om the ostensible restoration of the Republic in 27 B.C., or from the new act of settlement four years later, which was fin

willing to acquiesce, if not actively to share, in the shaping of the new government which a united Italy and a stable empi

rought manifold blessings to Rome, Italy and the provinces. Yet the new dispensation, or ‘novus status’, was the work of

s of the governing class how they could co-operate in maintaining the new order, ostensibly as servants of the Republic and

supplemented by a brief analysis of the working of government in the new order, will reinforce their verdict and reveal a

citus in his Histories told of a great civil war, the foundation of a new dynasty, and its degeneration into despotism; in

;008 a government. That was left to Caesar’s heir, at the head of a new coalition, built up from the wreckage of other gr

ument of power, the tribunate, an anomalous historical survival given new life by the party of the Gracchi and converted in

on were the Junii and the Domitii,6 who became firm supporters of the new order. 6 NotesPage=>019 1 That of Q. Servi

ation, tried to reinforce his predominance by the peaceful means of a new dynastic alliance. He saw the way at once. Having

ato,. Faustus Sulla. ’ PageBook=>040 Pompeius looked about for new alliances, in the hope perhaps to inherit some me

chose him as colleague for the remaining five months of the year. A new combination was ready to form, with the ultimate

the arbitrary power exercised by Cicero during his consulate for the new man from Arpinum was derided as ‘the first foreig

constitution and the Senate; it announced the triumph soon or late of new forces and new ideas, the elevation of the army a

d the Senate; it announced the triumph soon or late of new forces and new ideas, the elevation of the army and the province

and more complex. Caesar and Brutus each had right on his side. The new party of the Liberators was not homogeneous in or

none the less survived, joined for a few months with Republicans in a new and precarious front of security and vested inter

y and vested interests led by the Dictator’s political deputy until a new leader, emerging unexpected, at first tore it in

ius’ party comprised diverse elements, noble and patrician as well as new men, knights and municipal aristocrats. 3 Certain

Matius’ son composed a treatise upon horticulture and domesticated a new species of apple that bore his name. 6 Tireless

2 1 Ad Att. 8, 15a; 9, 7a and b, &c. 2 Pro Balbo, passim. His new gentile name, ‘Cornelius’, he probably derived fr

thern Italy filled the legions of Caesar with devoted recruits. 3 His new conquest, Gallia Comata, provided wealth and the

shed the bitter and barren consolation of defaming the members of the new government. The most intemperate allegations thro

Caesar’s adherents were a ghastly and disgusting rabble: among the new senators were to be found centurions and soldiers

, 3). But there may have been others. On the class from which Sulla’s new senators were drawn, cf. H. Hill, CQ XXVI (1932),

and bulwark of the Roman State. 3 That would not avail to guard these new Italians, whether belonging to ancient foundation

s, became quaestor in 44 B.C.2 Of Caesar’s partisans, equestrian or new senators, from the provinces of the West, some we

inum, with senators and knights keeping to their allotted functions a new government of national concentration had been est

ng Cicero: he commanded them. 2 Above all, Caesar recruited for his new Senate the propertied classes of the Italian town

century did not portend the triumph of the Roman plebs. The earliest new families to reach the consulate are plainly immig

nd Campania, if not Beneventum in the Samnite country, reinforced the new nobility. 6 These foreign dynasts were taken up a

Italia they stamped as a legend upon their coins, and Italia was the new state which they established with its capital at

ar Italy was united, but only in name, not in sentiment. At first the new citizens had been cheated of the full and equal e

e it was manifest and announced. It is evident enough that Caesar’s new senators, some four hundred in number, comprised

n early dedicatory inscr. beside Lake Fucinus, CIL I2, 387. For other new senators of non-Latin stock, Calvisius and Statil

tain Italici now admitted to the Senate must not obscure the numerous new senators from certain older regions of the Roman

t among those responsible for the maintenance of public order and the new government. Various intrigues were afoot. Dolabel

public policy and performance, Roman aristocratic standards, old and new , with their insistence upon civic virtue or perso

ther than with the troops and in the provinces. Yet they were nothing new or alarming in the holders of office and power at

dissembled; others again were frankly willing to make the best of the new dispensation. Gaul and the armies remained tran

e to nothing. When he returned, it was to discover with dismay that a new and incalculable factor had impinged upon Roman p

