in spirit, gave up the contest. Compensated by the solid benefits of
peace
and by the apparent termination of the revolution
nd every leader professed to be defending the cause of liberty and of
peace
. Those ideals were incompatible. When peace came,
e cause of liberty and of peace. Those ideals were incompatible. When
peace
came, it was the peace of despotism. ‘Cum domino
of peace. Those ideals were incompatible. When peace came, it was the
peace
of despotism. ‘Cum domino pax ista venit. ’7 No
es had opened the gates. Cicero would have preserved both dignity and
peace
of mind had not ambition and vanity blinded him t
to dangerous elevations. Such were the men who directed in war and
peace
the government after Sulla, owing primacy to birt
mpeius opened in fraud and violence. It was prosecuted, in war and in
peace
, through illegality and treachery. He held a comm
gain and secured the conviction of notorious disturbers of the public
peace
, especially Milo, to the dismay and grief of the
reat power through Pompeius, helped by the lieutenants of Pompeius in
peace
and in war, and now Caesar had become a rival pol
l caution than for public splendour or conspicuous ability in war and
peace
. They sought to profit by help from Pompeius with
rtisans, or of reconciled Pompeians whose good sense should guarantee
peace
. For that period, at least, a salutary pause from
strike at once absence, the passage of time and the solid benefits of
peace
and order might abate men’s resentment against Ca
e experience of another civil war after a brief respite of precarious
peace
. 2 In all, twenty-six men of consular standing we
ropertied classes had good reason to fear a social revolution. Before
peace
came another civil war supervened, into which Etr
or. Vested interests prevailed and imposed the respectable pretext of
peace
and concord. Cicero made a speech, proposing an a
Hirtius and Pansa, honest Caesarians, were moderate men and lovers of
peace
, representing a large body in the Senate, whether
rch 17th and the legislation passed in his consulate. For the sake of
peace
, the predominance of Antonius might have to be ad
provided for an appeal to the citizen body in cases of breach of the
peace
or high treason. This time there was criticism an
not run away. 2 In the autumn, too late: Cicero returning brought not
peace
but aggravation of discord and impulsion to the m
inst Antonius, eager for war and implacable, he would hear no word of
peace
or compromise: he confronted Antonius with the ch
lves were divided in allegiance, for Antonius, for Octavianus, or for
peace
. The new consuls had a policy of their own, if
more than political freedom when both were abolished. For the sake of
peace
and the common good, all power had to pass to one
f a party who claimed to be the champions of liberty and the laws, of
peace
and legitimate government. That was precisely the
ost strongly in evidence on the side of vested interests. In times of
peace
and prosperity it commands a wide measure of acqu
hed’ or ‘restored’. Next to freedom and legitimate government comes
peace
, a cause which all parties professed with such co
n detestation of civil war, Republicans might honestly hold an unjust
peace
to be better than the justest of wars. Then the f
st of wars. Then the fair name lost credit. So much talk was there of
peace
and concord in the revolutionary period that a ne
he word ‘pacificator’ already had a derisive ring. 3 The friends of
peace
had to abandon their plea when they spoke for war
ll, as becomes a Roman and a Senator. 7 In open war the language of
peace
and goodwill might still suitably be employed to
ugh not an adept at smooth language. Political intrigue in times of
peace
played upon all the arts of gentle persuasion to
eful old age. Plancus wrote dispatches and letters protesting love of
peace
and loyalty to the Republic who did not? But Plan
oratory he found so distasteful. But Pollio was to play his part for
peace
, if not for the Republic: his uncompromising hone
emy and beyond the law. Cicero himself had always been an advocate of
peace
. But this was different a just and holy war. Thus
iates of Antonius, on many a Caesarian, and on such honest friends of
peace
as were not blinded by the partisan emotions of t
g ‘in my opinion you will be wiser not to make meddling proposals for
peace
: neither the Senate nor the People approves of th
ely the reply to Cicero’s firm rejection of his earlier proposals for
peace
