he principal allies of the various political leaders enter into their own at last. The method has to be selective: exhausti

edominance of one man, Caesar’s grand-nephew: for the security of his own position and the conduct of affairs the ruler had

stern shore of Asia. The Empire of the Roman People, perishing of its own greatness, threatened to break and dissolve into

ind had not ambition and vanity blinded him to the true causes of his own elevation. 5 The political life of the Roman Re

daughters of the great houses commanded political influence in their own right, exercising a power beyond the reach of man

er’s comments on the deliberate concealment by the nobiles, for their own ends, of the true character of Roman political li

nal action. The dynast required allies and supporters, not from his own class only. The sovran people of a free republic

d authority from the State or not, he could thus raise an army on his own initiative and resources. The soldiers, now rec

ibunate, and curbed the consuls. But even Sulla could not abolish his own example and preclude a successor to his dominatio

r on a single general, to the salvation of Rome’s empire and to their own ruin. NotesPage=>017 1 Sallust, Hist, 1, 6

by the primitive tenacity of the Roman family and the pride of their own traditions. They waited in patience to assert the

the restored oligarchy held rank not so much from resources of their own as from alliance with houses of the plebeian aris

at ease upon the quiet doctrines of Epicurus and confirmed from their own careers the folly of ambition, the vanity of virt

ime Cato married Marcia, the granddaughter of Philippus, and gave his own sister Porcia to L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the cou

In Verrem II, I, 139), and, in 65, an indispensable ally for cicero’s own candidature’ ‘in quo uno maxime nititur ambitio n

retence or delusion. Upright and austere, a ferocious defender of his own class, a hard drinker and an astute politician, t

ed at Brundisium, the young man, now aged twenty-three, raised on his own initiative three legions from the tenants, client

he domination of the Marian faction for Sulla’s interests and for his own . 6 The career of Pompeius opened in fraud and v

r other, cf. J. Duchesne, Ant. cl. III (1934), 81 ff. 2 Namely, his own kinsman, Q. Pompeius Rufus, cos. 88 B.C., cf. App

predominance. The worship of power, which ages ago had developed its own language and conventional forms, paid homage to P

. The nobiles were much too stubborn to admit a master, even on their own terms. Nor was Pompeius in any way to their likin

y (cf. Pliny, NH 22, 11). PageBook=>032 abruptly divorcing his own wife, took Metella’s daughter, Aemilia. 1 When Ae

domination of Pompeius Magnus was openly revealed. It rested upon his own auctoritas, the wealth and influence of Crassus,

he convenience of the dynasts, the tribune proceeded to reinforce his own influence, his prospect of praetorship and consul

ed by Crassus, their potential ally. Now he would have an army of his own in Spain to support his predominance at Rome. T

ready have been angling for an alliance. 1 The consuls achieved their own disgrace by bargaining to procure the election of

gt;039 he be made dictator. 1 Pompeius, openly disavowing, kept his own counsel and deceived nobody. Corruption reigned

at all likely that the dynast would abide by letter or spirit of his own legislation. NotesPage=>039 1 The proposal

ad been condemned and exiled, likewise P. Plautius Hypsaeus, once his own adherent but now coolly sacrificed. The third was

st’s attitude towards Caesar and towards Cato. Pompeius prolonged his own possession of Spain for five years more and sough

and in war, and now Caesar had become a rival political leader in his own right. In every class of society the defeated and

elected to the censorship, an office which was a patent rebuke to his own private conduct, worked for his party by ejection

treacherous fashion. Ahenobarbus was a great political dynast in his own right, born to power. The Pact of Luca blocked hi

torship, though anxiously shunning the name. Cato’s confidence in his own rectitude and insight derived secret strength fro