C. Octavius passed by adoption into the Julian House he acquired the new and legal designation of C. Julius Caesar Octavia

e War of Perusia and lived to prevail over Antonius in the end. The news of the Ides of March found the young man at Apoll

sed a star to be placed upon the head of statues of Caesar. Hence a new complication in Roman politics towards the end of

ublic. What happened next is obscure. The enemies of Antonius, taking new courage, may have gone too far. It was known befo

evoted following was won, and his power revealed, he could build up a new Caesarian party of his own. It was the aim of O

true intentions nothing was known. But late in October disquieting news came to Rome through private sources. It was repo

e informant was Servilia; a slave of Caecilius Bassus had brought the news . Further, Scaptius, Brutus’ agent, had arrived at

Casilinum Octavianus raised quickly some three thousand veterans. The new Pompeius now had an army. He was at first quite u

in a moment. The meeting never occurred Antonius on receipt of grave news dashed out to Alba Fucens. One of the legions mar

ed to Brutus, to Cassius and to Lepidus he might become the link in a new political alignment between Caesarians and Republ

consul on September 2nd. When Octavianus marched on Rome, however, no news was heard of P. Servilius: like other consulars a

ation with neutrality drove him to join Pompeius, without waiting for news of the decision in Spain. 2 It was not passion or

ptember 2nd, a period of nearly six months, the most critical for the new and precarious concord, Cicero was never even see

sina. At Leucopetra, near Rhegium, he had cognizance on August 7th of news and rumours from Rome. The situation appeared to

supplement to the Republic. After the Ides of March, however, came a new impulsion to demonstrate his conception of a well

ided in allegiance, for Antonius, for Octavianus, or for peace. The new consuls had a policy of their own, if only they w

alk was there of peace and concord in the revolutionary period that a new term makes its appearance, the word ‘pacificatori

and the formation of another was justified by good sense to acquire new friends without losing the old; or by lofty Not

but destined for wider circulation: the gist of it was to announce a new style of ending a civil war clemency and generosi

etext of taking precautions in advance for the personal safety of the new consuls on the first day of the year, when moment

on, Lepidus consigned to exile and ignominy, Plancus a servant of the new order, honoured and despised, Pollio in austere i

gypt in October, but no confirmation. Winter, however, while delaying news , would facilitate a revolution in the East. The f

in the military situation in the north. The eastern provinces brought news of sudden and splendid success. While the Senate

nd the higher legality. As for Cassius, there was as yet no authentic news of his successes: his usurpation in the East and

he Cisalpina. Cicero pressed his advantage. Early in March came the news that Dolabella, passing through Asia on his way t

he victorious champions of the constitution, the living and the dead, new and extraordinary honours had already been devise

1 And so Ventidius slipped through. Before long Octavianus received news from Rome that amply justified his decision: he w

e position of M. Brutus had already been legalized. Shortly after the news of Mutina, the provinces and armies of the Note

y of battle. Despondent, with tired troops, delayed by the raising of new levies, short of money and harassed by petulant m

s against his associates and was marching on Rome. Fate was forging a new and more enduring compact of interest and sentime

ons. In Rome a steady disintegration sapped the public counsels. No new consuls were elected. There was no leadership, no

d negotiations with provincial governors but did not act at once. The news of armies raised in Italy and Caesar’s heir march

obles. 3 Lepidus was declared a public enemy on June 30th. Before the news reached him, Brutus, in anticipation, wrote to Ci

e closely dated. According to Gelzer, Brutus did not act until he had news of the session of November 28th, when Antonius de

for it does not allow a sufficient margin of time for the passage of news and movements of troops in winter. 2 This may b

mpeachable repute, who did not survive the honour by many months. The new consul now entered Rome to pay sacrifice to the i

mpended the second act in social revolution. The foundations of the new order were cemented with the blood of citizens an

le had greeted the nominees of the Dictator: with the ignominy of the new senators of the Triumviral period they could not

f the Triumvirs. The consulate falls in the main to the newest of the new , senators nominated by the Dictator or introduced

rmination now invade and disfigure the Fasti of the Roman People. A new generation of marshals enters the field, almost a

s. Also L. Nonius Asprenas, now revealed as cos. suff. in 36 (cf. the new Fasti of the Vicomagistri, L’ann. ép., 1937, 62:

an admiral, and T. Statilius Taurus, a formidable character. 6 Other new consuls remain enigmatic L. Caninius Gallus, T. P

ceius Nerva (cos. suff. 36) and L. Cocceius Nerva (never consul): the new Fasti have shown which Cocceius was consul in 39.