and concord. 2 It was on May 30th that Antonius
ide. That was the only bloodshed. The senators advanced to make their
peace
with Octavianus; among them, but not in the foref
part for Caesar’s heir and served their turn: they departed to die in
peace
. Lepidus’ brother, the proscribed Paullus, retire
tus and Antonius might have understood each other and compromised for
peace
and for Rome: the avenging of Caesar and the exte
when he was consul. But with Caesar’s heir there could be no pact or
peace
. 1 When the Caesarian leaders united to establish
came envoys, with offer of alliance. 6 Failing a general compact and
peace
that would NotesPage=>215 1 Dio 48, 27, 1:
was in this atmosphere of Messianic hopes, made real by the coming of
peace
and glorious with relief and rejoicing, that the
w. Brundisium united the Caesarian leaders in concord and established
peace
for the world. It is a fair surmise that the Four
s a fair surmise that the Fourth Eclogue was composed to announce the
peace
, to anticipate the natural and desired consequenc
pi; military repute secured him the larger share of credit for making
peace
when the fortune of war had been manifestly on hi
is blockade of the coasts of Italy. The plebs clamoured for bread and
peace
. Following the impeccable precedent set by the so
of Parthian affairs: by letter he warned Octavianus not to break the
peace
with Pompeius. Octavianus, persisting, incurred r
s, even his father-in-law Libo, deserted the brigand’s cause and made
peace
with Antonius, some entering his service. 1 At la
s in name. Once again the voice of armed men was heard, clamorous for
peace
, and once again the plea of averting Roman bloods
aly, while it crushed liberty, had at least maintained a semblance of
peace
in the four years that had elapsed since the Pact
ities. 6 At Rome the homage due to a military leader and guarantor of
peace
was enhanced by official act and religious sancti
um or Tarentum with the fleets and armies of the East, whether it was
peace
or war in the end, Octavianus could face him, as
, to prepare not merely for the contest that was imminent but for the
peace
that was to follow victory in the last of all the
oratory, interrupted by civil war, languished and declined under the
peace
of the Triumvirs, with no use left in Senate or F
l poet celebrated in mystical splendour the nuptials of Antonius, the
peace
of Brundisium and the end of all the wars. Maecen
; and the dynasts were lavish in grants of the franchise. In times of
peace
and unshaken empire the Roman had been reluctant
n and the true had perished: the survivors were willing to make their
peace
with the new order, some in resignation, others f
geBook=>263 will. Regard for Hellenic sentiments would reinforce
peace
and concord through alliance with the men of prop
2 B.C. In the year 33 B.C., with his frontiers in order and Asia at
peace
, recovering from oppression and looking forward t
from Rome to the conference of Tarentum. 6 Of no note in the arts of
peace
were certain military men and admirals like Inste
, consistent and suspect a just war, fought in defence of freedom and
peace
against a foreign enemy: a degenerate Roman was s
s and kingdoms of the East. Ahenobarbus held back, perhaps in hope of
peace
. 2 Sosius took the lead and delivered a speech in
ntered the Curia, surrounded by soldiers and adherents in the garb of
peace
, with concealed weapons. Taking his place between
us stood on the defensive and therefore, it might be represented, for
peace
. For war his prestige and his power were enormous
compacts and wars of the last thirty years, though liberty perished,
peace
might be achieved. It was worth it not merely to
lly and fatally at Philippi. They knew it, and they knew the price of
peace
and survival. There was no choice : the Caesari
paralleled. 1 The ex-Republican M. Licinius Crassus may have made his
peace
with Octavianus about the same time—on terms, nam
r in Italy for the needs of his war and not safely to be discarded in
peace
, was quietly neglected in the East, where he inhe
thian pretender fled to Syria, he preferred to use that advantage for
peace
rather than for war. Crassus and the national h
was a tangible blessing. For a generation, all parties had triven for
peace
: once attained, it became the spoil and prerogati
he Temple of Janus should be closed, a sign that all the world was at
peace
on land and sea. 5 The imposing and archaic cerem
rals of Rome were active in the frontier provinces. The exaltation of
