the Parthians out of Asia. When at la

s military enterprises. Egypt, the most valuable of the dependencies, should not be regarded as paramount and apart, but as on

in 31 B.C., Dio 51, 5, 6; BMC, R. Rep. 11, 583 ff. To the above list should probably be added, as proconsuls of Asia, M. Cocc

all measure and decency. To ruin Antonius it was not enough that she should be a siren: she must be made a Fury ‘fatale mon

ntage; 5 he was soon to be requited with the consulate which Antonius should have held. Republican freedom of speech now revel

prospects of his own son, made him insist that the party of Antonius should be Roman, not regal. Not so Munatius Plancus, who

cies to the children of Cleopatra and directed that, when he died, he should be buried beside her in Alexandria. 2 The signa

(Plutarch, Antonius 58). The hypothesis of forgery, at least partial, should not summarily be dismissed. It is a question not

ching the testament of Antonius, many thought it atrocious that a man should be impugned in his lifetime for posthumous dispos

a firm disinclination to join in quarrels fought at her expense. Why should Italy sacrifice brave sons and fair lands at the

either of the rivals in the contest for power had intended that there should be a serious battle if they could help it. So it

the victors. Already the Senate had voted that the Temple of Janus should be closed, a sign that all the world was at peace

urs upon the saviour of the State. They voted that a wreath of laurel should be placed above the door-post of his dwelling, fo

ing, for he had saved the lives of Roman citizens; that in the Senate should be hung a golden shield with his virtues inscribe

erium could have been discovered? A champion of the ‘higher legality’ should find no quarrel with a rigid law of high treason.

ntenance of peace, it was necessary that the primacy of Caesar’s heir should be strengthened and perpetuated. Not, however, un

yed Republican language but intended that the Republican constitution should operate unhampered—and that it did, at least in t

new system was suddenly introduced in the year 27 B.C.—Augustus’ men should be described as legati in his provincia rather th

trong and a body of administrators so large and coherent that nothing should shatter the fabric, that the Commonwealth should

oherent that nothing should shatter the fabric, that the Commonwealth should stand and endure, even when its sovran organs, th

ely for warfare and for glory but that consolidation and conciliation should come more easily and more naturally. Time, oblivi

elius Lamia in 24–22 B.C. (in Dio 53, 29, 1 the name Λoύκιoς Aἰμίλιoς should probably be corrected, cf. Cassiodorus, Chron. mi

inauguration of a New Age. It was perhaps intended that Secular Games should be celebrated precisely in that year; 5 and it is

that certain Odes of Horace (published in the second half of 23 B.C.) should contain such vivid and exact anticipations of the

ir ravages, producing riots in Rome and popular clamour that Augustus should assume the office of Dictator. 6 He refused, but

ellus. On him the Princeps set his hopes of a line of succession that should be not merely dynastic, but in his own family and

aking of a veiled coup d’état. It was bad enough that the young man should become consul at the age of twenty-three: his ado

a memorandum which advocated that art treasures in private possession should be confiscated by the government for the benefit

93, 1. 3 Pliny, NH 35, 26. 4 Dio 54, 29, 6. 5 Odes 1, 6. Varius should write the epic, so Horace suggests. 6 Pliny, NH

tored unity by secret compulsion, with Agrippa as deputy-leader: even should Augustus disappear, the scheme of things was save

to be expected that the qualities requisite for a ruler of the world should all be found in one man. A triumvirate was ready

y, to more than a thousand members. In order that the sovran assembly should recover dignity and efficiency when the Free Stat

83: nr. Amastris). 5 A. Stein, Der r. Ritterstand, 291 ff. 6 And, should they possess the Jus Italicum, they are treated a

petition. The Roman plebs clamoured that Augustus, present or absent, should assume the title of Dictator. When he refused,

us blocked him, announcing that, even if elected by the people, Rufus should not become consul. The abandoned scoundrel ‘per o

developed into a series of separate commands, it was right that they should be regarded and governed as separate provinces; m

wers, cf. M. Reinhold, Marcus Agrippa (1933), 98 ff. Whether or no he should be called co-regent is a question of terminology.