XV PHILIPPI AND PERUSIA PageBook=>202 ON the first day of the new year Senate and magistrates took a solemn oath to

ds of the Roman State. 1 In the Forum a temple was to be built to the new deity, Divus Julius; and another law made provisi

or commanded the armies that destroyed the Republic along with their new allies and peers in rank, Ventidius and Carrinas.

o Rome then, but had fought for the Marian cause against Sulla. Now a new Sulla shattered their strength and broke their sp

most disquieting rumours were already current: he soon learned that a new and alarming civil war had broken out between his

d, C. Marcellus, in this year. Such was the Pact of Brundisium, the new Caesarian alliance formed in September of the yea

er Caesar’s assassination, the Fulium sidus, the sign and herald of a new age. 2 Vague aspirations and magical science were

tic of his pastoral poems. The Fourth Eclogue hails the approach of a new era, not merely to begin with the consulate of hi

he insignia of his consulate, it was not to wear them for long, for a new pair of consuls was installed before the end of t

f the danger that had menaced him. In a moment of confidence in their new alliance, Antonius revealed the treachery of Salv

s were to return. To Antonius, now urgently needed in the East, the new compact appeared to bring an ally in the West of

here were others: yet there was no rapid or unanimous adhesion to the new master of Rome. While some reverted again to Pomp

e name and pretext of liberty. The young military leader awoke to a new confidence in himself. Of his victories the more

ile fighting to hold Africa for Octavianus, were among the Dictator’s new senators. The younger Balbus was probably in Spai

ew may perhaps be added P. Alfenus Varus (cos. suff. 39 B.C.), also a new name. 8 NotesPage=>235 1 CIL 12, p. 42.

of Atticus in 32 B.C. (Nepos, Vita Attici 21, 4). 5 As shown by the new Fasti, L’ann. ép., 1937, 62. 6 Appian, BC 5, 54

om the Pact of Brundisium to his triumph in the Sicilian War, and the new party has acquired distinction as well as solidit

r outline the twin and yet contrasting pillars of subsequent strength new men of ability and ambition paired with aristocra

Lucania. 4 These were able or unscrupulous military men, the first of new families to attain the consulate. Beside them sta

l his consulate and service as an admiral. Presumably one of Caesar’s new senators. 4 Note Statius Statilius in 282 B.C.

me of public works, restoring all conduits and drains, and building a new aqueduct, the Aqua Julia. 1 Meanwhile, the part

he had promoted in the main his marshals, with a few patricians, his new allies from the families of the Claudii, the Aemi

both he advertised and extended his power. L. Vinicius was one of the new consuls: he had not been heard of for nearly twen

ant in every order of society, were in no way disposed to share their new privileges or welcome intruders. In a Senate of a

s. Though a formidable body of interests was massed in defence of the new order, it lacked inner cohesion and community of

ricians were sparse enough at the best of seasons: Octavianus created new families of that order, for patronage but with a

e’s wars against foreign enemies had augmented the aristocracy with a new nobility. No record stands of the sentiments of t

ly. For uncertainties about date and identity, PIR1, V 94 and 96: the new Fasti show Potitus Valerius consul in 29. M. Vale

lete change of taste, by a reversion to Asianism, or by the rise of a new romanticism. Pollio, after his triumph abandoning

lier. 4 Pollio and Messalla were reckoned the greatest orators of the new age. Messalla, his rival, displayed a cultivated

d pamphlets, indicating a programme of order and regeneration for the new government that should replace the narrow and cor

ves Cremona as the birth-place of Bibaculus. PageBook=>252 The new poets, as they were called, possessed a common do

us came too late. The consular Pollio, however, who had ties with the new poets, survived to write verses himself and exten

ery of Maecenas. Virgil with short delay had introduced Horace to his new patron. In the company of statesmen, diplomatists

ed to transcend and supersede both the archaic Roman classics and the new models of the preceding generation. Fashions had

assing of the old order than to discern the manner and fashion of the new . On the surface, consolidation after change and d

thought. Inspired by the first beginnings of a patriotic revival, the new taste for history might be induced to revert to t

national patriotism, between a world-empire and the Roman People. The new order in state and society still lacked its shape

diate epoch showed in all things a strange mixture of the old and the new . Despite the losses of war and proscriptions, the

had perished: the survivors were willing to make their peace with the new order, some in resignation, others from ambition.

