. Liberty or stable government: that was the question confronting the Romans themselves, and I have tried to answer it precise

It will at once be evident how much the conception of the nature of Roman politics here expounded owes to the supreme examp

PE =Inscriptiones Orae Septentrionalis Pontis Euxini. JRS =Journal of Roman Studies. LE =W. Schulze, Zur Geschichte lateini

UCTION: AUGUSTUS AND HISTORY PageBook=>001 THE greatest of the Roman historians began his Annals with the accession to

mmon usage the reign of Augustus is regarded as the foundation of the Roman Empire. The era may be variously computed, from t

ds and miracles: his constitutional reign as acknowledged head of the Roman State was to baffle by its length and solidity al

anny. If despotism was the price, it was not too high: to a patriotic Roman of Republican sentiments even submission to absol

might be held to justify, or at least to palliate, the horrors of the Roman Revolution: hence the danger of an indulgent esti

rnment, they do not surrender anything. Neglect of the conventions of Roman political terminology and of the realities of Rom

he conventions of Roman political terminology and of the realities of Roman political life has sometimes induced historians t

phe at Actium. To this partisan and pragmatic interpretation of the Roman Revolution there stands a notable exception. To o

cero’s life, full of glory and eloquence no doubt, was ruinous to the Roman People. Posterity, generous in oblivion, regard

th at once. A section of it was so written by C. Asinius Pollio, in a Roman and Republican spirit. That was tradition, inesca

n, or disbelief) may encourage the attempt to record the story of the Roman Revolution and its sequel, the Principate of Caes

t the expense of truth. However talented and powerful in himself, the Roman statesman cannot stand alone, without allies, wit

hy, republic, or democracy, an oligarchy lurks behind the façade; and Roman history, Republican or Imperial, is the history o

f other groups and superseding them all. The policy and acts of the Roman People were guided by an oligarchy, its annals we

and the non- political orders in society triumphed over Rome and the Roman aristocracy. Yet the old framework and categories

war in 49 B.C. might appear to open the final act in the fall of the Roman Republic. That was not the opinion of their enemy

peius and Caesar. 2 When Pollio set out to narrate the history of the Roman Revolution he began, not with the crossing of the

ere seen in Syria and on the western shore of Asia. The Empire of the Roman People, perishing of its own greatness, threatene

and class. Naked power prevailed. 4 The anger of Heaven against the Roman People was revealed in signal and continuous cala

hers had held only the lower magistracies or even new-comers, sons of Roman knights. Of the latter, in the main deriving from

s of praetorian rank.) Gelzer’s lucid explanation of the character of Roman society and Roman politics, namely a nexus of per

nk.) Gelzer’s lucid explanation of the character of Roman society and Roman politics, namely a nexus of personal obligations,

n if a man without ancestors aspired to the highest magistracy of the Roman Republic2 he might rise to the praetorship but no

solid rampart to bar all intruders. No need for that the conservative Roman voter could seldom be induced to elect a man whos

o the true causes of his own elevation. 5 The political life of the Roman Republic was stamped and swayed, not by parties a

secret intrigue. As in its beginning, so in its last generation, the Roman Commonwealth, ‘res publica populi NotesPage=>

was variously labelled). The wide and remembered ramifications of the Roman noble clan won concentrated support for the risin

attention and engross history, but the most revolutionary changes in Roman politics were the work of families or of a few me

cealment by the nobiles, for their own ends, of the true character of Roman political life, Römische Adelsparteien u. Adelsfa

as necessary to conciliate the second order in state and society, the Roman knights, converted into a ruinous political force

fine flower of the equestrian order, the ornament and bulwark of the Roman State. 2 Cicero never spoke against these ‘homine

who sought to secure fair treatment for provincials or reform in the Roman State through the re-establishment of the peasant

Catilina and Gabinius. It was no accident, no mere manifestation of Roman conservatism or snobbery, that the leaders of rev

e aristocracy rather than in the lower. It is all too easy to tax the Roman nobility in the last epoch of its rule with vice

end material interests and combine class-loyalty with a high ideal of Roman patriotism and imperial responsibility. Not so am

the country-towns of Italy and in regions not directly concerned with Roman political life. Whether he held authority from th

ck of family- connexions and clientela. Within the framework of the Roman constitution, beside the consulate, was another i

uences of empire social, economic and political —broke loose in the Roman State, inaugurating a century of revolution. The

of military leaders. Before long the Italian allies were dragged into Roman dissensions. The tribune M. Livius Drusus hoped t

Etruria, despoiled and resentful, rose again for Lepidus against the Roman oligarchy. 1 Lepidus was suppressed. But disord

of the oligarchy is slowly transformed with the transformation of the Roman State, the manner and fashion of dynastic politic

pse, they were saved from extinction by the primitive tenacity of the Roman family and the pride of their own traditions. The

to their power were the Valerii and the Fabii. 1 To the Fasti of the Roman Republic these great houses each contributed fort

n dynastic marriages. In their great age the Metelli overshadowed the Roman State, holding twelve consulates, censorships or

y a man who never became consul. Its origins lie at the very heart of Roman dynastic politics. The tribune M. Livius Drusus,

ncials in a fair and merciful fashion, incurring the deadly hatred of Roman financiers. The younger Lucullus, proconsul of Ma

on with the Metelli. 1 The lust of power, that prime infirmity of the Roman noble, impelled him to devious paths and finally

litics through the great estates in Italy and the clientela among the Roman plebs which he had inherited from an ambitious an

st man, a stubborn character, but of no great moment in politics. 3 Roman noble houses, decadent or threatened by rivals in

ribery and popular favour the paramount office in the religion of the Roman State, that of pontifex maximus. 5 The same year

chronistic and highly distorted picture of the earlier career of this Roman nobilis; cf. the novel but convincing arguments o

so far from being a visionary, claimed to be a realist of traditional Roman temper and tenacity, not inferior to the great an

the Macedonian Alexander or the monarchs of the line of Seleucus, the Roman conqueror marched along the great roads of Asia,

ius, a pretext for intervention to vindicate the sacred rights of the Roman People. Men feared a civil war. When Pompeius ask

Cato rebuffed him. Baffling enough after an absence of five years, Roman politics were further complicated by the affair o

political. The remedy was simple and drastic. For the health of the Roman People the dynasts had to go. Augustus completed

Ch. IV CAESAR THE DICTATOR PageBook=>047 SULLA was the first Roman to lead an army against Rome. Not of his own choo

the wars of the Republic in the East. Sulla had all the ambition of a Roman noble: but it was not his ambition to seize power

ood in defence of the rights of the tribunes and the liberties of the Roman People. But that was not the plea which Caesar hi

ly in defence of the authority of the Senate and the liberties of the Roman People, that all the land would rise as one man a

Spain. ‘They would have it thus,’ said Caesar as he gazed upon the Roman dead at Pharsalus, half in patriot grief for the

ence and resentment. 1 They had cheated Caesar of the true glory of a Roman aristocrat to contend with his peers for primacy,

of the world, lay unburied on an Egyptian beach, slain by a renegade Roman , the hireling of a foreign king. Dead, too, and k

egade Roman, the hireling of a foreign king. Dead, too, and killed by Romans , were Caesar’s rivals and enemies, many illustrio

not merely nobiles but patrician; on the outer fringe, many excellent Roman knights, ‘the flower of Italy’. The composition o

class: he had not wished to make war upon them or to exterminate the Roman aristocracy. But these proud adversaries did not

laimed to be asserting the rights of the tribunes, the liberty of the Roman People. He was not mistaken. Yet he required spec

d be taken in his name. 2 Was this the measure of his ordering of the Roman State? Was this a res publica constituta? It wa

nt: he had consistently advocated the cause of the oppressed, whether Roman , Italian or provincial. He had shown that he was

amme of moral and social reform. 2 Having written treatises about the Roman Commonwealth some years earlier, he may have expe

ts, as before in Gaul. Easy victories but not the urgent needs of the Roman People. About Caesar’s ultimate designs there c

se ages of history seems to suggest that Caesar alone of contemporary Roman statesmen possessed either a wide vision of the f

exander in warlike fame and even in bodily form. 3 Caesar was a truer Roman than either of them. The complete synthesis in

ino, Histoire romaine 11, 597. 4 As W. Warde Fowler points out, his Roman contemporaries do not seem to have taken much int

contemporaries do not seem to have taken much interest in the matter, Roman Ideas of Deity (1914), 112 ff. Phil. 2, 110, howe

derstandings. 1 After death Caesar was enrolled among the gods of the Roman State by the interested device of the leaders of

al estimate. The terms ‘rex’ and ‘regnum’ belong to the vocabulary of Roman political invective, applicable alike to the domi

ial commands in advance by placing them, according to the traditional Roman way, in the hands of loyal partisans, or of recon

he glory of Pompeius Magnus. In vain reckless ambition had ruined the Roman State and baffled itself in the end. 4 Of the mel

the true nature of political catch-words and the urgent needs of the Roman State. The character and pursuits of Marcus Brutu

nets of the Stoics, they could support doctrines quite distasteful to Roman Republicans, namely monarchy or the brotherhood o

ain Cato; 3 and the virtus about which Brutus composed a volume was a Roman quality, not an alien importation. The word mea

were about. Honourable men grasped the assassin’s dagger to slay a Roman aristocrat, a friend and a benefactor, for better

ee, was an anachronism in a world-empire; and so was the power of the Roman plebs when all Italy enjoyed the franchise. Caesa

taly enjoyed the franchise. Caesar in truth was more conservative and Roman than many have fancied; and no Roman conceived of

truth was more conservative and Roman than many have fancied; and no Roman conceived of government save through an oligarchy

date the heritage of the Civil War and reinvigorate the organs of the Roman State. It was going to last and the Roman aristoc

nvigorate the organs of the Roman State. It was going to last and the Roman aristocracy was not to be permitted to govern and

rians. 1 He won over many former opponents, sons of the nobiles or of Roman knights, and not for the worst of reasons. A huge

le senatorial families that had not reached the consulate and sons of Roman knights: the latter class does not show a conspic

ach other. The patrician might recall past favours conferred upon the Roman plebs:3 he could also appeal to the duties which

geBook=>070 constitution did not matter they were older than the Roman Republic. It was the ambition of the Roman aristo

r they were older than the Roman Republic. It was the ambition of the Roman aristocrat to maintain his dignitas, pursue glori

as not always been done to the generous and liberal traditions of the Roman aristocracy, conspicuous in the Julii and in the

fray with the battle-cry of Caesar’s dignitas and the liberty of the Roman People. 5 In his dispatches Caesar duly requited

ptured by Pompeius Strabo at Asculum, he had been led or carried in a Roman triumph. From obscure years of early manhood some

oconsul developed into the cabinet of the Dictator. Most of them were Roman knights: but Pansa, and possibly Hirtius, had alr

of Cicero. 1 C. Oppius probably belonged to a substantial family of Roman bankers. But Oppius lacks colour beside the formi

agent was instigated to prosecute Balbus, impugning his title to the Roman citizenship. The pact of Luca reunited the dynast

ch: in Rome the alien millionaire exercised a power greater than most Roman senators. Certain of the politicians whose method

selfish or disinterested motives, to break the power of money in the Roman State. Not so Crassus and Caesar. The faction of

ns for bounty and benevolence. 5 No details confirm the paradox among Roman financiers. More is known about his son, a banker

ngdom. Senators and knights, such was the party of Caesar. With the Roman plebs and the legions of Gaul, a group of ancient