SULLA was the first Roman to lead an army against Rome. Not of his own choosing his enemies had won control of the gov

ociates in power had thwarted or suspended the constitution for their own ends many times in the past. Exceptions had been

icians at Rome forbade intervention in a struggle which was not their own . 2 Pompeius might stamp with his foot in the land

rashly boasted. No armed legions rose at his call. Even Picenum, his own barony, went over to the enemy without a blow. No

ipio ended worthy of his ancestors; 2 while Cato chose to fall by his own hand rather than witness the domination of Caesar

been assassinated in the Senate by honourable men, at the foot of his own statue. That was not the point. The cause of Po

haved with public and ostentatious clemency. They were members of his own class: he had not wished to make war upon them or

he made it his task to transcend faction, and in so doing wrought his own destruction. A champion of the People, he had to

conqueror of the East and of every continent, did not exploit for his own vanity the resemblance to Alexander in warlike fa

ome. The young man had to build up a faction for himself and make his own way along the road to power, beginning as a milit

more powerfully than ever in life. Brutus came to feel shame for his own disloyalty: he composed a pamphlet in honour of t

r, glory and power, ready to use his birth and station to subvert his own class, was an ominous type, the monarchic aristoc

State, but very precisely for the dignity and the interests of their own order. Liberty and the laws are high-sounding wor

cracy was not to be permitted to govern and exploit the Empire in its own fashion. The tragedies of history do not arise fr

d, though the cause were indifferent or even distasteful. Of Caesar’s own relatives by blood or marriage, certain were neut

e order he had established. Pompeius’ repute was evil enough with his own class; when he formed an alliance with the Metell

popular figure, tribune in Caesar’s consulate, managed to hold their own . 1 Catilina and Clodius were dead but remembere

esar by a large bribe. 5 Servilius belonged to a branch of Servilia’s own clan which had passed over to the plebeians long

had called upon the services of thugs and brigands in defence of his own dignitas, he would have requited them. ’2 No empt

ably adopting a Scipionic policy of exploiting help from Spain to his own advantage, Cn. Pompeius Strabo had granted the Ro

ched the Balbi, the dynasts of Gades, from Pompeius’ following to his own . He may also have inherited the Spanish connexion

ts were taken up and brought in by certain patrician houses for their own political ends and for Rome’s greater power; thou

nography and Italian dialects. 3 As the Paelignian poet said of his own tribe (Ovid, Amores 3, 15, 9): ‘quam sua libertas

m Tusculum and probably needed little help. 5 Plancius, from Cicero’s own Volscian country, required and may have NotesPa

of Cato and of Marius but it was for himself, as though they were his own ancestors. 3 He desired that the sentiment and vo

tion, though indirect, was to be adequate and of the best, namely his own person. Italy was held to be firm for conservat

of the Pompeii no doubt raised up many enemies against them in their own country. Sulmo of the Paeligni opened its gates,

2 ILS 877. 3 For ‘tantis rebus gestis’ (BC 1, 13, 1) cf. Caesar’s own remark after Pharsalus Suetonius, Divus Iulius 30

true motive of Caesar’s augmentation of the Senate. He brought in his own partisans, men of substance or the newly enriched

need of bribery, to save the Republic and secure the election of his own kinsman Bibulus. 3 Debauched by demagogues and

us 10, the only evidence is Cicero, Phil. 2, 71 ff, which betrays its own inadequacy. The fact that Antonius, unlike gallan

magistrates. Antonius displayed consummate skill as a statesman. His own security and the maintenance of order dictated th

Otho, who governed Lusitania with integrity (ib. 13, 46) and took his own life rather than prolong a civil war (Hist. 2, 47

le reserves of patronage. Their employment in the first place for his own political interests calls neither for surprise no

There were surely alternatives to Caesar’s autocracy. Chance and his own resolution had given Antonius the position of van

nius was ready to parry that danger he would take that region for his own consular province and with it an army adequate to

f the solidarity of the family, or resentment at the thwarting of his own legitimate aspirations is a question that concern

pa, struck in Gaul in 38 B.C., BMC, R. Rep. 11, 411 ff. 2 Antonius’ own words are quoted by Cicero, Phil. 13, 24: ‘et te,

ianus. A sceptic about all else, Caesar the Dictator had faith in his own star. The fortune of Caesar survived his fall. On

tain friends of Caesar supplied abundant funds,1 which along with his own money he expended lavishly at the Ludi Victoriae

and their personal honour: they told Antonius that they valued their own libertas more than his amicitia and bade him take

nd his power revealed, he could build up a new Caesarian party of his own . It was the aim of Octavianus to seduce the mod

und only two legions there. He proceeded to raise several more on his own initiative and resources, training them in warfar

ing with D. Brutus, however, Antonius was impeded by no doubts of his own , by no disloyalty among his troops. Out of Rome a