other nobles in the alliance of Caesar’s heir, had shown the way. The new monarchy could not rule without help from the old

rcus Agrippa, the husband of Caecilia Attica. 2 The lineaments of a new policy had become discernible, the prime agents w

ia and Bithynia. 6 After the expulsion of the Parthians Rome required new rulers for the future in the eastern lands. Ant

sion was to be celebrated in Egypt and reckoned as the beginning of a new era. 1 But the relations of Antonius and Cleopa

r peers from Italy and the western provinces and blend with them in a new imperial aristocracy. Mytilene paid honour and

nd Asia at peace, recovering from oppression and looking forward to a new era of prosperity, with legions, cavalry, ships a

ing towards Caesar’s heir or neutrality with safeguards, in fear of a new civil war between rival leaders. NotesPage=>

. 1 Evidence is scanty. Yet it could be guessed that the Cocceii, a new family showing two consuls in four years, were hi

tical Caesarian. The avenging of the Dictator and the contriving of a new cult, that was Octavianus’ policy and work, not h

There remained, however, enough distinguished survivors to support a new combination in the Roman State. The young Cn. D

ith. In birth and in repute Ahenobarbus stood next to Antonius in the new Caesarian and Republican coalition. Another kinsm

bounds to the English Channel and the river Rhine and thereby created new problems. The remainder of the northern frontier

w that Rome elsewhere in the East had undertaken a fresh commitment a new province, Armenia, with a new frontier facing the

ast had undertaken a fresh commitment a new province, Armenia, with a new frontier facing the Caucasus and the dependent ki

Caucasus and the dependent kingdom of Media. Since the Punic Wars the new imperial power of Rome, from suspicion and fear,

e, establish herself as empress of the world at Rome and inaugurate a new universal kingdom. 4 In this deep design Antonius

guessed: it was to be imparted to the Senate on the first day of the new year. So far official documents and public mani

devotion to drink and to Cleopatra. Antonius retorted it was nothing new , but had begun nine years ago: Cleopatra was his

rule of the Triumvirate. Since the time when the entry into office of new consuls last portended a change in politics a who

and Domitius were only eleven years from Hirtius and Pansa. Then the new year had been eagerly awaited, for it brought a c

Roman constitution declined. Octavianus retired from the city. The new consuls summoned the Senate and took office on Ja

w dead; others, estranged by absence or by the diplomatic arts of the new master of Italy, had changed their allegiance on

of Antonius, the renegades brought a precious gift, so it is alleged news of the documentary evidence that Octavianus so ur

ions by paying a donative. In desperate straits for money, he imposed new taxation of unprecedented severity the fourth par

ions about Octavianus and his friends in the Caesarian party, old and new , about Plancus, or about Agrippa. It is to be reg

PageBook=>295 augmented the total of his legions to thirty. The new recruits were inferior to Italians, it is true, b

laimed descent from the nobility of Alba Longa. More alarming was the news reported by Agrippa—veterans clamorous and mutino

ess Rome and the god Divus Julius did not preclude the worship of the new lord of the East as well, manifest and monarchic.

arent. 3 Above all, security of tenure was to be the watchword of the new order. 4 Italy longed for the final stabilization

vented the citizens from abandoning the destined seat of empire for a new capital. 7 Camillus was hailed as Romulus, as a s

uous task of rebuilding a shattered commonwealth and infusing it with new vigour. The attempts of earlier statesmen had bee

thority, exorbitantly enhanced. To preclude disputes of competence, a new regulation was required. No source records any

h Pompeius and Caesar; in military glory he was a sudden rival to the new Romulus, who tried to engross and concentrate on

foresight would be exercised— few legions for garrison, proconsuls of new families rather than noble, and praetorian rather

ry truly Dux, as the poetical literature of the earliest years of the new dispensation unequivocally reveals. Rightly, for

ly reveals. Rightly, for the martial glory and martial primacy of the new Romulus was not impaired by the public acts of hi

the young Caesar was a saviour and benefactor beyond any precedent. A new name was devised, expressing veneration of more t

ins to discover what it all amounted to. On the face of things, the new powers of Caesar Augustus were modest indeed, uni