peace
by a Roman statesman might attest a victory, but
tion of the Ara Pads Augustae. Which was not unfitting. To the Roman,
peace
was not a vague emollient: the word ‘pax’ can sel
sion. It was Rome’s imperial destiny to compel the nations to live at
peace
, with clemency towards the subject and suppressio
ple: any larger total was costly to maintain and a menace to internal
peace
. He appears to have decided upon a permanent esta
ian party, the consolidation of the Revolution and the maintenance of
peace
, it was necessary that the primacy of Caesar’s he
, patient and ruthless, imposed by massacre and enslavement the Roman
peace
upon a desolated land. Such was the end of a ten
rious illness of Augustus revealed the precarious tenure on which the
peace
of the world reposed. Meagre and confused, the so
m had brought low a great people. Ruin had been averted but narrowly,
peace
and order restored but would it last? And, more t
the cohors praetoria of the Roman general was perpetuated in times of
peace
by the standing force of nine cohorts of the Prae
invoked in the crisis of civil war: they were not to be neglected in
peace
. Augustus encouraged the towns to commend candida
of civil wars: the sons of the slain were found willing to make their
peace
with the military dynast. Augustus bent all his
e first four years of the Principate. Riots in Rome could not imperil
peace
so long as the Princeps controlled the armies. No
nal and scholarly lawyer, M. Antistius Labeo, his consulate. 1 With
peace
and prosperity polite arts returned to favour. Ce
consuls. But they too were drawn from his partisans. For the present,
peace
and the Principate were thus safeguarded. But the
s appeared to stand alone, sustaining the burden of Empire in war and
peace
: cum tot sustineas et tanta negotia solus, res
of Tiberius, notorious for long tenures and for an almost undisturbed
peace
on the frontiers. The historical record of the wa
f 23 B.C. may not have given the Princeps the power of making war and
peace
. 2 That was not necessary. Embassies from foreign
ection at least of his adherents. While Augustus lived, he maintained
peace
and the dynasty. But Augustus was now aged fifty-
B.C. Q. Horatius Flaccus, who composed the hymn, extolled, along with
peace
and prosperity, the return of the old morality: i
history. Temples had crumbled, ceremonies and priesthoods lapsed. No
peace
for the Roman, but the inherited and cumulative c
against the Parthians; and the Principate, for all its profession of
peace
, called on Rome and Italy to supply soldiers for
e for war was well- founded. He claimed to be the poet of love and of
peace
: pacis amor deus est, pacem veneramur amantes.
Aeneas, pietate insignis et armis. 2 The august motives of war and
peace
received public and monumental commemoration. The
l Senate and a regenerated people participated. The new régime was at
peace
with the gods and honoured the land. Earth requit
is was the shrine and the setting where the Senate debated on war and
peace
, where generals offered prayers before going to t
es and promoting ordered life. Juba, the King of Mauretania, a man of
peace
and letters, enjoyed long rule, though not undist
ry of the Augustan Principate seems to attest inevitable and unbroken
peace
. There was another side to it ’pacem sine dubio p
ived profit and advancement from the present order. For the sake of
peace
, the Principate had to be. That was admitted. But
to preserve and perpetuate the glory of their state in times of civil
peace
. The Revolution made an end to many noble familie
Nor are the new families ennobled for loyal service in the years of
peace
and the Principate always rich in offspring. The
ty, the Roman knights. He might have to sink further yet, to make his
peace
, through subservience or through adulation, with
more for the sole reason of birth. 1 The Sullan oligarchy made its
peace
with the monarchy. By the end of Augustus’ reign,
dearest hopes, his most pertinacious designs, had been thwarted. But
peace
and the Principate endured. A successor had been
; after Philippi, 214; attitude during the Perusine War, 214 f., 215;
peace
of Brundisium, 216 ff.; marriage to Octavia, 219;
506. Liberty, nature of, at Rome, 2, 59, 154 ff.; incompatible with
peace
and order, 9, 59, 512 ff.; guaranteed by monarchy
gnomen of, 157; seizes the islands, 189; in Sicily, 202, 213, 215 f.;
peace
of Puteoli, 221; partisans of, 227 f., 269; cult