ly. PageBook=>129 Octavianus turned for help to friends of his own , to loyal Caesarian adherents, to shady adventure

plebs were paid after all by Octavianus, perhaps not wholly from his own fortune and the generous loans of his friends. Fu

ly dispatched these moneys to Rome, to the Treasury, holding that his own inheritance was sufficient. 3 His own patrimony h

the Treasury, holding that his own inheritance was sufficient. 3 His own patrimony he was soon to invest ‘for the good of

e purchase of confiscated estates: he came from Velitrae, Octavianus’ own town. 1 Evidence about the names and origin of

ny of its most prominent members were neutral, evasive, playing their own game or bound to Antonius; and some of the best o

nius, for he hoped through Antonius to get an early consulate for his own son. 5 Nor was the devious Marcellus wholly to be

te with Cicero for versatility, as the attacks of his enemies and his own apologies attest. The sagacious and disinterested

pulous youth. Cicero was possessed by an overweening opinion of his own sagacity: it had ever been his hope to act as pol

the adventurer,3 in private letters he vaunted the excellence of his own plan: it may be doubted whether at any time he fe

binius, by the Dictatorship of Caesar and the guilty knowledge of his own inadequacy. He knew how little he had achieved fo

ons in literature and in theory: the ideal derived its shape from his own disappointments. In the Republic he set forth the

for Octavianus, or for peace. The new consuls had a policy of their own , if only they were strong enough to achieve it.

rd, boasting loudly of ancestors or, failing that prerogative, of his own merits. Again, the law-courts were an avenue for

The supreme enormity Antonius, by demonstrative affection towards his own wife, made a mock of Roman decorum and decency. 3

r of society, the pride of the Empire:3 they earn a dignitas of their own and claim virtues above their station, even the m

t, was oppressing the Republic and exploiting the constitution in its own interests. Hence the appeal to liberty. It was on

pay and loot, regarded loyalty to their leaders as a matter of their own choice and favour. 1 Treachery was commended by t

ce): ∈ἰρήνην τ∈ καὶ ἔλ∈ον ἐς ἀτυξοῦντας πολίτας. PageBook=>160 own head. After the end of all the wars the victor pr

s for Caesar’s heir. When an adventurer raised troops in Italy on his own initiative, privato consilio, it was claimed that

. What if it had not lent its sanction? Why, true patriots were their own Senate. 9 It is evident that res publica consti

Despite the assertions and the exhortations of Cicero, despite their own exemplary professions of loyalty to the Republic,

, was the reverse of a bellicose character. A nice calculation of his own interests and an assiduous care for his own safet

A nice calculation of his own interests and an assiduous care for his own safety carried him through well-timed treacheries

o public office. But there were limits. The Senate did not choose its own members, or determine their relative standing. On

of Macedonia, Hortensius, the son of the great orator and one of his own near relatives. 3 When all was ready, and the dec

surrender to D. Brutus, resolved to stand firm, precarious though his own position was. Antonius might be destroyed hence r

one vitae immortalitatem estis consecuti. ’ 2 Ib. 13, 40 (Antonius’ own words): ‘quibus, utri nostrum ceciderint, lucro f

ur in the hounding down of the family of Lepidus, who had married his own half-sister. Family ties had prevailed against po

h is not surprising. Of his lieutenants, Laterensis in shame took his own life; P. Canidius Crassus and Rufrenus were ferve

hat the ancient monarchy was returning and died upon the spot, of his own will. 2 The scene may have been impressive, but t

ssion and even excuse was found in later generations. He composed his own autobiography; other apologists artfully suggeste

enemy, thereby incurring blame in certain circles,3 but trusting his own judgement; and he had already secured a guarantee

rivals among the Marrucini will likewise have been found there:6 his own father-in-law was also proscribed. 7 Such respect

therefore seized houses and estates and put them on the market. Their own partisans, astute neutrals and freedmen of the co

cried out for confiscation. 8 But a capital levy often defeats its own purpose. The return was at once seen to be disapp

ghts in competition or in complicity, and spent by senators for their own magnificence and for the delight of the Roman ple

Caesar’s ostensible political heirs and the declared enemies of their own class. The older men were dead, dishonoured or to

lus,3 by political adherents like the inseparable Favonius and by his own personal friends and agents of equestrian rank, s

pursuing the higher education, sons of senators like L. Bibulus, his own stepson, and M. Cicero,5 along with men of lower

them at least, having passed over to the Liberators, curtailed their own survival. 4 Few men indeed who already belonged

and besieged him at Laodicaea in Syria. In despair Dolabella took his own life: Trebonius was avenged. Except for Egypt, wh

easy triumphs the Republican NotesPage=>203 1 Compare Brutus’ own remarks (Ad M. Brutum 1, 16 f., above, p. 184).