ree constitution, but merely guardians of the frontiers. Nor need the new system be described as a military despotism. Befo

citizen. 1 Precisely for that end Augustus laboured, to conserve the new order, announcing it as his dearest wish to be kn

nt. Cicero would easily have proved to himself and to others that the new order was the best state of all, more truly Repub

to violate the laws: the constitution was subservient. This time the new enactments were carried through under the auspice

consular and praetorian is a subsequent and a natural development. No new system was suddenly introduced in the year 27 B.C

tus were waged in the main by men who reached the consulate under the new order. The position of the Princeps and his res

est, six names are attested as legates in the first four years of the new dispensation (27- 23 B.C.). 5 NotesPage=>329

he execution of a consul cast a glaring light on the character of the new Republic and the four cardinal virtues of the Pri

red the consulate. 1 Piso’s acceptance sealed his acquiescence in the new dispensation. Then Augustus broke down: undermi

utions, but the readiness of old Republican adherents to rally to the new régime, for diverse motives ambition, profit and

glorious victory of Actium for Actium was the foundation-myth of the new order. There is something unreal in the sustained

er insurance, a tighter formula of government. Whatever happened, the new order must endure. Two measures were taken, in th

constitutional government, in so far as his authority was legal. The new settlement liberated the consulate but planted do

ded, legates of recent service like M. Lollius and M. Vinicius; and a new generation of nobiles was growing up, the sons of

regain the standards of Crassus and so acquire easy prestige for the new government. 3 Not only that. Syria was the only

e might acclaim him in the theatre, in cheerful subservience to their new rulers, or boisterously, as though towards a popu

Republic had disguised and sometimes thwarted the power of money: the new order was patently, though not frankly, plutocrat

d further from the Principate land rose rapidly in value. 3 But the new order was something more than a coalition of prof

virs: ‘occultior, non melior’, his enemies would have said. Under the new regulations, access to the Senate might appear to

r that the middle period of the Principate of Augustus shows very few new names, save for a Passienus and a Caecina, unmist

f. PageBook=>365 The widened and strengthened oligarchy in the new order was indirectly, but none the less potently,

far it would go beyond Italy, which of the personal adherents of the new dynasty the chieftains of Gallia Comata, the weal

ons of such eminent personages regularly entered the Senate under the new order. 5 Augustus exalted Italy; but the contrast

attaching these young nobiles to his person, to his family and to the new system, with no little success. But there must be

ardent predilection for the aristocracy. Like Caesar’s faction, the new Caesarian party comprised diverse elements, the m

rought nobility and a place in the front ranks of the oligarchy. No new system was suddenly created in January, 27 B.C.,

2 B.C.: he delayed until 18 B.C., the year of the introduction of the new moral code, when, in face of opposition and by co

revailed, in virtue of auctoritas. 3 In the first four years of the new dispensation Augustus kept a tight grasp on the c

pa and Taurus. Of the consuls of the period 25-19 B.C., eight come of new families against five nobles. 3 The restored Repu

ranks of the nobiles, mercilessly thinned by war and proscriptions, a new generation was growing up, and along with them th

before their number increased through division of provinces, through new conquests and by the creation of Moesia to the se

cf. also Tacitus, Ann. 3, 66; 6, 29). PageBook=>375 Under the new order Cicero would have won the consulate without

to march against their patron and imperator. Augustus both created new patrician houses and sought, like Sulla and Caesa

Civil Wars, loss of money and influence, or lack of deference to the new rulers of Rome, cannot show consuls now or miss a

d massed around the Princeps bringing distinction and strength to the new régime, but also feuds and dissensions in the sec

ong. But they would not suffice. Augustus at once proceeded to create new patrician families by a law of 30 B.C.8 Among the

plebeian houses, such as the renegade M. Junius Silanus; but also the new nobility of the Revolution, conspicuous among the

Calpurnii, Claudii Marcelli, Domitii, Junii Silani and others; of the new nobility, the Aelii Lamiae, Appuleii, Asinii, Coc

force in high politics; and even if Taurus could not retain under the new dispensation his right to designate a praetor eve

ument called the Ara Pacis was solemnly dedicated. 3 Peace called for new and greater wars. The legions were rejuvenated an

thdrawn from Spain reinforced the armies of Gaul and Illyricum; and a new legion, XXI Rapax, was probably enrolled about th

longer a power in politics, had a short time to live. But there was a new generation, the two Claudii, to inherit the role

eriod. After twenty years they were growing old or had disappeared: a new constellation of able and distinguished consulars

ds of warfare and government. In the first and tentative years of the new dispensation Augustus held the territories and ar

nia were removed from the proconsul and assigned to the governor of a new province to the north, the imperial legate of Moe

trates the change both in administration and in foreign policy. All new conquests or annexations had fallen to the share

inclination to the later years. It could, however, be urged that the new command was set up as a result of the campaigns o

twenties. Patronage was justified in its results and patronage was no new thing at Rome. Under the Republic the command o

