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1 (1960) THE ROMAN REVOLUTION
rise of dynastic houses of the plebeian nobility. But neither Valerii nor Fabii stand in the forefront of his oligarchy. Th
fts in the oligarchy, the wounds of feud and faction. Neither Aemilii nor Claudii were quite to be trusted. The elusive Cra
sar would have been the first to admit it: he needed neither the name nor the diadem. But monarchy presupposes hereditary s
sententiam’). Again, ‘Sallust’ (Ad Caesarem 2, 9, 3) is neither just nor relevant when he observes: ‘unius tamen M. Catoni
y to be predicted. Brutus might well have been a Caesarian neither he nor Caesar were predestined partisans of Pompeius. Se
might cut across families: as this was a contest neither of principle nor of class, the presence of members of the same nob
5 Bell. Hisp. 42, 1 ff. 6 Plutarch, Crassus 6. PageBook=>076 nor the native tribe of the Gaetuli had forgotten Mar
scribes and sons of freedmen. 2 These categories are neither alarming nor novel. In theory, every free-born citizen was eli
and proud traditions. The extension neither of the Roman citizenship nor of municipal institutions over the peninsula coul
ly is often dated much too early. That it can have been neither rapid nor easy is demonstrated by the facts of geography an
make a violent demonstration against the Liberators neither Antonius nor the Caesarian party were securely in power. The e
irst place for his own political interests calls neither for surprise nor for excuse. Rumours circulated before long, to be
us inheritance. But he kept his head, neither dazzled by good fortune nor spurred to rash activity the appeal to the troops
icers of Caesar’s great army of the Balkans. They did not forget him, nor did he neglect opportunities on his journey from
d the mutineers at Alba Fucens. They would listen neither to argument nor to bribes: what he offered was miserable in compa
at once Antonius had not chosen to declare Octavianus a public enemy, nor did he now turn his military strength, superior f
s. 3 After March 17th, the sharp perception that neither the policy nor the party of Caesar had been abolished brought a
of concord and a settlement based upon compromise were neither fools nor traitors. If they followed Cicero there was no te
cite of June 1st. The proposal of Antonius was neither unreasonable nor contumacious. As justice at Rome derived from pol
be wiser not to make meddling proposals for peace: neither the Senate nor the People approves of them nor does any patrioti
oposals for peace: neither the Senate nor the People approves of them nor does any patriotic citizen. ’5 Lepidus did not fo
eir commended itself neither to the generals of the western provinces nor to the Liberators; Cicero and his friends had rec
Picenum. Caesar’s heir refused to take orders from Caesar’s assassin: nor , if he had, is it certain that the troops would h
rnization as had been the generals of Pompeius. He did not wish to be nor could he have subjugated the strong Caesarian sym
the year he had complained that the Senate sent him no instructions; nor could he have marched to Italy against the will o
and defeated at Mutina. That was enough. It lay neither in the plans nor even in the power of Caesar’s heir to consummate
en youth became a commendation, when possession of neither traditions nor property could dull the edge of action. From the
lvia, if anybody, knew the character of her husband: he neither would nor could go back upon his pledges of alliance to Oct
uld have destroyed Octavianus. But there was neither unity of command nor unity of purpose among his motley adversaries.
und him to Cleopatra more closely than to Glaphyra, there neither is, nor was, any sign at all. Nor did he see the Queen of
of an era in its infancy, its parents likewise are neither celestial nor apocalyptic, but a Roman father with virtus to be
ad rejected those offers. As yet, however, neither his predominance nor his prestige were gravely menaced and there was w
s kept away from Sex. Pompeius, who gave guarantee neither of victory nor even of personal security he had recently put to
in Illyricum, including the whole of Bosnia: which is neither proved nor probable. PageBook=>241 The work and servi
ctation but the honest expression of his sentiments. 2 Neither Brutus nor Calvus found Cicero firm and masculine enough for
r the Republic; neither Valerius Cato, the instructor of young poets, nor M. Furius Bibaculus, who wrote epigrams, elegies
e lavish of detail. It is strange that neither Velleius (2, 82, 2 f.) nor Livy (at least to judge by Per. 131) fully exploi
longs to popular and edifying literature. Cleopatra was neither young nor beautiful. 3 But there are more insistent and mor
amours, comparable to Eunoe the wife of the prince of Mauretania ; 3 nor was the foreign woman now much more than an accid
company of Plancus and Titius. Neither sustained loyalty to Antonius nor rapid desertion were NotesPage=>281 1 Suet
Virgins. Neither the attack upon the policy of Antonius in the East, nor the indignation fomented about the divorce of Oct
ight be able to employ sea-power with a mastery that neither Pompeius nor the Liberators had achieved when they contended a
thia in check. Yet against Parthia Octavianus neither bore resentment nor threatened war. Instead, he negotiated. When a Pa
e from its very lack of order and cohesion, was neither strong in war nor aggressive in policy. Adulation, perversity or ig
h was once a partisan of Antonius. 3 Who had not been? Neither Gallus nor Crassus is even mentioned by the loyal historian
t were current in the previous generation will neither evoke surprise nor reveal to a modern inquirer any secret about the
tus, for the Revolution had now been stabilized. Neither the Princeps nor any of his adherents desired change and disturban
Terentia, the wife of the all-powerful Maecenas. Yet neither Maecenas nor Murena’s half- brother, the virtuous and disinter
d, but not his imperium, for that was the grant of Senate and People, nor the leadership of his party Agrippa and other par
e opinions. Maecenas was there. Again, Augustus had neither the taste nor the talent for war: Agrippa might be his minister
augmented the Senate by admitting his partisans. Neither the measure nor the men were as scandalous as was made out then a
tion. In purpose and in effect that measure was neither revolutionary nor outrageous; and the recruitment of novi homines w
ly created in January, 27 B.C., complete in every organ and function, nor yet by the settlement of 23 B.C. The former date
ims to the consulate. 2 None of them could prevail alone. Neither law nor oratory would carry a man far, save when a conspi
Augustus. 2 His own earlier campaigns had been defensive in purpose; nor had the Balkan operations of M. Licinius Crassus
ces between Princeps and Senate in 27 B.C. was likewise neither final nor systematic. Augustus might be requested by the Se
d loathed his person, they could neither compete with the Divi filius nor hope to supplant the patron and champion of the R
mptive. The youngest child, Claudius, displayed neither grace of form nor intellectual promise. But even he could serve the
rursus Latio. 4 The character of the epic hero is neither splendid nor striking. That was not intended. The perpetual gu
PageNotes. 496 1 Neither L. Marcius Philippus (cos. suff. 38 B.C.), nor another Marcius, namely Censorinus (cos. 8 B.C.),
ndependence of spirit but not for political wisdom. 3 Neither Tacitus nor Trajan had been a party to this folly; the brief
ablished as the consolidation of the Revolution was neither exclusive nor immobile. While each class in society had its pec
three of the five marriages of Pompeius Magnus. Neither this table nor any of the six that follow claims to be exhaustiv
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