, who was not there. A certain mystery envelops his movements: on his own account he obeyed a warning dream which had visit

m virorum fuit. ’ PageBook=>206 Livius Drusus. 1 Brutus, their own leader, took his own life. Virtus had proved to b

ageBook=>206 Livius Drusus. 1 Brutus, their own leader, took his own life. Virtus had proved to be an empty word. 2

. As Antonius gazed in sorrow upon the Roman dead, the tragedy of his own life may have risen to his thoughts. Brutus had d

the return of Octavianus’ best marshal and last hope. The Triumvir’s own province, all Gaul beyond the Alps, was held for

sions of the generals their soldiers had an acute perception of their own interests as well as a strong distaste for war: i

inction had espoused the cause of liberty and the protection of their own estates. It may be supposed that the escape of th

learned that a new and alarming civil war had broken out between his own adherents and the Caesarian leader. 5 The parad

tor of Philippi could not forswear his promises and his soldiers. His own share was the gathering of funds in the East in w

arsian or Etruscan, no foreign foe had been able to destroy Rome. Her own strength and her own sons laid her low. 1 The war

o foreign foe had been able to destroy Rome. Her own strength and her own sons laid her low. 1 The war of class against cla

free of western entanglements and needed Italian legionaries for his own campaigns, agreed to meet his colleague. NotesP

tune and the veterans of Caesar, the diplomacy of his friends and his own cool resolution. Not to mention chance and the in

under Antonius and remained with him until they recognized, to their own salvation, the better cause ‘meliora et utiliora’

ans now in the alliance of Antonius, above all Ahenobarbus; 2 and his own son was betrothed to a daughter of Antonius. Agai

At last Titius captured Pompeius and put him to death, either on his own initiative or at the instigation of his uncle Pla

overriding Agrippa, who was present, accepted the capitulation in his own person. Octavianus objected: Lepidus, with twenty

d already usurped the practice of putting a military title before his own name, calling himself ‘Imperator Caesar’. 8 The

dentally preserved, such as the admiral M. Mindius Marcellus from his own town of Velitrae:1 to say nothing of aliens and f

om following a revolutionary leader or taking up an ally not of their own class, from ambition or for survival in a dangero

tion among the aristocracy. The nobiles would attract others of their own rank and many a humbler snob or time-server as we

of Antonius paled with distance or might be artfully depreciated; his own achievements would be visible and tangible. It

ous style of Cicero, recognized as ultimate and classical even in his own day. But not without rivals: a different concepti

intained by the aristocracy to intimidate the people, to assert their own domination and to reinforce the fabric of the Com

reation of public libraries. 2 Escaping from proscription, though his own stores of learned books were plundered, the indef

l rapidity of narrative. 5 He had certainly forged a style all of his own , shunning the harmonies of formal rhetoric and fo

th brief broken sentences, reflecting perhaps some discordance in his own character. The archaisms were borrowed, men said,

ory of their friend and patron. 1 Nor was Sallustius unmindful of his own political career and arguments of defence or apol

nt not harsh and truculent, but humane and tolerant: which suited his own temperament. Nor would the times now permit polit

onger derive confidence from the language, habits and religion of his own people. It was much more than the rule of the nob

ssion of all Galatia, murdering a tetrarch and a tetrarch’s wife, his own daughter. 3 But Deiotarus died in the year of the

ted estates or the fruits of mercantile operations, dynastic in their own right. Caesar did his best to equal or usurp th

atron by their names, despots great and small or leading men in their own cities and influential outside them. 4 Dominant i

mo, the orator’s son from Laodicea, with a great kingdom: he gave his own daughter Antonia in marriage to Pythodorus of Tra

d. 3 Antonius advertised the favour he enjoyed from Dionysus; and his own race was fabled to descend from Heracles. Both go