: the fate of Italy was decided in the provinces. In earlier days the Roman noble augmented his power and influence through a

t Asia, towns, provinces and kings were bound to the imperator of the Roman People by personal ties of allegiance. In the imm

nd horsemen of the East. 1 Pompeius derided Lucullus, naming him ‘the Roman Xerxes’:2 he was an Oriental despot himself. In

tent than benefits conferred. The Transpadani were eager for the full Roman citizenship. Caesar had championed them long ago:

f his tribe for Pompeius against Sertorius, receiving as a reward the Roman citizenship; his brother likewise served in the w

from Spain to his own advantage, Cn. Pompeius Strabo had granted the Roman citizenship to a whole regiment of Spanish cavalr

lf, was mindful of old Catilinarian memories. Neither the families of Roman veterans NotesPage=>075 1 BG 1, 47, 4, cf.

o sixteen. 4 Along with the sons of the proscribed and the victims of Roman political justice, partisans of all categories se

s; the scribe likewise might well be in possession of the census of a Roman knight. Caesar’s centurions were notorious for th

ruth be extolled as the flower of Italy, the pride and bulwark of the Roman State. 3 That would not avail to guard these new

ultivated natives of dynastic families, Hellenized before they became Roman , whose citizenship, so far from being the recent

ory with two consuls in the reign of Caligula. 5 There were immigrant Roman NotesPage=>079 1 C. Fuficius Fango (Dio 48

PageBook=>080 citizens as well. The provincia, which received a Roman colony at Narbo as early as 118 B.C., before all

a Roman colony at Narbo as early as 118 B.C., before all Italy became Roman , was also subjected to casual settlement of Itali

al and Italian element is more conspicuous in Spain, which had been a Roman province for a century and a half. The Peninsula

uestrian officer. 1 Saxa may be described as an immigrant or colonial Roman . Balbus, the Gaditane magnate, was not a Roman by

immigrant or colonial Roman. Balbus, the Gaditane magnate, was not a Roman by birth, but a citizen of an alien community all

s is incomplete and of no legal validity. At the very least, colonial Romans or other wealthy and talented individuals from th

owns of Spain and southern Gaul will have been more acceptable to the Roman aristocracy than the sons of freed slaves, less r

rior under Pollio, who reports, among other enormities, that he had a Roman citizen burned alive and an auctioneer from Hispa

Senate after Sulla must have contained in high proportion the sons of Roman knights. 1 The same arguments hold for Caesar’s S

ible nominees of Caesar the Dictator were in truth highly respectable Roman knights, men of property and substance, never too

ce, now to be employed when they governed provinces and led armies of Roman legions. Rabirius did not merely declaim about fl

venerable history and proud traditions. The extension neither of the Roman citizenship nor of municipal institutions over th

ip and influence of the municipal aristocrat was largely solicited by Roman politicians. Not only could he sway the policy of

city or influence a whole region of Italy3 he might be able, like the Roman noble, to levy a private army from tenants and de

and legends of their families, imposing them upon the religion of the Roman State and the history of the Roman People. The Se

sing them upon the religion of the Roman State and the history of the Roman People. The Secular Games were once an observance

n the middle of the fourth century did not portend the triumph of the Roman plebs. The earliest new families to reach the con

Max. 2, 4, 5. On gentile cults and gods, cf. F. Altheim, A History of Roman Religion (1938), 114 ff.; 144 ff. 4 Note the pr

dubious figure, Marcius of Corioli, ostensibly an exile from Rome and Roman at heart, perhaps belongs more truly to Latin or

he Sabellic peoples of the central highlands, had not belonged to the Roman State at all, but were autonomous allies. Italy h

Italy had now become politically united through the extension of the Roman franchise, but the spirit and practice of governm

en in towns and families that had long since been incorporated in the Roman State, or at least subjected to Roman influences.

since been incorporated in the Roman State, or at least subjected to Roman influences. In a wide region of Italy it was rein

apital at Corfinium. 1 This was secession. The proposal to extend the Roman franchise to the allies was first made by agraria

reformers at Rome, with interested motives. A cause of dissension in Roman politics, the agitation spread and involved the a

. 3 A large part of Italy must have been outside the control of the Roman government in the years 88–83 B.C. The Samnites h

ps a timely abandonment of the Italian cause Rome’s enemy entered the Roman Senate. 2 But the vanquished party in the Bellu

um Italicum and the Marian sedition was not richly represented in the Roman Senate, even by renegades. Pompeius Strabo had a

um:3 but these were only the personal adherents of a local dynast and Roman politician, or the Roman faction in a torn and di

the personal adherents of a local dynast and Roman politician, or the Roman faction in a torn and discordant land. Pompeius

2 But Tusculum, and even Atina, had long been integral members of the Roman State. It was no part of Cicero’s policy to flo

nicipal men and capture for imported merit the highest dignity in the Roman State. He glorified the memory of Cato and of Mar

propertied classes looked with distrust upon the reform programmes of Roman tribunes and hated the Roman poor. C. Maecenas fr

h distrust upon the reform programmes of Roman tribunes and hated the Roman poor. C. Maecenas from Arretium is named among th

cess of peaceful change, the gradual adoption of the Latin tongue and Roman ways was brutally accelerated by violence and con

tance or the newly enriched the Etruscan or the Marsian, the colonial Roman , the native magnate from Spain or Narbonensis. Th

and non-Latin names are casually revealed in the lowest ranks of the Roman Senate, before Sulla as well as after, borne by

t obscure the numerous new senators from certain older regions of the Roman State which hitherto had produced very few. Cauti

in compensation. 6 But L. Tillius Cimber, C. Trebonius (the son of a Roman knight), consul in 45, and D. Junius Brutus, desi

ins made their way to the Capitol to render thanks to the gods of the Roman State, They had no further plans the tyrant was s

facts and elements of power were larger than that. To carry through a Roman revolution in orderly form, in the first place th

excitable rabble turned a deaf ear; for the august traditions of the Roman Senate and the Roman People they had no sympathy

ned a deaf ear; for the august traditions of the Roman Senate and the Roman People they had no sympathy at all. The politicia

his own kinsman Bibulus. 3 Debauched by demagogues and largess, the Roman People was ready for the Empire and the dispensat

rs, Brutus appears to have persisted in irrational fancies about that Roman People which he had liberated from despotism. As

llo already had another favourite. More truly representative of the Roman People should have been the soldiers of the legio

lasses in the municipio, deferential and flattered by the presence of Roman nobiles, whom even Caesarian consuls acclaimed as

fact that the Republicans did not dare to show themselves before the Roman People, all was not lost. The Dictator was dead,

even disgraceful, is evident and admitted. He belonged to a class of Roman nobles by no means uncommon under Republic or N

n cannot entirely be divorced from his public policy and performance, Roman aristocratic standards, old and new, with their i

to assert that Antonius felt respect and understanding for Brutus, a Roman noble embodying the virtues of his order and clas

sition unduly. In these April days fortune seemed to smile upon the Roman State and upon Antonius. It had been feared that

et non latrocini auctores’ (Ad Att. 14, 10, 2). PageBook=>107 Roman State had much to be thankful for, as partisan te

nia: with Macedonia went Caesar’s Balkan army, six of the best of the Roman legions. From his possession of the State paper

s clear that the behaviour of Antonius went beyond the measure of the Roman party-politician. He was consul and chief man in

monarch subject to Rome not that it mattered much; 2 and he bestowed Roman citizenship upon the inhabitants of Sicily. 3 Bri

the faculty, for long designs: the earlier months of his guidance of Roman politics do not provide convincing evidence. From

obarbus, the proud and tortuous Ap, Claudius, was yet merciful to the Roman People, for it suppressed along with the principe

over with dismay that a new and incalculable factor had impinged upon Roman politics. NotesPage=>111 1 The situation i

he small town of Velitrae, had shunned the burdens and the dangers of Roman politics. 1 Ambition broke out in the son, a mo

relationship by blood was distant was a fact of little moment in the Roman conception of the family, barely known or soon fo

es was unerring, his ambition implacable. In that the young man was a Roman and a Roman aristocrat. He was only eighteen year

ing, his ambition implacable. In that the young man was a Roman and a Roman aristocrat. He was only eighteen years of age: bu

VII (1912), 357 ff., accepted by T. Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1 (1928), 192 ff. Even if June 1st be not

assed, a law permitting all ex-centurions, whether of the standing of Roman knights or not, to serve on juries, and another a

the demagogic arts that must have reinforced his native distrust and Roman scorn for the mob. The enterprises of Herophilus

of April to the middle of May, cf. Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1 (1928), 191, on Ad Att. 15, 3, 2 (May 22

ced upon the head of statues of Caesar. Hence a new complication in Roman politics towards the end of July. The recrudescen

rovincial command, that Brutus and Cassius would be able to return to Roman political life. 4 NotesPage=>117 1 Ad Att.