er of 13-12 B.C.2 The design, it may be conjectured, was that Agrippa should prosecute the conquest of Illyricum in 12 B.C. wh

for the Princeps intended that the military achievements of his rule should be glorified at the expense of their real but sub

ates a reason for these innovations that as many senators as possible should take an active part in administration. 1 In the

in show spontaneous and independent. Plancus proposed that the Senate should confer the name of Augustus upon Caesar’s heir. I

phus, AJ 17, 229. PageBook=>413 It was not intended that there should be foreign wars in the East. But the needs of Wes

could have been deceived. In 6 B.C. there was an agitation that Gaius should be made consul. 2 Augustus expressed public disap

nd Lucius in a private letter Augustus expressed his prayer that they should inherit his position in their turn. 2 That was

e prerogatives of her station and family8 was it necessary that there should be public scandal? NotesPage=>426 1 Vellei

did not see her new master for many years. The adoption of Tiberius should have brought stability to the régime by discourag

he supreme power. As in 27 B.C., it was necessary that the Principate should be conferred by consent upon the first citizen fo

aeculare 57 ff. 3 Dio 54, 15, 1 ff. 4 Cicero desired that censors should forbid celibacy (De legibus 3, 7): ‘caelibes esse

of corruption to the next, each worse than the last, till the temples should be repaired. 1 Whose hand would Heaven guide to b

le cost him nothing. He could wait for Lepidus’ death. Better that he should in recent history the dignity of pontifex maximus

occupied a privileged rank in the empire of all the world. Privilege should stand for service. If the citizen refused to figh

her was a Picene. That was no palliation. These men before all others should have provided the ‘Itala virtus’ that was held to

nce and even with benevolence. He insisted, however, that his praises should be sung only in serious efforts and by the best p

mpleted (c. 30 B.C.), Virgil was engaged in writing an epic poem that should reveal the hand of destiny in the earliest origin

rse that incurred the displeasure of Augustus. Poetry, it was agreed, should be useful. Ovid accepted that principle and turne

serve the State. Sulmo and the Paelignians, a virile and hardy race, should have made a better contribution to the New Italy

nquests about to begin, the Senate voted that an altar of Pax Augusta should be set up. The monument was dedicated three or fo

ingrained habit and inevitable fashion, it was natural that the ruler should be an object of veneration, with honours like the

nstrated against the moral code and later clamoured loudly that Julia should be restored from exile. 5 Too prudent or too grat

osed in the Senate, with moving and patriotic language, that Augustus should be hailed as pater patriae (2 B.C.) Pollio, how

recorded, brought to ridicule a proposal that a bodyguard of senators should keep watch outside the bed-chamber of the Princep

ipate the future. He did not intend that his retirement from politics should be either inglorious or silent: he introduced the

and Claudii, their rivals and social equals. It was fitting that they should all end with the end of a period. Crassus’ gran

e real enemies. It is in every way fitting that Spain and Narbonensis should have supplied the first provincial emperors, of s

only the ambition and the agency of individuals. On any count, Balbus should be added. The banker Atticus knew all about conte

ity and a loyal servant of the government, Ser. Sulpicius Galba: they should have been right, for Galba was only the façade of

Silius. 2 More good fortune perhaps than merit that their characters should be colourless and innocuous. Their descendants en

y, deserted every side at the right moment. It is curious that Horace should have felt impelled to remind him of the need to p

daughter the son of a nobleman, almost the last of the Marcelli. 6 He should have had nothing to complain of under the new dis

t for constitutional forms. Indeed, it was inconceivable that a Roman should live under any other dispensation. Hence Libertas

ageBook=>517 Libertas, it was widely held in senatorial circles, should be the very spirit of the Principate. All too lon