in the party after Antonius. 3 Titius, proscribed and a pirate on his own account before joining Sex. Pompeius, shared the

obiles, yet this was a revolutionary period prizing and rewarding its own children vigour and talent, not ancestral imagine

omination which Cleopatra had achieved over him and the nature of her own ambitions. A fabricated concatenation of unrealiz

ell as the West. The East was fundamentally different, possessing its own traditions of language, habit and rule. The depen

rival, save that in Egypt he changed the dynasty and substituted his own person for the Ptolemies. Caesar Augustus was the

eopatra it was different: she was a goddess as well as a queen in her own right. The assumption of divinity presented a mor

f Cleopatra? If Antonius be denied a complete monarchic policy of his own , it does not follow that he was merely a tool in

ed that he had been excluded from raising recruits in Italy; that his own men had been passed over in the allotment of land

, personal adherents and their armed bands. Returning to Rome, on his own initiative he summoned the Senate. He had discard

Taking his place between the two consuls, he spoke in defence of his own policy, accusing Sosius and Antonius. None dared

enobarbus and the old Caesarian Plancus, each with a following of his own . Between them was no confidence, but bitter enmit

blican principle, or rather family tradition and the prospects of his own son, made him insist that the party of Antonius s

d, in the form of an oath of personal allegiance. ‘All Italy of its own accord swore an oath of allegiance to me and chos

I won at Actium. ’4 So Augustus wrote in the majestic memorial of his own life and deeds. When an official document records

o form a nation. The Italian peoples did not yet regard Rome as their own capital, for the memory of old feuds and recent w

everything to the name of Caesar, possessed strength and glory in his own right, and implacable ambition. From the rivalr

Those who were not deceived by the artifices of Octavianus or their own emotions might be impelled by certain melancholy

ply claimed that in mutual services Antonius had been the gainer: his own conscience was clear. 1 But he refused to support

ment. Pollio cared for Rome, for the Italy of his fathers and for his own dignity but not for any party, still less for the

the enemy could transport across the Adriatic a force superior to his own —still less feed them when they arrived. Fighting

. After brief resistance Antonius was defeated in battle. He took his own life. The army of the Roman People entered the ca

the land to the Empire of the Roman People :4 he treated Egypt as his own private and dynastic possession and governed it t

his dispositions in the East. The vassal princes, well aware of their own weakness, were unswervingly loyal to Roman author

tyrants. The greater vassals, however, he was eager to attach to his own clientela. 6 As heir to the power of Antonius in

um—or less relevant to the history of those years. Octavianus had his own ideas. It might be inexpedient to defy, but it wa

was merely a pretext in his policy. There was a closer danger, his own equals and rivals, the proconsuls of the military

lebrated by a Roman consul. 3 The avenging of Caesar, and with it his own divine descent, was advertised by the inauguratio

was done to the founder in the years after Actium. Caesar had set his own statue in the temple of Quirinus: Caesar’s heir w

mpts of earlier statesmen had been baulked by fate—or rather by their own ambition, inadequacy or dishonesty. Sulla establi

sixth and seventh consulates he transferred the Commonwealth from his own power to the discretion of the Senate and the Peo

o carried some authority. If the young despot were not willing of his own accord to adopt—or at least publish— some tolerab

opima, for he had slain the chieftain of the enemy in battle with his own hand, a feat that had fallen to only two Romans s

valid claim to the spolia opima because he was not fighting under his own auspices. The relevance of the dispute to the con

tavianus took the title of imperator from Crassus and added it to his own total (51, 25, 2). A premature Athenian inscripti

s raised, perhaps at an untimely moment, the delicate question of his own standing in public law. Like his policy, his powe

urts the Senate passed a decree against the offender. Gallus took his own life (27 B.C.). 2 The offence of Gallus is variou

ate misdemeanour, crime or vice in his associates, providing that his own supremacy was not assailed. The precise nature of

rival to the new Romulus, who tried to engross and concentrate on his own person all prestige and success in war, as an alm

ervision there is no doubt—but in virtue of his auctoritas. Augustus’ own words (Res Gestae 6) tell against this theory.