g a last edict. He affirmed the loyalty of the Liberators towards the Roman constitution, their reluctance to provide a cause

mporaries. For the ambitious Octavianus, the gradual advancement of a Roman noble through the consecrated order of magistraci

s, Divus Aug. 10, 2; Dio 45, 6, 2f.). PageBook=>121 inborn and Roman distrust of theory, an acute sense of the differe

of the difference between words and facts, a brief acquaintance with Roman political behaviour that he possessed and that wa

arning against the more generous virtues and vices. Another eminent Roman could furnish a text in the school of politics. T

our of Caesar should be added to the solemn thanksgivings paid by the Roman State to the immortal gods; and he had already pr

nd Pompeian elements. Antonius had failed as a non-party statesman in Roman politics; as a NotesPage=>126 1 Phil. 3, 2

raditional charges of unnatural vice with which the most blameless of Roman politicians, whatever his age or party, must expe

pect to find himself assailed, and the traditional contempt which the Roman noble visited upon the family and extraction of r

nd his political funds? Family and kinsmen provide the nucleus of a Roman faction. Yet Octavianus’ relatives were not numer

and conservative sentiments and ready to defend his interests against Roman tribunes. The family appears to have sided with M

aestor, had the Fourth, cf. Phil. 3, 39, &c. PageBook=>133 Roman knights in standing, Salvidienus, Agrippa and Mae

ht achieve it to restore concord in the Caesarian party and so in the Roman State. They would gladly see Antonius curbed but

Piso, an aristocrat of character and discernment, united loyalty to Roman standards of conduct with a lively appreciation o

nd sometimes followed, with such robust conviction. Piso, a patriotic Roman , did not abandon all care for his country and lap

later, both during the struggle between Caesar and Pompeius and when Roman politics again appeared to be degenerating into f

PageBook=>137 levying of a private army against a consul of the Roman People. Servilius, however, was not altogether

y of heart and with no prospect at all of playing a directing part in Roman politics. 2 So he thought then and the month of

indication that the day of September 2nd would be a turning- point in Roman politics. For the moment, a lull in affairs. Ea

man was not invoked by Caesar the Dictator in his organization of the Roman Commonwealth. Nor was Antonius more susceptible.

s, an honest man and no detractor of Cicero, reckoned as the greatest Romans of his time. 1 Eager to maintain his dignitas as

sman, Cicero did not exhibit the measure of loyalty and constancy, of Roman virtus and aristocratic magnitudo animi that woul

e only consular who professed to be defending the highest good of the Roman People. The survival of the Philippics imperils h

n of disgusting immorality, degrading pursuits and ignoble origin the Roman politician knew no compunction or limit. Hence th

4 and the blameless chieftains of Balkan tribes, loyal allies of the Roman People, were foully done to death. 5 Piso’s colle

nner-parties and brutally impeded the lawful occupations of important Roman NotesPage=>149 1 Cicero, In Vatinium 14; 3

nius, by demonstrative affection towards his own wife, made a mock of Roman decorum and decency. 3 There were more damaging

m and decency. 3 There were more damaging charges than mere vice in Roman public life the lack of ancestors, the taint of t

m the grosser forms of abuse and misrepresentation the hardy tribe of Roman politicians soon acquired immunity. They were pro

ion, which, if it could not deceive the hardened adept at the game of Roman politics, none the less might influence the innoc

ugustus was justified by the spirit, and fitted to the fabric, of the Roman constitution: no paradox, but the supreme and aut

e and authentic revelation of what each was worth. The realities of Roman politics were overlaid with a double coating of d

by an appeal to custom or tradition. Knowledge of the vocabulary of Roman political life derives in the main from the speec

ive theory that the conduct of affairs in Rome should not be narrowly Roman , but commend itself to the sentiment and interest

achronistic liberties of the People. That was the first duty of every Roman statesman. There is a melancholy truth in the j

. After Pompeius and Crassus had restored the power of the tribunate, Roman politicians, whether they asserted the People’s r

uals or classes in enjoyment of power and wealth. The libertas of the Roman aristocrat meant the rule of a class and the perp

his arms against the government ‘in order to liberate himself and the Roman People from the domination of a faction’. 3 The

guarantee of concord, it is better to fight and to fall, as becomes a Roman and a Senator. 7 In open war the language of pe

tus itself stands at the peak of the hierarchy, transcending mores. Roman political factions were welded together, less by

lliances either presupposed or provoked the personal feud which, to a Roman aristocrat, was a sacred duty or an occasion of j

e family was older than the State; and the family was the kernel of a Roman political faction. Loyalty to the ties of kinship

or Lepidus, still less for liberty and the constitution, empty names. Roman discipline, inexorable in the wars of the State,

itated in twenty years of civil war. Zealous to avoid the shedding of Roman blood, generals and soldiers exalted disloyalty i

the Senate, to plead for the lives and safety of a great multitude of Roman citizens. 5 Other campaigns were curtailed in thi

te act through publica auctoritas; 3 the bribery of the troops of the Roman State was coolly described as the generous invest

were mutinous and seditious, Antonius could be no true consul of the Roman People. On the other hand, the adversaries of Ant

recall how twenty years before a consul had secured the execution of Roman citizens without trial on the plea of public emer

to propose that, in grateful memory of the services of Lepidus to the Roman State, a gilded statue should be set up on the Ro

ial sanction given to a private adventurer against a proconsul of the Roman People. The extreme proposal in Cicero’s progra

the fate of the associates of Catilina, it would not do to condemn a Roman citizen unheard. At the very least Antonius shoul

mpromising on his right to Gallia Cisalpina under a law passed by the Roman People to say nothing of condoning the rank confe

signed an extraordinary command over the fleets and sea-coasts of the Roman dominions. It was high time for the Caesarians

ith whom stood now the legitimate government and the authority of the Roman State, it was impossible to discover. For the jud

fidious and despised Lepidus may yet in treachery be held true to the Roman People at a time when patriotism and high princip

patriotism and high principle were invoked to justify the shedding of Roman blood. It was no time-server or careerist, but th

the armies gives a more faithful reflection, of the sentiments of the Roman People than do the interested assertions of polit

sted assertions of politicians about the ‘Marvellous unanimity of the Roman People and of all Italy’. 2 The energy of Anton

wreak savage vengeance on the vanquished. 6 To his firm character and Roman patriotism there was something highly distasteful

ed against political hostility in civil wars before now when waged by Roman nobles. 3 Lepidus was declared a public enemy on

eipt of an extract from a letter written by Cicero to Octavianus, the Roman and the Republican lost all patience. NotesPage

r Bononia. Two days of concentrated diplomacy decided the fate of the Roman world. Antonius when consul had abolished the Dic

ramount and arbitrary power under the familiar pretext of setting the Roman State in order (tresviri rei publicae constituend

ted the proscriptions by the arrest and execution of a tribune of the Roman People. 4 Roman society under the terror witnes

ons by the arrest and execution of a tribune of the Roman People. 4 Roman society under the terror witnessed the triumph of

t a long way towards compensating the lack of prose fiction among the Romans . PageBook=>191 For the youth of Octavianus

e allowances. Regrets there may have been to see a fine soldier and a Roman noble like Antonius reduced to such company and s

l told they set one hundred and thirty senators and a great number of Roman knights. 3 Their victory was the victory of a par

am utroque acerbius exercuit. ’ 2 Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1, 71. 3 Livy, Per. 120 (cf. Orosius 6,

h the impersonal character of the proscriptions. PageBook=>192 Roman class-feeling and the common sentiments of humani

ead the list: the bulk is made up by the names of obscure senators or Roman knights. The nobiles were not necessarily the wea

n upheld the existing order and prevented a reconstitution of the old Roman People through a more equitable division of lande

dim, inactive senators or pacific knights, anxiously abstaining from Roman politics. That was no defence. Varro was an old

e octogenarian Samnite, who survived the Bellum Italicum and became a Roman senator, now perished for his wealth; 5 so did M.

females, arousing indignant protest. 9 Intimidated by a deputation of Roman ladies with a great Republican personage for lead

’s income being taken from everybody in possession of the census of a Roman knight; 1 and at the beginning of the next year a

ent by senators for their own magnificence and for the delight of the Roman plebs; the knights had saved their gains and boug

ound a refuge, with Brutus and Cassius a party and a cause, armies of Roman legions and the hope of vengeance. NotesPage=&g

k=>198 When a civil war seemed only a contest of factions in the Roman nobility, many young men of spirit and distinctio

hful to the end. 4 At Athens he found a welcome and support among the Roman youth there pursuing the higher education, sons o

f alien root or termination now invade and disfigure the Fasti of the Roman People. A new generation of marshals enters the

c examples of it. The origin of C. Sosius is unknown: but observe the Roman knight from Picenum, Q. Sosius, who attempted to

l office was not an indispensable qualification for leading armies of Roman legions. But Salvidienus was not unique: foreigne

, 277; ILS 6267). Also Herod the Idumaean, in temporary charge of two Roman legions sent to him by Ventidius under the comman

e Dictator. More than this, Caesar was enrolled among the gods of the Roman State. 1 In the Forum a temple was to be built to

-war, there was no place left for hesitation. Under this conviction a Roman aristocrat and a Roman patriot now had to sever t

e left for hesitation. Under this conviction a Roman aristocrat and a Roman patriot now had to sever the ties of friendship,

the Caesarian army prevailed. Once again the Balkan lands witnessed a Roman disaster and entombed the armies of the Republic

s. 3 They had once been friends. As Antonius gazed in sorrow upon the Roman dead, the tragedy of his own life may have risen

spoken was the propaganda of the principals. Octavianus in verses of ‘ Roman frankness’ derided the absent Antonius (not omitt