, appeals from the provinces were delegated to consulars. In 4 B.C. a new procedure was devised to try certain cases of ext

r a time the prerogative of coining in gold and silver. 5 It acquires new functions, derived from its practice of taking co

increased steadily as the reign drew to its close, now showing three new posts in the city of Rome; and knights as well as

s of the Principate. 4 NotesPage=>411 1 Observe the raising of new taxes in A.D. 6, the institution of the aerarium

ed Vespasian to the purple after civil war. But the proclamation of a new Emperor in default of a clearly designated heir w

f Marcellus, a heavy calamity and much bewailed, was compensated by a new policy, in which Agrippa and the sons of Livia in

nd exorbitant power, ‘regnum’ or ‘dominatio’ as it was called, was no new thing in the history of Rome or in the annals of

lourish in the shadow of the monarchy, prosecute old feuds, construct new alliances in short, acquire a handsome share of t

below, p. 425. 3 On the Plautii, one of the earliest houses of the new plebeian nobility, see Münzer, RA, 36ff. One of t

23) married L. Nonius Asprenas, cos. suff. A.D. 6, of a family of the new nobility which can show highly eminent connexions

Germany rose. Varus and three legions perished. Rome did not see her new master for many years. The adoption of Tiberius

ildren of the Princeps and they did not survive for long. In A.D. 8 a new scandal swept and cleansed the household of the P

ten years before. The government party among the aristocracy old and new , built up with such care by Augustus to support t

a, the daughter of Marcella. Varus had other useful connexions. 4 A new party becomes discernible, dual in composition, a

ius and A. Licinius Nerva Silianus (son of P. Silius), names entirely new appear on the Fasti the palpable influence of the

n story. The names of consuls and legates, a blend of the old and the new , provide some indication of the range and charact

d with L. Volusius Saturninus), and a firm company of novi homines. A new government is already in being. Yet this was no

nterpretation was not meant to shield Augustus but to incriminate the new régime. ‘Primum facinus novi principals’, so Taci

r and wealth: men wish to appear virtuous and to feel virtuous. The new policy embodied a national and a Roman spirit. Th

the vain attempt to arrest a declining birth-rate. 5 The aim of the new code was no less than this, to bring the family u

Rome by the military needs of the Republic, namely readiness to admit new members to the citizen body. 3 This generosity, w

of the Arval Brethren: which meant enhanced dignity for the State and new resources of patronage. In 28 B.C. the Senate ent

ir statues, with inscribed record of their deeds, to be set up in his new Forum, where the temple of Mars Ultor stood, itse

an and rural at this time in Italy was not complete and exclusive the new proprietors would not be utterly alien to the pra

cy, avidly grasping the spoils of conquest, wealth, luxury and power, new tastes and new ideas, had discarded without repin

ping the spoils of conquest, wealth, luxury and power, new tastes and new ideas, had discarded without repining the rugged

n’s sympathies to the majesty of the State and secured loyalty to the new régime. PageNotes. 454 (No Notes) PageBook=

was not Italy; and Italy had been augmented in the north there was a new Italy, but recently a province, populous, patriot

d there was danger of mutiny (Dio 56, 12, 2). PageBook=>458 No new legions could be raised. As a partial remedy for

oets and historians who lent their talent to the glorification of the new order in state and society were merely the paid a

urn to earlier and classic exemplars, to the great age of Greece. The new Roman literature was designed to be civic rather

o which these men of letters belonged had everything to gain from the new order. Both Virgil and Horace had lost their pate

en as fairly typical representatives of the propertied classes of the new Italy of the north, which was patriotic rather th