nsuls. Further, Cisalpine Gaul had ceased to be a province. Augustus’ own armies lay at a distance, disposed on the periphe

any official cult of Cicero was an irony to men who recalled in their own experience—it was not long ago—the political acti

more power for the Senate and for censors: not irrelevant to Cicero’s own past experience and future hopes. PageBook=>

of the Roman People, in fact though not in law, and provided from his own pocket the bounty for the legionaries when they r

overned vast provinces as proconsuls, who had fought wars under their own auspices and had celebrated triumphs would consid

he Odes of Horace. 1 The chief men of the Caesarian party had their own reasons. If Caesar’s heir perished by disease or

udiously omitted from the majestic and misleading record of Augustus’ own life and honours. The two pillars of his rule, pr

ull measure the statecraft of houses that held power in Rome of their own right, the Claudii and the Livii. She exploited h

f a line of succession that should be not merely dynastic, but in his own family and of his own blood. Two years earlier th

that should be not merely dynastic, but in his own family and of his own blood. Two years earlier the marriage of his neph

ppa there was a republican virtue and an ideal of service akin to his own . There was another bond. Tiberius was betrothed

heir, a god’s son and saviour of Rome and the world, was unique, his own justification. Continuity, however, and designati

ved by adoption and by the grant of powers to an associate. Augustus’ own arrangements, however, were careful devices to en

arrangements, however, were careful devices to ensure an heir in his own family as well; he wished to provide for a dynast

ies with land, Italian or provincial, which he had purchased from his own funds. After that, he instituted a bounty, paid i

reinforced from beneath; and it transmitted the choice flower of its own members to the Senate. The class of knights, inde

an knight was willing to exchange the security and the profits of his own existence for the pomp, the extravagance and the

f the senatorial life; of which very rational distaste both Augustus’ own equestrian grandfather and his friends Maecenas a

rustic, their alien names a mockery to the aristocracy of Rome, whose own Sabine or Etruscan origins, though known and admi

ction. Caesar and Tiberius, the Julian and the Claudian, knew their own class better and knew its failings. His name, h

looks as though, in each year, Augustus had filled one place with his own candidate, leaving the other for free election. C

er in 32 B.C. Octavianus has sole control of patronage, advancing his own partisans, in 31-29 four novi homines and five no

pment is perceptible. Yet this may be a result, not only of Augustus’ own enhanced security, with less cause to fear and di

consuls grew to maturity, claiming honours as of right. Again, as his own provincia gradually developed into a series of se

. 2 L. Calpurnius Piso acquired more favour as a patron than from his own productions. Of the younger generation of the Vin

. PageBook=>378 Of the use of the dynastic marriage, Augustus’ own début in politics provided the most flagrant test

sar the Dictator) and the accomplished Paullus Fabius Maximus. By his own match with Livia, the Princeps long ago had won t

e thus augmented the census of no fewer than eighty men. 1 Upon his own adherents the Princeps bestowed nobility through

wenty-five denarii a head. 1 But Balbus began as a millionaire in his own right. Agrippa rose out of nothing: he came to ow

millionaire in his own right. Agrippa rose out of nothing: he came to own the whole of the peninsula of Gallipoli. 2 Statil

soldiers and politicians there was still a place for nobles in their own right, without special or public merit. 7 Thoug

drawn from a small and select list indeed. The Princeps appointed his own legates. Before long the more important of his pr

matrons, herself the model and paragon, or weaving garments with her own hands, destined to clothe her husband, the Roman

rried a second wife, Livia Ocellina, from a distant branch of Livia’s own family. If not exactly seductive, Galba himself w

control of the armies, holding the most powerful of them through his own legates. Three military provinces, however, were

is the cardinal achievement of the foreign policy of Augustus. 2 His own earlier campaigns had been defensive in purpose;

ys, Lucius and Gaius, the sons of Agrippa, whom he had adopted as his own . Down to 13 B.C., Augustus and Agrippa conducte

being legally independent of the Princeps, conducted wars under their own auspices. But the Senate lost the other two armie

on of the original partition of provinces in 27 B.C., and reveals its own inadequacy. It is here assumed, though it cannot

r an even shorter interval, perhaps of barely two years. 3 As for his own province, the Princeps was not restricted in any

m the office became a standing institution. 2 In these ways, by his own efforts and by the creation of special officials

riumphs. At the most, a stray proconsul of Africa, fighting under his own auspices, might assume the title of imperator. 6

ously engrossed by the Princeps and his family. The soldiers were his own clients it was treason to tamper with them. Hence

