rapher. For the sake of clearness, conventional labels or titles have often been attached; and the relevant evidence is somet

into a nation, with a stable and enduring government. The tale has often been told, with an inevitability of events and cu

torical material (contemporary or going back to contemporary sources, often biased, it is true, but admitting criticism, inte

er. At its worst, biography is flat and schematic: at the best, it is often baffled by the hidden discords of human nature. M

emies. 2 The plea of security and self-defence against aggression was often invoked by a politician when he embarked upon a c

laves, and financial magnates like Crassus. But the wealth of knights often outstripped many an ancient senatorial family, gi

of the politicians who arrogated to themselves the name of populares often sinister and fraudulent, no better than their riv

ul of 142). PageBook=>019 Aemilii, ambitious, treacherous, and often incompetent, were depressed by a recent catastrop

ns taken in secret, known or inferred by politicians of the time, but often evading historical record and baffling posterity.

ccessful in the forty-third year, marked the acme of a man’s life and often changed the tone of his political professions. Sh

st a man of principle on their side, celebrated as integrity what was often conceit or stupidity and mistook craft for sagaci

ir own order. Liberty and the laws are high-sounding words. They will often be rendered, on a cool estimate, as privilege and

of personal allegiance may be compared to that of the family. It was often stronger. Whatever their class in society, men we

a Marian and a popularis, was feared for a time by contemporaries and often believed by posterity to be a revolutionary has l

implified history, at Rome and elsewhere, tells of cities or nations, often with neglect of the dynastic houses that ruled th

ted) topic, cannot be discussed here. 2 The unification of Italy is often dated much too early. That it can have been neith

ted from the impoverished or martial regions of Italy, as their names often testify. 7 All classes came in. The towns of Ital

s; and the local distribution of the non-Latin gentile names of Italy often permits valid conclusions about origins. Etruscan

young man was cool and circumspect: he knew that personal courage was often but another name for rashness. But the times call

rty. It was in truth what in defamation the most admirable causes had often been called a faction: its activity lay beyond th

if he failed, Antonius would be intolerable. ’9 Cicero was all too often deluded in his political judgements. No easy opti

other side, whether they employ to that end calumny or silence: they often betray what they strive most carefully to conceal

Loyalty to the ties of kinship in politics was a supreme obligation, often imposing inexpiable vendettas. Hence the role of

ffices to bring a Pompeian general to his senses. 8 The soldiers were often more accessible to appeals to reason than were th

d by Livius Drusus cried out for confiscation. 8 But a capital levy often defeats its own purpose. The return was at once s

ation of Rome from famine placated the urban plebs that had rioted so often against the Triumvirs. Their iron rule in Italy,

ldiers were held to be far the best. Eastern levies had an evil and often exaggerated reputation yet Galatia or Macedonia c

W. W. Tarn, CAH X, 100. 2 The casualties in Media and Armenia have often been over-estimated. PageBook=>295 augment

reme power—‘per consensum universorum potitus rerum omnium. ’1 It has often been believed that the words allude to the coniur

The name was not always given in praise, for the princeps was all too often a political dynast, exerting illicit power, or ‘p

identity of the agents and ministers of power. That task has all too often been ignored or evaded. Augustus proposed himse

te. In the last generation of the Republic the financiers had all too often been a political nuisance. When at variance with

disguise plutocracy, eagerly inherited traditional prejudice: it was often expressed by the sons of knights themselves, subl

riends Maecenas and Proculeius furnished palpable evidence. Again, it often happened that only one son of a municipal family

arb and pretext of ancient virtue and manly independence, but all too often rapacious, corrupt and subservient to power. Thei

trian distaste for public life and for politics (the perennial quies) often proved too strong. There was an ancient and reput

andalous for Marcellus. 2 Distances were preserved. The young nobilis often became consul at the prescribed term, but the son

. In fact, nobility of birth prevailed and designated its candidates, often in advance, to the very year. It took the compact

r, the loss of his amicitia marks the end of a courtier’s career, and often of his life. Ceremonial observances become more c

n policy of Augustus, see CAH x, 355 ff.: the truth of the matter has often been obscured by the belief that Octavianus in 35

The Romans were at least preserved from the dreary calamities that so often attend upon the theoretical study of the military

uestris and knights promoted to the Senate, like Velleius Paterculus, often had a useful record behind them. For the rest, yo

Aug. 38. 6 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 38, 2. 7 At this time, they are often , perhaps usually, quaestorian in rank, cf. ILS 93

s 4, 11, 36. 7 ILS 8403. PageBook=>445 Their names were more often heard in public than was expedient for honest wom

s. The wars of conquest flooded the market with captives of alien and often inferior stocks. Their descendants swelled and sw

ltic, pays a heavy toll to the army. The social status of the recruit often defies but cannot always evade detection: it will

ted for Rome’s wars but not as regular troops. The legionary was more often an engineer: the auxilia did most of the fighting

ot undisturbed by the nomad Gaetulians. The kings of Thrace were more often engaged in active warfare; and the vigorous Amynt

their principal use. For all else they were believed a danger, though often only a nuisance, so great a tribute did Roman con

, govern the great military provinces of the Empire. Though all too often arrogant, selfish and licentious, the governing c

profession was not so much political as social and moral: it was more often a harmless act of homage to the great past of Rom

l student. The filiation of consuls, where known, is given, for it is often a valuable clue to ready identification; and cogn