. PageBook=>212 The captives were a problem. Many senators and Roman knights of distinction had espoused the cause of

agnified by defamation and credulity into a hecatomb of three hundred Roman senators and knights slaughtered in solemn and re

intestine strife a foreign enemy had supervened. The Parthians, with Roman renegades in their company, poured into Syria and

lution of alliances transformed the visage but not the substance of Roman politics. Octavianus the adventurer, after achiev

r; his open ally was Pompeius, in whose company stood a host of noble Romans and respectable knights, the survivors of the pro

gions bent the Caesarian leaders to their will and saved the lives of Roman citizens. They refused to fight. On each side dep

destined to follow him before long to destruction, while Rome and the Roman People perished, while a world-empire as great as

cy, its parents likewise are neither celestial nor apocalyptic, but a Roman father with virtus to bequeath NotesPage=>21

öldi, Hermes LXV. (1930), 369. PageBook=>219 to his son, and a Roman matron. 1 The identification of the child of dest

nd of Dyrrhachium. 1 The Dardani will also have felt the force of the Roman arms Antonius kept a large garrison in the Balkan

from intervening. Led by Pacorus, the King’s son, and by the renegade Roman , Q. Labienus, who styled himself Tarthicus impera

for refuge to an Aegean island,5 and the defence of Asia was left to Roman partisans in the Greek cities or to opportunist b

11, 71. 3 On which question, cf. Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1, 231 ff.; M. A. Levi, Ottaviano Capopart

of his Greek freedmen; in the subsequent campaigns in Sicily only two Romans held high command on his side: Tisienus Gallus, t

ght sweep the seas, glorying in the favour and name of Neptune; 4 the Roman plebs might riot in his honour it was only from h

n was heard, clamorous for peace, and once again the plea of averting Roman bloodshed recoiled upon Lepidus. His dignitas for

undisium. Of government according to the spirit and profession of the Roman constitution there could be no rational hope any

ly, but all the odium. 2 C. Proculeius, however, now turns up, only a Roman knight, but a person of repute and consequence. 3

d not as a civil but a foreign war, soon to become a glorious part of Roman history. In the Bellum Siculum no Metelli, Scipio

. 2 Octavianus may now have honoured men of discreet repute among the Roman aristocracy, or persons of influence in the towns

us and office, if not wealth as well, to the Triumvirs; and a mass of Roman knights, by their incorporation in that order, re

est consuls of their respective families (not all, of course, sons of Roman knights: there were a number of sons of highly re

ent of survival, with arts and devices of subservience loathed by the Roman aristocracy: no honest man would care to surrende

aelius, were by no means the only exponents of this Attic tendency in Roman oratory at NotesPage=>245 1 Sallust, BJ 3,

he merits of the plain style, which could claim to be traditional and Roman , might be prized and preserved until threatened b

udies of literature and philosophy. From the official religion of the Roman People could come scant consolation in evil days,

appeal might well be doubted. The aged Varro, the most learned of the Romans , the parent of knowledge and propagator of many e

candour of moral pessimism and utter lack of political illusions the Roman was eminently qualified to narrate the history of

nces, ending abruptly; 1 and he laid down the model and categories of Roman historiography for ever after. Sallustius wrote

Sallustius wrote of the decay of ancient virtue and the ruin of the Roman People with all the melancholy austerity of a mor

lost so long as the art was practised in the classical manner of the Roman and the senator, archaic yet highly sophisticated

t of them, or in digesting the legal and religious antiquities of the Roman People. The writing of Roman history, adorned in

e legal and religious antiquities of the Roman People. The writing of Roman history, adorned in the past by the names of a Fa

So popular had history become. On the writing of poetry, however, the Roman aristocrat, though he might turn a verse with eas

ve, but perhaps no less effective, than the spoken or written word of Roman statesmen. In little more than twenty years a g

smen. In little more than twenty years a generation and a school of Roman poets had disappeared almost to a man. Lucretius,

n elaborate and obscure poem called Smyrna, was torn to pieces by the Roman mob in mistake for one of the assassins of Caesar

was an innovator in the Hellenistic vein, renowned as the inventor of Roman elegy. He first emerges into authentic history wh

reinforced the argument for self-sufficiency, and called up from the Roman past a figure beloved of sentimental politicians,

city, at an impressionable age and in the company of young men of the Roman aristocracy. Defeat brought impoverishment and

ical erudition. He wished to transcend and supersede both the archaic Roman classics and the new models of the preceding gene

e of freedmen and foreigners. Aliens had served in the legions of the Roman People; and the dynasts were lavish in grants of

in grants of the franchise. In times of peace and unshaken empire the Roman had been reluctant to admit the claims of foreign

d propaganda. Yet in some classes there was stirring an interest in Roman history and antiquities, a reaction from alien ha

for history might be induced to revert to the remotest origins of the Roman People, august and sanctioned by divine providenc

, 15, 4. 3 Ib. 49, 43, 5. 4 The reliefs showing scenes from early Roman history recently discovered in the Basilica Aemil

2 f.). 5 On this, cf. especially L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor (1931), 100 ff. PageBook=>257 betw

lute monarchy and national patriotism, between a world-empire and the Roman People. The new order in state and society still

to Syria, summoning thither the most powerful and most wealthy of the Roman vassals, the Queen of Egypt: he had not seen her

The dependent kingdoms of the East furnished the traditional basis of Roman economy and Roman security. The Parthian incursio

doms of the East furnished the traditional basis of Roman economy and Roman security. The Parthian incursion revealed grave d

e of long duration. 1 East of the Hellespont there were to be three Roman provinces only, Asia, Bithynia and Syria. For the

kings, to rule as agents of Rome and wardens of the frontier zone. A Roman province, Cilicia, had disappeared, mainly for th

t a matter of any importance hitherto at least in so far as concerned Roman politics, the rival Caesarian leader or even the

twards to Thrace, wedged between or protecting on front and flank the Roman provinces of Syria, Bithynia, Asia and Macedonia.

his best to equal or usurp the following of Pompeius, with grants of Roman citizenship or favours fiscal and honorific to ci

ler endowed with liberal foresight would seek to demonstrate that the Roman was not a brutal conqueror but one of themselves,

d Caesar, developing and perhaps straining the balanced union between Roman party leader and Hellenistic dynast in one person

d by the glory of victory in Parthia or by a defeat, constraining the Roman to lean more heavily on the support of eastern al

ure security of the Empire, not by annexation of fresh territories as Roman provinces, but by an extension of the sphere of v

βὶὸυ σωτῆρα. For other cities, cf. L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor, 267 f. 4 OGIS 195 (Alexandria: a priva

μέγαν | κἀμὶμητὸν. Cf. Plutarch, Antonius 28. | PageBook=>264 Roman army reached Ctesiphon, it might never return. An

ll the Armenian horse of Artavasdes, for this was essential. Of his Roman partisans Antonius took with him Titius, Ahenobar

thians and Medes, well served by treachery and mobility, attacked the Roman communications, cut to pieces two legions under O

breach of a solemn agreement; to refuse, an insult to Octavia and to Roman sentiment. Once again Octavia was thrown forward

red and deposed the treacherous Artavasdes. He turned the land into a Roman province, leaving there a large army under the tr

deferred or abandoned. A larger decision was looming. With Armenia a Roman province and the Mede in alliance, the Roman fron

looming. With Armenia a Roman province and the Mede in alliance, the Roman frontier seemed secure enough. Only a few months

or was the preponderance of Antonius less evident in his following of Roman senators his provincial governors, generals, admi

r, enough distinguished survivors to support a new combination in the Roman State. The young Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, beyo

her than solid and useful. Many of these men had never yet sat in the Roman Senate. That mattered little now, it is true. The

of the kingdom of Egypt, passed without repercussion in Rome or upon Roman sentiment. Nor did any outcry of indignant patrio

d by his enemies at Rome. The time was not quite ripe. The official Roman version of the cause of the War of Actium is quit

in defence of freedom and peace against a foreign enemy: a degenerate Roman was striving to subvert the liberties of the Roma

nemy: a degenerate Roman was striving to subvert the liberties of the Roman People, to subjugate Italy and the West under the

n sovran and arbitrary fashion, he did not go beyond the measure of a Roman proconsul. Nor did Antonius in fact resign to ali

ive or valuable territories that had previously been provinces of the Roman People. The system of dependent kingdoms and of R

rovinces of the Roman People. The system of dependent kingdoms and of Roman provinces which he built up appears both intellig

es which he built up appears both intelligible and workable. Of the Roman provinces which Antonius inherited in Asia, three

act of Cilicia Aspera conceded to Cleopatra did not come under direct Roman government until a century had elapsed. A large

s well as necessity; and the population preferred to be free from the Roman tax-gatherer. Caesar took from the companies of p

s. 3 Dio 42, 6, 3. PageBook=>272 he also removed Cyprus from Roman control and resigned it to the kingdom of Egypt.

his consulate decreed the liberation of Crete; 2 and his grant of the Roman franchise to the whole of Sicily might appear to

ole of Sicily might appear to portend the coming abolition of another Roman province. 3 The Triumvir pursued the same policy,

levies, gifts and tribute to the rulers of Rome. The Empire of the Roman People was large, dangerously large. Caesar’s con

r, the burden of administration would impose a severe strain upon the Roman People. If the Roman oligarchy was to survive as

nistration would impose a severe strain upon the Roman People. If the Roman oligarchy was to survive as a governing class it

pendent kings were already there: let them remain, the instruments of Roman domination. Not their strength, but their weaknes

ssment to Rome. A revived Egypt might likewise play its part in the Roman economy of empire. It was doubly necessary, now t

lands the direct rule of Rome was distasteful and oppressive, to the Roman State a cause of disintegration by reason of the

isely preferred to preserve the rich land from spoliation and ruin by Roman financiers. Egypt was clearly not suited to be co

Roman financiers. Egypt was clearly not suited to be converted into a Roman province: it must remain an ally or an appanage o

r of her children who were crowned kings and queens, his dual role as Roman proconsul and Hellenistic dynast was ambiguous, d

nd attributes of a king or a god. Years before, in the company of his Roman wife, Antonius had been hailed as the god Dionysu

domination against Antonius Antonius must not be mentioned. To secure Roman sanction and emotional support for the enterprise

necessary to invent a foreign danger that menaced everything that was Roman , as Antonius himself assuredly did not. 1 The pro

monstrum’. 2 That was the point where Antonius was most vulnerable, Roman sentiment most easily to be worked and swayed. Ye

ond Senate and People, appealing to a higher sanction, so far had the Roman constitution declined. Octavianus retired from

ey the guarantee, or at least advertise the show, of support from the Roman aristocracy. 3 For the moment violence had give

lacked the moral justification for war, and the moral support of the Roman People. The charges and counter-charges in the di