ѕ καí γνώμης ὰπεσταλμένος(OGIS 458, II, 1. 45). 4 Compare Augustus’ own observations (Cyrene Edicts I, 1. 13 f.): δȯκο σí

. Moreover, it was no doubt only the residue of the revenues from his own provinces that Augustus paid into the aerarium, w

at Augustus paid into the aerarium, which he also subsidized from his own private fortune. 7 Augustus had huge sums of mone

e instruments of Augustus in ensuring the succession for heirs of his own blood. Julia was to provide them. In 21 B.C. th

Lucius, followed in 17 B.C. the Princeps adopted the two boys as his own . In all, this fruitful union produced five childr

marriage was unwelcome, so gossip asserted. Tiberius dearly loved his own plebeian Vipsania. 1 The sober reserve of his nat

rs. For the rest, Augustus could rely on Tiberius’ submission and his own prestige. 3 Tiberius had conquered Illyricum and

νων stationem meam. ’ This was written later, of course, on Augustus’ own birthday in A.D. I. 3 Suetonius, Tib. 14, 4, cf

ate the rule of monarchy more easily than the primacy of one of their own number. Augustus knew it. The ambition of the nob

y), regarded their obligations to Rome in the personal light of their own ambitions. The Republic had served their ends, wh

, is L. Domitius Ahenobarbus (cos. 16 B.C.), the husband of Augustus’ own niece Antonia, and thus more highly favoured in t

low water: Tiberius lived on in exile and might never return. On her own side of the family she lacked relatives who might

as a neutral, commanding repute and even, perhaps, a following of his own . 2 Like the Cornelii Lentuli, Piso was no enemy o

acitus, Ann. 1, 10; 4, 44. Velleius (2, 100, 4) says that he took his own life. The difference is not material. 3 Velleiu

less because his moral legislation had been baffled and mocked in his own family. Yet he could have dealt with the matter t

ruin of his daughter he sought finally to make Tiberius harmless, his own sons secure. Though absent, Tiberius still had a

lius the ‘comes et rector’ fell abruptly from favour and died, of his own hand, so it was reported. Everybody rejoiced at h

parent conflict of testimony about the character of Lollius bears its own easy interpretation. Lollius was favoured by Augu

had paid assiduous court to the exile of Rhodes without impairing his own advancement. 6 NotesPage=>429 1 Velleius 2

hattered Augustus’ ambition of securing the succession for one of his own blood. He had surmounted scandal and conspiracy,

le when the Claudian returned to power, no testimony exists. 2 In his own order and class, it will be presumed, no lack of

s the friend of Brutus and of Antonius. 1 Tiberius did not forget his own Republican and Pompeian antecedents. Like the d

ecrepit or retired, giving place to another generation, but not their own sons the young men inherited nobility, that was e

moris’ (cos. A.D. 3). 3 The laudatory labels of Velleius tell their own story. The names of consuls and legates, a blend

t to believe him unwilling to contemplate the execution of one of his own blood. 2 That interpretation was not meant to shi

n of Greece originally roused the Romans to become conscious of their own individual character as a people. While they took

rts. They were formidable and independent, retaining control of their own property in marriage. The emancipation of women h

n had its reaction upon the men, who, instead of a partner from their own class, preferred alliance with a freedwoman, or n

and laborious, so much the better. He must learn to love it, for his own good and for the good of the State, cheerful and

d vicious yet uxorious, and the unspeakable Vedius Pollio; and in his own household the moral legislation of the Princeps w

power and all the glory. But he did not win power and hold it by his own efforts alone: was the ostensible author and prim

riotism might lend to vice itself a certain specious charm. Augustus’ own views were narrow and definite. How far they won

an all that, the sober standards prevalent in the society of Tacitus’ own day were perhaps imposed by a mysterious revoluti

s hereditary traditions of service; and the men of property, in their own interest and for their own defence, were made to

service; and the men of property, in their own interest and for their own defence, were made to understand that wealth and

nicler, the eloquent Theophanes of Mytilene. Caesar, however, was his own historian in the narratives of the Gallic and Civ

own historian in the narratives of the Gallic and Civil Wars, and his own apologist the style of his writing was effective,

of Cato, insidious enemies, the Dictator retorted with pamphlets, his own and from his faithful Hirtius; and the reluctant

isan. The North, unlike so many parts of Italy, had no history of its own , with memories of ancient independence from Rome