Agrippa had returned from the provinces, with the Empire pacified and new conquests about to begin, the Senate voted that a

crifice. A grateful Senate and a regenerated people participated. The new régime was at peace with the gods and honoured th

wise throughout Italy and in Roman towns abroad the officiants of the new civic cult, the seviri or augustales. These obser

n his honour. 5 One of the earliest and most zealous to propagate the new faith was Herod the king of Judaea. 6 In the Ea

It was only from members of that body that serious opposition to the new régime was at all likely to come and then not fro

régime was at all likely to come and then not from the majority. The new men were contented, the most independent of the n

he dynasty at its heart and core and compromised the existence of the new order. A government may invent conspiracies for i

rial for gossip, for the revival of old scandals and the invention of new enormities. Strained relations between the princi

rective; and so rumour assumed an epic part, many- tongued, inventing new forms and categories for itself. The disseminatio

were not confined to a jejune archaism or a bare Attic simplicity: a new style developed, with brief, ferocious sentences,

Triumviral period and claimed it for its own: it could not produce a new crop. The generation that grew to manhood in the

th Ovid to sustain the splendour and dignity of poetry. Nor could the new oratory outshine the fame of Messalla and Pollio;

their power and their spirit. The satirist did not dare to deride the new nobility, the oligarchy of government in his own

against the great houses, attached them to his family and built up a new faction. By force or craft he had defeated the Ae

ments with Augustus and kept on good terms with Tiberius, acquiring a new lease of life. They display seven consuls on the

terly or prolong their family by one generation only. 3 Nor are the new families ennobled for loyal service in the years

ith the reigning dynasty was no less dangerous. Like the nobiles, the new consular families, as befitted the dual compositi

policy by the production of numerous offspring. Certain stocks of the new nobility, however, were prudent and tenacious eno

ad become connected in some way, through marriage or adoption, with a new consular stock of the time of Augustus, the Aelii

ess a matter of partisan interpretation. At the same time, however, a new scourge arose which, for the aristocracy at least

s, in a sense his successor, was not a Roman aristocrat either, but a new man, presumably of provincial extraction, like hi

nd seized control of the State, it would be plain folly to regard the new government as a collection of amiable and virtuou

f the Marcelli. 6 He should have had nothing to complain of under the new dispensation. Pollio himself lived on to a decade

Free State. The historian Tacitus, commenting on the stability of the new régime when the power was to pass from Augustus t

t ridicule and solid advantages of hereditary monarchy. 5 Under the new order, the Commonwealth was no longer to be a pla

s erit qui parendi fuerit’. 6 This is a far cry from Marcus Brutus. A new conception of civic virtue, derived from the non-

mark that he entwined himself about the body of the Commonwealth. The new member reinvigorated the whole and could not have

rticulated and flexible. By appeal to the old, Augustus justified the new ; by emphasizing continuity with the past, he enco

ugustus’ most fervent prayer that he might lay the foundations of the new order deep and secure. 2 He had done more than th

a united Italy and a coherent Empire, was completely renovated, with new institutions, new ideas and even a new literature

d a coherent Empire, was completely renovated, with new institutions, new ideas and even a new literature that was already

was completely renovated, with new institutions, new ideas and even a new literature that was already classical. The doom o

nd that of a mortal man, while it consolidated his own regime and the new system of government, none the less made the task

itor of the Fasti Consulares in Inscr. It. XIII, I (forthcoming), the new material is here utilized and incorporated (cf. a

us. 35 B.C. The suffecti P. Cornelius (Scipio) and T. Peducaeus are new . 32 and 29 B.C. The two Valerii can now be clea

culis I, II, III fuerunt. Diss. Berlin, 1909. HILL, H. ‘Sulla’s new Senators in 81 B.C.’, CQ XXVI (1932), 170 ff.

ff.; the settlement of 28–27 B.C., 313 ff.; in the West, 331 ff.; the new settlement, 333 ff.; acts in 22 B.C., 339; in the

195; in 32 B.C., 290; at Gades and Corduba, 292; sentiments about the new order, 257, 351; as a cardinal factor in the Prin

onia Polla, wife of L. Volusius Saturninus, 424. Nonii Asprenates, of new nobility, 424. Nonius Asprenas, L. (cos. suff.

d by the Principate, 351, 358. Poets, politics of, 62 f., 251 ff.; ‘ new poets’, 252; and the government, 251 ff., 459 ff.

riumvirs, 195 f.; by Octavianus, 284, 354; remitted by Augustus, 351; new taxation, 352, 411. Teidius, Sex., obscure sena