‘of Antonius, for a discussion see Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1, 227 ff.; M. A. Levi, Ottaviano Capopart

which is perhaps in itself not of prime importance. Antonius, being a Roman citizen, could not at any time contract a legally

of his own son, made him insist that the party of Antonius should be Roman , not regal. Not so Munatius Plancus, who set hims

of law in the middle of a speech by Furnius, the most eloquent of the Romans , because Cleopatra was passing by in her litter,

iminal war between citizens was being forced by mad ambition upon the Roman People. In this atmosphere of terror and alarm Oc

and a show of legality were on the side of Antonius. An absurdity the Roman constitution was manifestly inadequate if it was

worn constitution he appealed to the voice and sentiments of the true Roman People not the corrupt plebs or the packed and di

ign, and the activities of Drusus precipitated war. But Italy, become Roman through grant of the franchise after the Bellum I

e utmost propriety be summoned and conjured to redress the balance of Roman politics and to thwart the popular tribune or mil

icero’s friends used votes of the colonies and municipia to influence Roman opinion in favour of the exiled statesman. 1 Pomp

he memory of old feuds and recent wars took long to die; and the true Roman in just pride disdained the general and undistinc

w years of Actium, a patriotic poet revolted at the mere thought that Roman soldiers, captives from the disaster of Crassus (

Marsian and the Apulian could forget the sacred shields of Mars, the Roman name, the toga and eternal Vesta! 1 But Horace, h

istory. The Marsi had no reason at all to be passionately attached to Roman gods and garb. Italy retained a rational distru

ds and garb. Italy retained a rational distrust of the intrigues of Roman politicians, a firm disinclination to join in qua

ncept and phrasing not beyond the reach of valid conjecture. 3 Of the Roman State, of Senate and People, no word. The oath of

hat the true cause of the war was the violent attempt of a degenerate Roman to install a barbarian queen upon the Capitol wit

c funeral in Sulmo (CIL IX, 3082). PageBook=>290 Antonius, the Roman imperator, wishing to secure ratification for his

the profits of empire and narrowed the fields of exploitation open to Roman financiers and tax-farmers. 1 Interest unconsciou

he crusade against the East were no doubt to be found in the order of Roman knights and among those senators most nearly alli

might split into two parts very easily. It is one of the miracles of Roman history that in subsequent ages the division betw

superfluous. On Cleopatra, the Queen of Egypt, the foreign enemy, the Roman leader declared war with all the traditional pomp

e chief support of Octavianus’ power; and the local magnates, whether Roman colonists and business men or native dynasts, wer

the Senate by Caesar the Dictator; and there was an imposing total of Roman knights to be found in provincial cities like Gad

γνωμʋνʋῦν ἔχʋɩ. PageBook=>293 the Senate and a large number of Roman knights: they followed him from conviction, inter

re on his side: he might delay and fight a battle with little loss of Roman blood, as fitted the character of a civil war in

osed in the main of the survivors of his veteran legions. 1 But would Roman soldiers fight for the Queen of Egypt? They had a

umber of soldiers of eastern origin the fact that they were given the Roman franchise on enlistment by certain partisans of A

went over to the enemy, among them Amyntas with his Galatian cavalry. Romans too departed, M. Junius Silanus and the agile Del

Poplicola. It would not be long before the defection of the leaders, Roman senators or eastern princes, spread to the ships

he glory of a victory that would surpass the greatest in all history, Roman or Hellenic. 4 In the official version of the vic

serious outbreak had disturbed the provinces, the repercussions of a Roman civil war would soon be felt. Some at least of th

ntonius was defeated in battle. He took his own life. The army of the Roman People entered the capital city of Egypt on the f

d. To Octavianus the Queen was an embarrassment if she lived :5 but a Roman imperator could not NotesPage=>298 1 Aem.

tra found a way out. The last of the Ptolemies scorned to be led in a Roman triumph. Her firm and defiant end, worthy of a Ro

d to be led in a Roman triumph. Her firm and defiant end, worthy of a Roman noble in ferocia, set final consecration on the m

ra, the bite of the asp served in double measure the convenience of a Roman politician. The adversary must have been redoubta

useful purpose : he even claimed that after his victory he spared all Roman citizens who asked to be spared. 4 dementia becam

tor. Alexander Helios and Cleopatra Selene were reserved to walk in a Roman triumph. The boy is not heard of again—he was pro

he was probably suppressed. The girl was enlisted as an instrument of Roman imperial policy, being given in marriage to Juba,

using official language, to have added the land to the Empire of the Roman People :4 he treated Egypt as his own private and

tic possession and governed it through a viceroy, jealously excluding Roman senators. The first Prefect of Egypt was C. Corne

Roman senators. The first Prefect of Egypt was C. Cornelius Gallus, a Roman knight. 5 For the rest of the year 30 and the w

princes, well aware of their own weakness, were unswervingly loyal to Roman authority and Roman interests, by whomsoever repr

of their own weakness, were unswervingly loyal to Roman authority and Roman interests, by whomsoever represented, by Pompeius

onius bestowed upon unworthy and criminal aliens the dominions of the Roman People. That did not matter now. The gifts to the

frontiers, Polemo, Amyntas, Archelaus and Herod; and there were three Roman provinces in Asia, namely Asia, Bithynia-Pontus a

ps to recover that region, but invoked and maintained the traditional Roman practice as an excuse for not turning the land in

aditional Roman practice as an excuse for not turning the land into a Roman province. 3 Acquiring Egypt and its wealth for

danger to be apprehended, save when civil war loosened the fabric of Roman rule. There were to be no more civil wars. So m

ry provinces. Egypt was secure, or deemed secure, in the keeping of a Roman knight. But what of Syria and Macedonia? Soon aft

e were active in the frontier provinces. The exaltation of peace by a Roman statesman might attest a victory, but it portende

dedication of the Ara Pads Augustae. Which was not unfitting. To the Roman , peace was not a vague emollient: the word ‘pax’

Tiber; and public sacrifices for his safety had been celebrated by a Roman consul. 3 The avenging of Caesar, and with it his

enemy in battle with his own hand, a feat that had fallen to only two Romans since Romulus. Such military glory infringed a mo

s of Egypt. 3 Lapidary evidence, though not from a pyramid, shows the Roman knight proclaiming that he advanced southwards in

that he advanced southwards in conquest farther than any army of the Roman People or monarch of Egypt. 4 NotesPage=>309

ed above the door-post of his dwelling, for he had saved the lives of Roman citizens; that in the Senate should be hung a gol

valour, justice and piety. 2 He had founded—or was soon to found—the Roman State anew. He might therefore have been called R

ing, hated name, stained with a brother’s blood and himself killed by Roman senators, so one legend ran, before his assumptio

law, Augustus was not the commander-in-chief of the whole army, but a Roman magistrate, invested with special powers for a te

ception of the dogma of progress—for it had not yet been invented—the Romans regarded novelty with distrust and aversion. The

ord ‘novus’ had an evil ring. Yet the memory of the past reminded the Romans that change had come, though slow and combated.

long process of time. 1 Augustus sought to demonstrate a doctrine — Roman history was a continuous and harmonious developme

contrary to the ‘mos maiorum’. 3 He did not need to. As it stood, the Roman constitution would serve his purpose well enough.

ous. That princeps did not cure, but only aggravated, the ills of the Roman State. Very different was Augustus, a ‘salubris p

ate the history of ideas and institutions—his whole conception of the Roman State triumphed after his death, receiving form a

th success the traditional concepts and the consecrated vocabulary of Roman political literature, much of it, indeed, in no w

good citizens, for it asserted the sacred rights of property; it was Roman and Republican, for power rested upon the laws, w

proudly dispensed with support of precedents—he claimed to be unique. Romans instructed in a long tradition of law and governm

s of the constitution to fit his policy, his policy to harmonize with Roman sentiment. The formulation was easily found—it re

denotes the influence that belonged, not by law but by custom of the Roman constitution, to the whole Senate as a body and t

h or without formal commendation. He controlled all the armies of the Roman People, in fact though not in law, and provided f

uage as ‘res publica reddita’ or ‘res publica restituta’; and certain Roman writers echoed the official description. Not so T

No man of the time, reared among the hard and palpable realities of Roman politics, could have been deceived. The Princeps

ecline of Rome (E.T., 1907), passim; F. b. Marsh, The Founding of the Roman Empire2 (1931); M. Hammond, The Augustan Principa

end of the year. Two centuries had elapsed since the armies of the Roman Republic first invaded Spain: the conquest of tha

rn Pyrenees to the north of Portugal, had never yet felt the force of Roman arms; and in the confusion of the Civil Wars they

grippa, patient and ruthless, imposed by massacre and enslavement the Roman peace upon a desolated land. Such was the end of

moment, arose grave consequences for the Caesarian party and for the Roman State. Late in 24 B.C. or early in 23 a proconsul

uld not confront it. 1 Statues show him as he meant to be seen by the Roman People youthful but grave and melancholy, with al

arose the fact that he was the leader of a party. At the core of a Roman political group are the family and most intimate

reat reverence for forms and names. It went beyond the practices of Roman dynastic politics into the realm of pure monarchy

arent but not altogether absurd. Unity was established: it was to a Roman proverb about unity that Agrippa was in the habit

iece. Virtus begets ambition; and Agrippa had all the ambition of a Roman . His refusal of honours was represented as modest

dition, though not the blood, of M. Livius Drusus as well. Like other Romans of ancient aristocratic stock, Tiberius could ris

by Livia, that astute politician whom her great-grandson called ‘the Roman Ulysses’. 1 For her son she might have selected a

vailed and the Republic perished, three dynasts divided and ruled the Roman world: their ambitions and their dissensions brok

gdunum and Samos. But the Princeps after all stood at the head of the Roman State and would be required in the capital. It mi

