l uncle Q. Servilius Caepio (who died in 67 B.C.) and bearing, as his official name, ‘Q. Caepio Brutus’ (Cicero, Phil. 10, 25, &

Mamurra, a praefectus fabrum in Caesar’s service. No contemporary or official source gives him the cognomen ‘Bassus’, which occ

41 PageBook=>087 general, Q. Poppaedius Silo, and the earliest official title of the War, Bellum Marsicum. The name Bellu

and most useful there, whether as Master of the Horse or without any official title. PageBook=>105 Empire, whose unoffic

d in the Temple of Ops apparently some kind of fund distinct from the official treasury, which was housed in the Temple of Satur

t betrayed his origin, and be styled ‘C. Julius Caesar’. Further, the official deification of his adoptive parent soon provided

had grasped at once the technique of raising a private army, securing official recognition and betraying his allies. Caesar, m

the Senate: through their auctoritas he might acquire recognition and official standing. Which of the principes were ready to gi

l provisions, namely the acta of Caesar the Dictator. But what of the official recognition of Caesar’s heir? Senators could reca

aise a large question in itself, even if it were not coupled with the official sanction given to a private adventurer against a

e were strong rumours in the first days of February:1 from Brutus, an official dispatch to the Senate, which probably arrived in

=>190 1 Appian (BC 4, 8, 31 ff.) gives what purports to be their official manifesto. 2 lb. 4, 4, 15 perhaps the haruspex

11, 407 f.) It will not be necessary to add that we possess only the ‘ Official version’ of Salvidienus’ treason. PageBook=>

ro had already left Pompeius for Antonius (Suetonius, Tib. 4, 3). 2 Official phraseology, cf. Velleius 2, 84, 3. 3 Velleius

omage due to a military leader and guarantor of peace was enhanced by official act and religious sanction. Caesar’s heir was gra

the Caesarian faction won glory and solid recompense. In public and official semblance, the campaigns in Sicily were advertise

ould degenerate into the private practice of rhetoric: in public, the official panegyric. Freedom of speech could never return.

rty and family, to the studies of literature and philosophy. From the official religion of the Roman People could come scant con

cumspect. M. Cocceius Nerva and a certain C. Cocceius Balbus had held official commands under Antonius; 2 the amiable and diplom

exploited by his enemies at Rome. The time was not quite ripe. The official Roman version of the cause of the War of Actium i

be imparted to the Senate on the first day of the new year. So far official documents and public manifestoes, of which there

tus wrote in the majestic memorial of his own life and deeds. When an official document records voluntary manifestations of popu

erses of national poets or in the restrained and lapidary language of official inscriptions. 1 For the present, as Italy loath

ould surpass the greatest in all history, Roman or Hellenic. 4 In the official version of the victor, Actium took on august dime

man imperator seized the heritage of the Ptolemies. He claimed, using official language, to have added the land to the Empire of

Caesar’s heir came to use the term ‘princeps’, but not as part of any official titulature. There were other principes in the Sta

ld not do to revive such memories, save by covert apology, or when an official historian sought to refute Sallustius. The tone o

imate government, Caesar’s heir forswore the memory of Caesar: in the official conception, the Dictatorship and the Triumvirate

testimony: ‘Cicero was a great orator—and a great patriot. ’2 But any official cult of Cicero was an irony to men who recalled i

nstitutional’ settlement of the years 28 and 27 B.C. was described in official language as ‘res publica reddita’ or ‘res publica

ita’ or ‘res publica restituta’; and certain Roman writers echoed the official description. Not so Tacitus—in his brief account

nd his restored Republic was by no means as secure and unequivocal as official acts and official history sought to demonstrate.

public was by no means as secure and unequivocal as official acts and official history sought to demonstrate. He feared the nobi

dealt with the Asturians by a convergent invasion of their territory. Official interpretation hailed the complete subjugation of

dden warning. The catastrophe was near. For some years, fervent and official language had celebrated the crusade of all Italy

utional basis of his authority was altered. More important than that, official standing was conferred upon the ablest man among

ted the alliance of the propertied classes in two ways by creating an official career for Roman knights and by facilitating thei

Nor will it be forgotten that Taurus was there all the time, with no official standing. 1 Rome was glad when Augustus returne

le depressing the powers, Augustus intended to restore the public and official dignity of the supreme magistracy of the Roman Re

ld for the Princeps in his absence by party- dynasts without title or official powers. In 26 B.C. Taurus was consul, it is true;

as not until A.D. 6 that he took the step of appointing an equestrian official , the praefectus vigilum. 1 In the meantime a numb

decided by the advisers of the Princeps was merely the definition of official powers, the phraseology to disguise them and all

keep women in their place: the name of Livia is never mentioned by an official poet like Horace. The precaution seems excessiv

moral reprobates but a formidable faction. Gracchus bears most of the official blame:2 the true principal was probably Iullus An

eive the last mandates from the lips of the dying Princeps so ran the official and inevitable version, inevitably mocked and dis

e set up on tablets of bronze in front of the Mausoleum. These were official documents. It is evident that Augustus had taken

tis scelus expiandi Iuppiter? 2 There could be only one answer. The official head of the state religion, it is true, was Lepid

whole people and restore the ideals of a governing class. That the official religion of the Roman People was formal rather th

Principate of Augustus the village as well as the small town received official commendation. Here too a contrast between appeara

es of war and peace received public and monumental commemoration. The official treatment of these themes makes much Augustan poe

ression of their own sentiments the themes and forms made standard by official policy in the capital. At Potentia in Picenum a s

l towns possessed their own copies of the Fasti consulares and of the official religious calendar. 2 In Arretium were to be seen

d more repressive. ‘Prohibiti per civitatem sermones eoque plures. ’2 Official truth begot disbelief and its own corrective; and

he open enemy of freedom and truth. But not for long. Coerced through official repression, or tainted by servility, history soon

inly solicited to marriage by Agrippina (ib. 5, 1). 2 Varus was the official scapegoat for the optimism of Augustus’ German po

g of Augustus’ Principate the ideas, later to crystallize into titles official or conventional, were already there. It was not u

ious document, surviving in provincial copies, bears the hall-mark of official truth: it reveals the way in which Augustus wishe