Italy a man whose verse and sentiments harmonized so easily with his own ideas and policy. Here was his tota Italia, spont

n upon. Tota Italia would not have been out of place. The Princeps’ own form and features were reproduced in Rome and ove

r, the towns in sedulous loyalty imitated for the expression of their own sentiments the themes and forms made standard by

the cardinal virtues of Augustus. 1 Many loyal towns possessed their own copies of the Fasti consulares and of the officia

stence of the new order. A government may invent conspiracies for its own ends: if it cannot entirely suppress the evidence

for its own ends: if it cannot entirely suppress the evidence of its own internal crises, it falsifies the symptoms. Most

life be spared. 3 The claim was impudent: it is refuted by one of his own historians who, praising the ‘lenitas ducis’ afte

atem sermones eoque plures. ’2 Official truth begot disbelief and its own corrective; and so rumour assumed an epic part, m

keep watch outside the bed-chamber of the Princeps by mentioning his own manifest unsuitability for such an honour. 6 Of t

us and Cassius; 1 but he reprehended Antonius in justification of his own adhesion to the better cause. Q. Dellius describe

up the pen. 3 Paramount in the literature of apology stood Augustus’ own autobiographical memoir, recording his destiny, h

press his meaning as clearly as possible. 4 In these matters Pollio’s own taste and practice is well attested. The words, h

, unsentimental men. Augustus might permit the cult of Cicero for his own purposes. Yet it may be that his real opinion of

siccus’, he was well described:1 he seemed a century earlier than his own time. A plain, solid style recalled the earliest

te inherited genius from the Triumviral period and claimed it for its own : it could not produce a new crop. The generation

e succeeded by rulers who had an interest in the deification of their own predecessors. Death or disgrace delivered up memb

t dare to deride the new nobility, the oligarchy of government in his own day. He makes mock of the needy Greek of low degr

f Ahenobarbus, of Antonius, of Augustus. Vespasian’s nobility was his own creation. The Flavians had cause to be suspicious

homines of Republican days were in the habit of drawing between their own ‘industria’ and the ‘inertia’ of the nobles. The

nefits. The Senate became a high court of justice and the Princeps’ own jurisdiction developed: high treason was a flexib

ent. Tiberius, however, was insecure. The nobiles suffered from their own ambitions and feuds. It was a temptation to haras

ived a genial device for thwarting the cult, suggested perhaps by his own felicitous reply when his friend Seius Strabo ask

the unwilling instrument of the process, was sickened when men of his own class abandoned their Roman tradition and behaved

ed under the tolerant Principate of Augustus. 2 Discontent with their own times drove them to idealize the past. Under Augu

ved in ordered government, wrote a history of the civil wars that his own generation had witnessed. He had no illusions abo

bears in those epithets the blame for three legions lost not all his own fault. 2 The most eminent of the patricians were

men of property to be driven into taking sides in a quarrel not their own or mulcted of their lands for the benefit of the

y. Well might Tacitus look back with melancholy and complain that his own theme was dull and narrow. But the historian who

nd narrow. But the historian who had experienced one civil war in his own lifetime, and the threat of another, did not allo

extremes. 4 It was not long before the Principate gave birth to its own theory, and so became vulnerable to propaganda. A

nt in the New State from the beginning, was soon formulated, with its own exemplars and its own phraseology. Quies was a vi

om the beginning, was soon formulated, with its own exemplars and its own phraseology. Quies was a virtue for knights, scor

dship of Tiberius; he supported the government without dishonour, his own dignity without danger. 1 Likewise the excellent

nd the Principate endured. A successor had been found, trained in his own school, a Roman aristocrat from among the princip

en’s minds to the Principate as something permanent and enhancing his own prestige beyond that of a mortal man, while it co

s own prestige beyond that of a mortal man, while it consolidated his own regime and the new system of government, none the

er his deserts, his fame was secure and he had made provision for his own immortality. 3 During the Spanish wars, when st

e constructed in the Campus Martius a huge and dynastic monument, his own Mausoleum. He may already, in the ambition to per