h with definite rank, duties and privileges. They were to remain: the Romans did not believe in equality. 1 But passage from b

he claims of the armed proletariat of Italy menaced and shattered the Roman Republic: none the less, when offered some prospe

y replenished. Down to 13 B.C., a cardinal date in the history of the Roman army, Augustus provided the discharged legionarie

nally attached to the head of the government and, through him, to the Roman State. One body of troops stood in an especial re

y did he possess and retain a private body-guard of native Germans. 1 Roman citizens protected him the cohors praetoria of th

e Germans. 1 Roman citizens protected him the cohors praetoria of the Roman general was perpetuated in times of peace by the

an rank, T. Flavius Sabinus the tax gatherer, who was the father of a Roman Emperor. 3 By the time of the Flavian dynasty a c

me of these officers are sufficient testimony. 2 Wars waged between Romans with veteran armies on either side set a high sta

s the prime example. 3 Again, in Egypt, a land forbidden to senators, Roman knights commanded each of the legions in garrison

of war an equestrian officer might be placed in temporary charge of a Roman legion. 5 Military merit might also earn commen

position of procurator. Augustus enlisted the financial experience of Roman business men to superintend the collection of the

r. 4, 1 (Agricola’s grandfathers). PageBook=>357 Not only that Roman knights could govern provinces, some of them quit

ible to a minor proconsul, but one more rich and powerful than any. A Roman knight led an army to the conquest of Egypt and r

ere Raetia and Noricum. When Judaea was annexed (A.D. 6), Coponius, a Roman knight of a respectable family from Tibur, became

yrene. 2 None of these provinces was comparable to Egypt or contained Roman legions; but the Prefect of Egypt found peer and

eer and parallel in the middle years of Augustus’ rule when a pair of Roman knights was chosen to command the Praetorian Guar

roperty qualification was low indeed, when judged by the standards of Roman financiers; 1 and the Princeps himself, by a pure

able and attractive. Encouragement was not seldom required before the Roman knight was willing to exchange the security and t

t was thus in colonies and municipia that had long been a part of the Roman State, or in wealthy cities of old civilization,

ce of the Marian faction. Dictatorship and Revolution both broke down Roman prejudice and enriched the poorer Italian gentry:

o and by Sulla now entered the Senate and commanded the armies of the Roman People Pollio, whose grandfather led the Marrucin

and become a part of imperial history. M. Salvius Otho, the son of a Roman knight, sprung from ancient and dynastic stock in

ice as a centurion. But P. Ovidius Naso was not disposed to serve the Roman People. He might have become a lawyer, a Roman

isposed to serve the Roman People. He might have become a lawyer, a Roman senator, a provincial governor: he preferred to b

the propertied classes in two ways by creating an official career for Roman knights and by facilitating their entry to the Se

The towns of Italy contributed soldiers, officers and senators to the Roman State. They were themselves a part of it; the bon

own councillors were to cast their votes in absence for candidates at Roman elections. 2 If the experiment was ever made, it

hereditary nobility. Yet the Senate had once seemed to represent the Roman People, for it was a ruling aristocracy by no mea

ly not a ‘novus mos’. 3 All men knew that the noblest families of the Roman aristocracy went back to Latin or to Sabine ances

root and origin, the acts of Caesar and of Augustus. In granting the Roman franchise and in spreading their clientela, those

rs inherited the dynastic devices along with the ambitions of earlier Roman politicians, practised since immemorial time but

ested defenders of the established order cities, dynasts and kings, Roman citizens and natives. The provincial recruited fo

al recruited for service in the auxiliary regiments might receive the Roman citizenship as the reward of valour; and many men

of valour; and many men from the provinces entered the legions of the Roman People, whether they already possessed the Roman

d the legions of the Roman People, whether they already possessed the Roman franchise or not. Hence a steady diffusion of Rom

ady possessed the Roman franchise or not. Hence a steady diffusion of Roman ways and sentiments, a steady reinforcement of th

r protector. The vassal kings, though still in name the allies of the Roman People, were in fact the devoted clients of the P

from the establishment of veteran colonies and from the grant of the Roman franchise to natives, the citizen body was widely

citizen-rights in the provinces, for they are an integral part of the Roman State, wherever they may be Corduba, Lugdunum, or

o depreciate or retard the provinces of the West and that part of the Roman People which extended far beyond the bounds of It

municipal family, was true in character and in habits to his origin; Roman knights were among his most intimate friends and

nobilis often became consul at the prescribed term, but the son of a Roman knight commonly had to wait for a number of years

tore the public and official dignity of the supreme magistracy of the Roman Republic. The Fasti in the middle years of his Pr

t and proper, a debt repaid to ancestors who had deserved well of the Roman People. 6 Yet there were certain nobiles whose me

13, 6. 2 For the details, M. Rostovtzeff, Soc. and Ec. Hist. of the Roman Empire (1926), 573 f. 3 Ad Att. 7, 7, 6. 4 Ib

e had a dynastic and personal following whatever the character of the Roman constitution: his influence, checked no doubt for

sesterces, to whom cities paid honour, neglecting magistrates of the Roman People, were perpetuated in the exorbitant power

ters of the Caesars. What in show and theory was only the family of a Roman magistrate, austere and national, was in reality

nate and visibly monarchic the garb and attire of the Princeps of the Roman State. 3 In portraiture and statuary, Augustus an

ways quiet and unpretentious, like sombre and dutiful servants of the Roman People, but aloof, majestic and heroic. Livia m

seldom be visible in public save at religious ceremonies, escorted by Roman matrons, herself the model and paragon, or weavin

ving garments with her own hands, destined to clothe her husband, the Roman magistrate. Her private activities were deep and

atesmen’, decorative, quarrelsome and ambitious, seldom useful to the Roman People. Within the Senate or without it, a rich f

f the Parthians was persuaded to surrender the captured standards and Roman soldiers surviving from the disasters of Crassus

e commanded by the stepson of the Princeps imposed without fighting a Roman nominee on the throne of Armenia (20-19 B.C.)4

idate an alliance perhaps by no means as loyal and unequivocal as the Roman People was led to believe. In this year a publi

provinces. Yet rigidity of system would have been foreign both to the Roman spirit and to the personal and opportunistic rule

had lost his life; and though there was no permanent establishment of Roman troops, the veteran colonies in this region serve

PageBook=>396 The centurions provided the bone and nerves of the Roman army; and senior centurions were normally summone

vernment in Rome. NotesPage=>397 1 Fleets are now commanded by Roman knights, e.g. ILS 2688 and 2693. Later imperial f

xed Judaea after the deposition of Archelaus the ethnarch, introduced Roman rule by ordering a census and crushed the insurre

For certain services in the city Augustus devised posts to be held by Roman knights. For the rest, he called upon senators; a

rincipes viri were tamed, trained and harnessed to the service of the Roman People at home and abroad. Plebs and army, provin

heir gentilicia the proconsuls who gave them the franchise; the newer Roman , however, bears for the most part the name of the

w. Yet once again, behind the nominal authority and government of the Roman Senate the real and ultimate power needs to be di

taking of counsel before grave decisions was a habit ingrained in the Roman whether he acted as parent, magistrate or general

well as senators have their place in the different councils of state. Roman knights had been amongst the earliest friends of

urrendered to self-pity and the horror of death. 1 The better sort of Roman voluptuary waited for the end with fortitude and

exploited for Augustus the resources of Gaul. 5 The treasury of the Roman State was placed (in 23 B.C.) under the charge of

bore the traditional and honoured title of ‘Allies and Friends of the Roman People’: in fact they were the clients of the Pri

ll it by no more revealing name. It was the duty and the habit of the Roman aristocrat to subordinate the tender emotions to

the good of the Republic. But was Augustus’ design beneficial to the Roman People? Of that, a patriotic Roman might have his

Augustus’ design beneficial to the Roman People? Of that, a patriotic Roman might have his doubts. The New State was fast tur

consolidated in his absence, at his expense and at the expense of the Roman People. In the last six years, Tiberius had hardl

rst man in the Empire next to the Princeps refuse his services to the Roman People. The purpose of Augustus was flagrant, a

ecedented dispensation for the supreme magistracy: the corporation of Roman knights hailed him as Princeps Iuventutis. 4 No

d as such but not outrageous. To bestow the supreme magistracy of the Roman People upon an untried youth in the twentieth yea

pate: it revolted the genuine Republican feelings and good sense of a Roman aristocrat. Illicit and exorbitant power, ‘regnum

r in the annals of the Claudian house. The hereditary succession of a Roman youth to monarchy was something very different.

monarchy. Augustus had passed beyond the measure and proportions of a Roman politician or party leader. He had assumed the st

h the Divi filius nor hope to supplant the patron and champion of the Roman People, the master of the legions, the king of ki

ail the descendants of ancient houses, glorious in the history of the Roman Republic or more recently ennobled. But nobiles,

nd especially patricians (for the latter families were older than the Roman State, dynastic and even regal in ancestry), rega

c spirit of the Republic and the Republican virtues, were all sons of Roman knights, of municipal extraction; and the author

uthor of a patriotic epic poem on the fall of Libertas was a colonial Roman , M. Annaeus Lucanus from Corduba. Among the nob

dian party were probably the remnant of the Pompeians. In evil days Roman aristocratic loyalty acknowledged the ties of fam

amning measure of truth in one or two charges of adultery Julia was a Roman aristocrat and claimed the prerogatives of her st

>429 In the meantime Gaius prosecuted his travels. In A.D. 2 the Roman prince conferred with the King of Parthia on an i

from Bohemia eastwards to Transylvania were compelled to acknowledge Roman suzerainty; Maroboduus, the ruler of a Bohemian k

r delight of his enemies and perhaps to the ultimate advantage of the Roman People. Julia, it was alleged, had slipped into t

pectacle and the inevitable ratification of Augustus’ disposal of the Roman State. Nothing was said in the Senate of the summ

d eighteen months before. 1 Augustus was ruthless for the good of the Roman People. Some might affect to believe him unwillin

uous and to feel virtuous. The new policy embodied a national and a Roman spirit. The contact with the alien civilization o

e contact with the alien civilization of Greece originally roused the Romans to become conscious of their own individual chara

shaped their history, their traditions and their concept of what was Roman in deliberate opposition to what was Greek. Out o

iotic movement, arose a salutary myth which enhanced the sentiment of Roman nationalism to a formidable and even grotesque in

