Principate of Augustus should be regarded as the consolidation of the revolutionary process. Emphasis is laid, however, not upon the

by the solid benefits of peace and by the apparent termination of the revolutionary age, they were willing to acquiesce, if not activ

, based upon the seizure of power and redistribution of property by a revolutionary leader. The happy outcome of the Principate might

inquiry will attempt to discover the resources and devices by which a revolutionary leader arose in civil strife, usurped power for h

om contemporary sources. Yet for all that, the history of the whole revolutionary period could be written NotesPage=>004 1 P

cate. In truth, the one term presupposes the other. The career of the revolutionary leader is fantastic and unreal if told without so

lity. Individuals capture attention and engross history, but the most revolutionary changes in Roman politics were the work of famili

ches. L. Marcius Philippus, eloquent, alert and pliable, resisted the revolutionary designs of M. Livius Drusus, held the censorship

ourable auspices, a Sulla but for clementia, a Gracchus but lacking a revolutionary programme, Caesar established his Dictatorship. H

hown that he was not afraid of vested interests. But Caesar was not a revolutionary . He soon disappointed the rapacity or the idealis

for a time by contemporaries and often believed by posterity to be a revolutionary has led to undue emphasis on the non-senatorial o

ius, presumably his grandson, turns up as a senator and consul in the revolutionary period. 2 Most famous of all was P. Ventidius, th

e curbing of the oligarchy, promotion for merit. Yet there is nothing revolutionary about the choice of his candidates for the consul

at all. The politicians of the previous age, whether conservative or revolutionary , despised so utterly the plebs of Rome that they

tus’. Posterity was to know him as ‘Divus Augustus’. In the early and revolutionary years the heir of Caesar never, it is true, refer

ruler of Rome made use of a signet- ring with a sphinx engraved. The revolutionary adventurer eludes grasp and definition no less th

mic study, that the arts of government may be learned from books. The revolutionary career of Caesar’s heir reveals never a trace of

cious and consistent. To assert himself against Antonius, the young revolutionary needed an army in the first place, after that, Re

the Fourth, under Antonius’ quaestor L. Egnatuleius, had embraced the revolutionary cause. Had the consul attempted to outlaw Octavia

Catilinarian but Spartacist. Turning to the person and family of the revolutionary , he invoked both the traditional charges of unnat

er in the city. So far, the raising of a private army and the first revolutionary venture has been narrated as the deed and policy

ity and could be held in check. The cause of Caesar’s heir was purely revolutionary in origin, attracting all the enemies of society

s and origin of the adherents of Octavianus in the first years of his revolutionary career is deplorably scanty. For sufficient reaso

entered the ranks of the governing oligarchy. Cicero had never been a revolutionary not even a reformer. In the years following his c

ance between oratory and arms, between the venerable consular and the revolutionary adventurer. There is a danger, it is true, that t

win the confidence of Cicero, or at least to commit him openly to the revolutionary cause. By the beginning of November daily letters

there was safety in Arpinum, which lay off the main roads. The young revolutionary marched on Rome without him. About Octavianus,

ked auctoritas. On the other hand, he was the heir of the Dictator, a revolutionary under the sign of the avenging of Caesar. Of that

, but an accurate forecast of the hazards of supporting the Caesarian revolutionary . Octavianus NotesPage=>142 1 Ad Att. 16, 8

ür Num. XL (1928), I ff. PageBook=>156 It is the excuse of the revolutionary that the Republic has succumbed to tyranny or to

name lost credit. So much talk was there of peace and concord in the revolutionary period that a new term makes its appearance, the

ble vendettas. Hence the role of the words ‘pius’ and ‘pietas’ in the revolutionary wars. Pietas was the battle-cry of the Pompeians

th an extraordinary command over all the provinces of the East. The revolutionary change in the East alarmed the friends of Antoniu

l maturity of the youth Octavianus. The unnatural compact between the revolutionary leader and the constitutional party crumbled and

uffered heavy loss both in ability and in distinction, and showed its revolutionary character by its composition as well as by its po

ies of Rome and Italy in blood and desolation, and stood forth as the revolutionary leader, unveiled and implacable. Antonius, howeve

ampered by the claims and acts of his young colleague, who, as in his revolutionary début, had everything to gain by stirring up trou

itius Ahenobarbus and C. Sosius. But five years is a long period in a revolutionary epoch. Octavianus felt that time was on his side.