. Cicero and his contemporaries might boast of the libertas which the Roman People enjoyed, of the imperium which it exerted

the solid fabric of law and order, built by the untutored sagacity of Roman statesmen, would stand and endure for ever. The R

ivic degeneration and a cause of disaster. It was the Greek period of Roman history, stamped with the sign of the demagogue,

of the principal actors of the tragedy had little of the traditional Roman in their character. Augustus paid especial honour

n exemplar of ‘Itala virtus’; Sulla Felix was much more a traditional Roman aristocrat than many have believed; and Sulla sou

best revealed in the words it employs with an emotional content. To a Roman , such a word was ‘antiquus’; and what Rome now re

was rich. His immoral and selfish descendants had all but ruined the Roman People. Conquest, wealth and alien ideas corrupte

f. Tacitus, Hist. 2, 38. Marius and Sulla do not occur in the list of Roman heroes in Aen. 6, 824 ff., or in Horace, Odes 1,

of the year A.D. 9.1 Regeneration was now vigorously at work upon the Roman People. The New Age could confidently be inaugura

or lovers, they were seldom exemplars of the domestic virtues of the Roman matron the Claudia who domum servavit, lanam fe

not positively noxious. 1 Philosophy studied to excess did not fit a Roman and a senator. 2 Only law and oratory were held t

e scholars. To promote physical strength and corporate feeling in the Roman youth, Augustus revived ancient military exercise

ent ideals, personified in their betters: but it was to be a purified Roman People. At Rome the decline of the native stock

ferior stocks. Their descendants swelled and swamped the ranks of the Roman citizens: nil patrium nisi nomen habet Romanus

municipal worship of Augustus, see L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor, 181 ff.; 215 ff. PageBook=>447 Th

being symptom and product of the whole unhallowed and un-Roman era of Roman history. Temples had crumbled, ceremonies and pri

les had crumbled, ceremonies and priesthoods lapsed. No peace for the Roman , but the inherited and cumulative curse would pro

Caesar gaining the office by flagrant bribery and popularity with the Roman mob, Lepidus through favour of Antonius, by a pro

o restore the old spirit of firm, dignified and decent worship of the Roman gods. That was the moral source of Rome’s power:

had not been entirely perverted. Pietas once gave world-empire to the Roman , and only pietas could maintain it: dis te mino

the virtues of a warrior race. No superfluous exhortation, since the Romans had recently tasted the bitter realities of war.

s, Antiochus and Hannibal. 5 The ideal of virtue and valour was not Roman only, but Italian, ingrained in the Sabines of ol

depth of the Augustan religious revival, cf. F. Altheim, A History of Roman Religion (1938), 369 ff. 5 Propertius 3, 22, 21

iding up their monstrous estates for the benefit of the deserving and Roman poor, whose peasant ancestors had won glory and e

inceps is evident enough. More than that, the whole conception of the Roman past upon which he sought to erect the moral and

s or unconscious of patriotic historians or publicists who adapted to Roman language Greek theories about primitive virtue an

ow and grasping, brutal and superstitious. Nor is it evident that the Roman aristocrat of the golden age of the Scipiones was

an party over the nobiles. Being recruited in so large a measure from Roman knights of the towns of Italy, it found itself re

the ideals of a governing class. That the official religion of the Roman People was formal rather than spiritual did not a

e Roman People was formal rather than spiritual did not appear to the Roman statesman entirely a defect or a disadvantage; 4

y, was not totally repugnant to sentiment. It was pietas, the typical Roman virtue. Augustus might observe with some satisfac

he had restored a quality which derived strength from memories of the Roman past, attached men’s sympathies to the majesty of

es) PageBook=>455 Civic virtue of this kind could exist in the Roman aristocracy along with a certain laxity of indivi

a virtuous prince like Tiberius, himself traditional in his views of Roman morality, was forced to express his doubts to the

express his doubts to the Senate. 1 That a change later came over the Roman aristocracy was evident to the historian Tacitus;

for prudery; 4 and Brixia refused to lag far behind. 5 Moreover, the Roman nation now transcended the geographical limits of

the descendants of Italian colonists and natives who had received the Roman citizenship equally Roman before the law. Gades

colonists and natives who had received the Roman citizenship equally Roman before the law. Gades might export dancing-girl

e rule of wealth was conveniently masked as a sovran blend of ancient Roman virtue and Hellenic culture. Under the Principa

d valleys of the Alps were pressed into service in the legions of the Roman People. 1 On no interpretation could these aliens

rmies of the East. Galatians were regularly conscripted and given the Roman citizenship on enlistment. 4 Further, some of the

is easily explained numerous tribes of attributi were attached to the Roman communities. 2 Rostovtzeff (Soc. and Ec. Hist.

ons of the true sentiments of the sovran people were indispensable to Roman politicians. Crassus had a happier touch than Pom

apologist the style of his writing was effective, being military and Roman , devoid of pomp and verbosity; and he skilfully m

er encouraged the studies of the learned Varro, to revive interest in Roman religion and other national antiquities. As yet,

aganda something much greater was afoot, the deliberate creation of a Roman literature worthy to stand beside the achievement

n pillar to support the civilization of a world- empire that was both Roman and Greek. The War of Actium was shown to be a co

to earlier and classic exemplars, to the great age of Greece. The new Roman literature was designed to be civic rather than i

burned in the Forum, with the greatest concourse and applause of the Roman People. PageNotes. 461 1 Virgil, Aen. 6, 726

he hand of destiny in the earliest origins of Rome, the continuity of Roman history and its culmination in the rule of August

hampioned the communities of Italia Transpadana and secured them full Roman citizenship. But the men of the North, though ale

y and all the realities of reconciliation, there must still have been Romans who were a little shocked at hearing the army of

have been Romans who were a little shocked at hearing the army of the Roman People described as ‘Italians’: hinc Augustus a

m that Italy which paid the bitter penalty for becoming involved in a Roman civil war: si Perusina tibi patriae sunt nota s

opertius preferred his Cynthia, his Alexandrian art and the fame of a Roman Callimachus: he recalls, in spirit and theme, the

e than all this, however, the lament which he composed in memory of a Roman matron, Cornelia the wife of Paullus Aemilius Lep

the reigning dynasty and even turned his facile pen to versifying the Roman religious calendar. The scandal of Augustus’ gran

organization and sense of the dramatic. A quarter of a million of the Roman plebs were on his lists, as permanent recipients

6 and a rhinoceros was solemnly exhibited in the voting-booths of the Roman People. 7 When Lepidus at last died in 12 B.C.,

, 4. 8 Res Gestae 10. 9 Cf. M. P. Charlesworth, ‘The Virtues of a Roman Emperor: Propaganda and the Creation of Belief’ (

e magistri vicorum had their altars; likewise throughout Italy and in Roman towns abroad the officiants of the new civic cult

139 f. PageBook=>473 From Rome sentiment radiated forth to the Roman towns or rather, the towns in sedulous loyalty im

lendar. 2 In Arretium were to be seen the statues and inscriptions of Roman generals, imitating Augustus’ Forum. 3 At Carthag

o the province of Galatia, the inhabitants of the region, natives and Roman citizens alike, swore by all gods and by Augustus

ropagate the new faith was Herod the king of Judaea. 6 In the East, Roman citizens joined with Greeks in their worship of A

io, were autonomous units of administration and integral parts of the Roman People. Moreover, the Roman citizen of the towns

administration and integral parts of the Roman People. Moreover, the Roman citizen of the towns with his tradition of law an

aesar had conquered received special treatment. The justification for Roman intervention and for Roman rule was the defence o

d special treatment. The justification for Roman intervention and for Roman rule was the defence of Gaul against the German i

man rule was the defence of Gaul against the German invader. When the Romans set out to conquer Germany, they intended to empl

urgent leader of the Dalmatians invoked in palliation the rapacity of Roman fiscal methods; 3 but the Dalmatians and Pannonia

years before, would have risen again at the earliest opportunity when Roman armies were absent. Other subject peoples could s

for liberty against the legions and colonies of Rome. In origin, the Roman colony was a military station. In Italy garrisons

he colonist remembered with pride his ties with the army and with the Roman People. 1 Hence the veterans and the local dynast

Now Titius usurped that position. 7 Auximum could do nothing but the Roman plebs remembered. When Titius presided at games h

membered Philippi, with melancholy pride, as the greatest calamity in Roman history. Officially, there prevailed a conspiracy

alists of Rome; and archaism was a consistent and laudable feature of Roman historiography. Like Sallustius, Pollio imitate

vity and concentration of Thucydides as well as the native virtues of Roman writers. Like Sallustius, too, he turned with dis

local accent. Nor was the judgement merely one of style, as though a Roman of Rome, infallible arbiter of urban purity, mock

ad. Hence the contrasted but complementary vices inherent in imperial Roman historiography, flattery and detraction. 1 Horace

oric, claimed that this form of composition was peculiarly and wholly Roman . He did not live to see his verdict confirmed by

citus, the typical glories of imperial literature and the last of the Romans . PageNotes. 489 1 Velleius 2, 36, 3; ‘inter q

in his writings the spirit, the prejudices and the resentment of the Roman aristocracy and reveals the causes and tragedy of

. For Tiberius the splendid prize was spoiled and tarnished. Like a Roman noble, the Claudian had aspired to primacy among

successor. 1 Tiberius Caesar hated the monarchy it meant the ruin of Roman and Republican virtue. The Principate was not a m

lieved a danger, though often only a nuisance, so great a tribute did Roman conservatism and snobbery pay to the possession o