r years had elapsed since the foundation of the faction and the first revolutionary venture. Consulars were rare enough on either sid

iberators in Macedonia. Nor are senators’ sons at all frequent in the revolutionary faction. The Peducaei were a modest and reputable

the patrician; which did not in any way hamper them from following a revolutionary leader or taking up an ally not of their own clas

wn class, from ambition or for survival in a dangerous age. The young revolutionary was becoming attractive and even respectable or r

the consular Balbus, that was beyond words. The lower ranks of the revolutionary Senate were in harmony with the higher, not disda

iracy of Catilina and the War of Jugurtha, he proposed to narrate the revolutionary period from the death of Sulla onwards. Though Sa

lusions the Roman was eminently qualified to narrate the history of a revolutionary age. Literary critics did not fear to match him

ple would be submerged in the innumerable hordes of its subjects. The revolutionary years exposed Rome to the full onrush of foreign

229; ABOVE, P. 128. PageBook=>270 were nobiles, yet this was a revolutionary period prizing and rewarding its own children vig

allegiance and mutual support. 3 When a Claudian faction encouraged a revolutionary agitation at Rome with tribunes’ laws and the div

d of the new order. 4 Italy longed for the final stabilization of the revolutionary age. The War of Actium had been fought and won, t

h in politics is the Age of Pompeius. In his youth Caesar’s heir, the revolutionary adventurer, won Pompeian support by guile and coo

k=>318 Virgil did not need to say where Caesar belonged—with his revolutionary ally or with the venerable adversary whose memory

s that it could be employed by any party and adapted to any ends. The revolutionary Augustus exploited with art and with success the

ary kind of citizen. Names might change: Augustus was none the less a revolutionary leader who won supreme power through civil war. A

of their common taskmaster was never recorded. The novus homo of the revolutionary age and the heir of the Claudian house were perha

, intrigue and unscrupulous daring had brought the rapid rewards of a revolutionary age. Obscurity of birth or provincial origin wa

he towns of Italy. When addressing the troops, Augustus dropped the revolutionary appellation of ‘comrades’ and enforced a sterner

ided in the decorative office and title of consul. That was novel and revolutionary . Not indeed that a sharp line of division had hit

nt the military men, carrying on the tradition of the marshals of the revolutionary wars but not imposing so rapid and frequent a suc

cial in extraction. In purpose and in effect that measure was neither revolutionary nor outrageous; and the recruitment of novi homin

ew its failings. His name, his ambition and his acts had denied the revolutionary leader the support of the nobiles in his youth. B

definitely regulated all at once. 1 For the rest, the practice of the revolutionary period seems to have crystallized into the law of

were temperate. Then after the Pact of Brundisium the nature of their revolutionary rule shows itself clearly on the Fasti. In the se

r a command in the Balkans. 1 Other novi homines, worthy heirs of the revolutionary marshals, could show to their credit service in t

in the secret oligarchy of government. When the social parvenu and revolutionary adventurer made himself respectable, his adherent

e Princeps hesitated to entrust armies to the viri triumphales of the revolutionary period. After twenty years they were growing old

n enough in the armies of Pompeius and Caesar and extended during the revolutionary wars. 7 NotesPage=>396 1 Among Piso’s lega

of Pompeius and Caesar like Afranius and Labienus and generals of the revolutionary age such as Taurus and Canidius were models and p

e entourage of the young adventurer. The hazards and intrigues of the revolutionary era set a high premium on secret counsel and secr

Cinna, again, was a grandson of Magnus. By now the marshals of the revolutionary wars, Carrinas, Calvisius, Cornificius and others

heorists of antiquity from the spurious Lycurgus to the authentic and revolutionary Gracchi were at one in awarding to moral and mili

as recruiting for the legions confined to Italy. The practices of the revolutionary age were unobtrusively perpetuated. Caesar had ra

respectable. ‘Fortuna non mutât genus’, so Horace exclaimed in the revolutionary period. 2 The New State did its best to refute th

census amicitias: pauper ubique iacet. 3 Laws were not enough. The revolutionary leader had won power more through propaganda than

The loyal citizen might gaze upon Augustus in the shape of the young revolutionary leader, resolute and almost fierce in expression,

alarmingly outspoken about the career of the Caesarian leader in the revolutionary wars. Messalla praised Brutus and Cassius; 1 bu

to the nobiles was engrained in the Principate from its military and revolutionary origins. In the first decade of his constitutiona

e or futility. The nobles, emergent from threatened extinction in the revolutionary age, learned from adversity no lesson save the be

ning themselves. From the beginning, from his youthful emergence as a revolutionary leader in public sedition and armed violence, the

ibility for the Civil War, 47 ff.; Dictatorship, 51 ff.; not really a revolutionary , 52, 59, 68, 194; monarchic position, 54, 59, 490

255 f., 351 ff., 455 f., 501 ff. Soldiers, Roman, 15; behaviour in revolutionary wars, 159, 180, 217, 255; divorced from politics,