West prospered in their place. When Claudius proposed to admit to the Roman Senate certain chieftains of the peoples of Galli

ry of the Republic and from Caesar the Dictator even admission to the Roman Senate. To explain the fall of the Roman Republ

ator even admission to the Roman Senate. To explain the fall of the Roman Republic, historians invoke a variety of convergi

both, and L. Verginius Rufus from Mediolanium, like them the son of a Roman knight. 2 But for this defect of birth, Verginius

of Vespasian. 1 Thenceforward a newer nobility, sons or grandsons of Roman knights for the most part, govern the great milit

been content with ‘aurea mediocritas’. 2 The last and only refuge of Roman virtue and aristocratic independence of temper wa

tism an inheritance from a lower and commercial order of society, the Roman knights. He might have to sink further yet, to ma

roll of provincial consuls. They herald the Empire’s invasion of the Roman government, they seize supreme power but do not h

er cause for which Cato fought had prevailed after his death when the Roman People was saved from despotism and restored to L

f the process, was sickened when men of his own class abandoned their Roman tradition and behaved like courtiers and flattere

d and subject might also be described as ‘The Decline and Fall of the Roman Aristocracy’. Lucan, who narrated recent and au

of Republican Libertas. Tacitus, in a sense his successor, was not a Roman aristocrat either, but a new man, presumably of p

y of provincial extraction, like his father- in-law and like the best Romans of his day. PageNotes. 507 1 Tacitus, Ann. 3,

. PageBook=>508 Captured and enslaved by the traditions of the Roman governing class and of Roman historical writing,

ed and enslaved by the traditions of the Roman governing class and of Roman historical writing, Tacitus abandoned the Empire

as a narrow and outworn theme. In style, subject and treatment the Roman historians clung tenaciously to the memory of the

o wrote of Italy as well as of Rome. 2 But Cato was powerless against Roman tradition. The banker Atticus was more typical, i

ns as objects of fear or flattery. It is evident that a traditional Roman prejudice, sharpened under the domination of the

bish fervour of other classes in society. It is precisely the sons of Roman knights who have handed down the most typical and

uilding at Caieta, he had seldom been responsible for the shedding of Roman blood. 7 NotesPage=>511 1 C. Sulpicius Gal

the traitors and time-servers survived, earning the gratitude of the Roman People. More reputable and more independent cha

had not merely destroyed their spurious Republic: they had ruined the Roman People. There is something more important than

on of Republican Rome. Worn and broken by civil war and disorder, the Roman People was ready to surrender the ruinous privile

d to it for their preservation and standing. As more and more sons of Roman knights passed by patronage into the ranks of the

son of a centurion, may have been sincere in his principles:3 but the Roman knight who filled his house with the statues of R

Electoral corruption, extortion in the provinces and the execution of Roman citizens furnished great themes and orators to ma

necessary and salutary fraud: his successors paid for it. Libertas in Roman thought and usage had never quite meant unrestric

respect for constitutional forms. Indeed, it was inconceivable that a Roman should live under any other dispensation. Hence L

Trajan. 2 He turned instead to the sombre theme of the Annals. As a Roman historian, Tacitus had to be a Republican: in his

danger. 1 Likewise the excellent P. Memmius Regulus, a pillar of the Roman State and secure himself, though married for a ti

bad emperors, if they abated their ambition, remembered their duty as Romans to the Roman People and quietly practised the hig

if they abated their ambition, remembered their duty as Romans to the Roman People and quietly practised the higher patriotis

stern kings, the fanaticism of the doctrinaire was distasteful to the Romans vis imperil valet, inania tramittuntur. 4 Tacit

, but meant the same thing, when they celebrated the ‘Guardian of the Roman Empire and Governor of the Whole World’. 1 That

aphor, though it may have parallels in the language of the Stoics, is Roman and military. 2 He would not desert his post unti

mporaries. 3 Augustus’ rule was dominion over all the world. To the Roman People his relationship was that of Father, Found

, tu produxisti nos intra luminis oras. 6 Augustus’ relation to the Roman Commonwealth might also be described as organic r

ces. The phrase might fittingly be applied to the whole fabric of the Roman State. It was firm, well-articulated and flexible

recognition and promotion for senator, for knight or for soldier, for Roman or for provincial. The rewards were not so splend

orne heavily on Rome, with threatened ruin. But now the reinvigorated Roman People, robust and cheerful, could bear the burde

ate endured. A successor had been found, trained in his own school, a Roman aristocrat from among the principes, by general c

nd Italy honours like those accorded to gods by grateful humanity: to Romans he was no more than the head of the Roman State.

s by grateful humanity: to Romans he was no more than the head of the Roman State. Yet one thing was certain. When he was dea

Romulus, and, like Divus Julius, he would be enrolled by vote of the Roman Senate among the gods of Rome for his great merit

to the religions and kings of the Hellenistic East but from Rome and Roman practice, as a combination between the elogium of

om Rome and Roman practice, as a combination between the elogium of a Roman general and the statement of accounts of a Roman

een the elogium of a Roman general and the statement of accounts of a Roman magistrate. Like Augustus, his Res Gestae are u

mortal ambition and in his ambition he had saved and regenerated the Roman People. NotesPage=>524 1 As W. Weber, Prin

Zeitschr. für Numismatik XL (1928), 1 ff. ALTHEIM, F. A History of Roman Religion. London, 1938. ANDERSON, J. G. C. ‘A

Mark Antony’, CQ XXVII (1933), 172 ff. ——— The Virtues of a Roman Emperor: Propaganda and the Creation of Belief. T

d Decline of Rome I–V (E.T.). London, 1907–9. FOWLER, W. WARDE. Roman Ideas of Deity. London, 1914. FRANK, T. ‘Augu

€™s Conquest of Gaul2. Oxford, 1911. ——— The Architect of the Roman Empire I. Oxford, 1928. HOW, W. W. Cicero, Sele

, Bull. Comm. LXIII (1935), 35 ff. MARSH, F. B. The Founding of the Roman Empire2. Oxford, 1931. ——— The Reign of T

VII (1917), 27 ff. ——— The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire. Oxford, 1926. ROUSSEL, P. ‘Un Syrien

al Seviri’, JRS XIV (1924), 158 ff. ——— The Divinity of the Roman Emperor. Am. Phil. Ass., Philological Monographs

cording to gentilicia, save that Augustus, members of his family, and Roman emperors are entered under their conventional or

, 54; empire of, 217, 250; and Pompeius, 30, 54; and Octavianus, 305; Roman view of, 441. Alexander Helios, 261, 265, 300.

es, private, 15, 28, 75, 82, 92, 125, 155, 160, 286, 524. Army, the Roman , 15; ranks and officers, 70 f., 353 ff.; size of,

443 ff. His real power, 2 f., 322 f., 370, 404 f.; in relation to the Roman Commonwealth, 520 ff.; as a party leader, 288, 32

27 B.C., 326; date of origin, 395. Balbus, see Cornelius. Balkans, Roman conquests in, 222 f., 240, 308, 390 f.; see also

ndants, 499 f. Calvus, see Licinius. Camillus, 18, 305. Campania, Roman nobles from, 84; Marian and Caesarian partisans,

name, 90, 93; no descendants,498. Carthage, fall of, in relation to Roman history, 154, 249; wars against Carthage promote

89. Catullus, see Valerius. Catulus, see Lutatius. Censorship, in Roman politics, 41, 66; suitable functions of, 444; rev

. Civil service, need for, 331; growth of, 355 ff., 409. Civil War, Roman distaste for, 2, 180, 184; recurrent features of,

f., 414, 426 f., 432, 444, 478; in general, 479. Constitution, the Roman , character of, 11 f., 152 f., 370; usefulness of,

of Pompeius, 76, 385. Democracy, incapable of ruling empires, 346; Roman distrust of, 364; Tacitus’ dislike of, 515. Dic

st and West, 290; revived by the Principate, 351, 451 f. Education, Roman view of, 445. Egnatius Rufus, demagogue and con

f., 363; ancient families of Etruria, 82 f.; propertied classes, 89; Roman noble houses of Etruscan origin, 85 f.; Etruscan

ius, Q. (cos. suff. 2 B.C.), 362. Factio, 12, 22, 157. Factions, in Roman politics, 7 f., 11 ff., 16, 20, &c. see also

Antonian diplomat, 225, 242, 259, 266, 267. Foreigners, in command of Roman armies, 201; hatred of, 256, 287, 290; scorn of,

oli, 90 f. Granius Petro, Caesarian, 90 f. Greece, in relation to Roman patriotism, 440, 449; and Roman literature, 461.

arian, 90 f. Greece, in relation to Roman patriotism, 440, 449; and Roman literature, 461. Greeks, conciliated by Antoniu

eks, conciliated by Antonius, 262 f.; derided by Juvenal, 490; in the Roman equestrian service, 506; in the Senate, 365 ff.

Augustus, 395, 401 see also Spain. Histonium, 360, 361. History, Roman , its characteristics and categories, 5, 8, 249 f.

ied to a proconsul, 308; forbidden to proconsuls, 404. Imperialism, Roman , 441, 456. Imperium consulare, 162, 315, 326, 3

487, 515 f.; servility of government writers, 488. See also History, Roman Poets. Livia Drusilla, her marriage to Octavian

266, 302 f., 328 ff., 333, 390 f., 398, 400 f. Machaeras, leader of Roman troops, 201. Machares, name in the Pontic dynasty

, 361; repute and virtues of, 82, 193, 360, 453, 455 f.; brought into Roman politics, 285 f., 359 ff., 364; and military serv

ral, 228, 269, 296, 350. Nationalism, Italian, 287 f., 453, 465 f.; Roman , 256, 440 f. Naulochus, Battle of, 231. Nemausu

appeals to, 157 f.; growth of, in Italy, 287 f.; north-Italian, 465; Roman , 440 f.; in military colonies, 478. Patronage,

63, 405, 473; behaviour of, in the Principate, 477. Proculeius, C., Roman knight, 236, 266, 299, 334, 409; character and vi

, 248 f.; his Histories, 484, 5; historical style, 248 f., 485 f.; on Roman politics, 16, 154; on Libertas, 515; on Pompeius,

cial change, 78 f., 243, 255 f., 351 ff., 455 f., 501 ff. Soldiers, Roman , 15; behaviour in revolutionary wars, 159, 180, 2

bribed by Octavianus, 125; changes of side, 159; pacifism of, 180 f.; Roman compared with Hellenistic, 250; provision for, 11