ights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or c

ou must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer ISBN

. The reader who is repelled by a close concatenation of proper names must pass rapidly over certain sections, for example t

prosopographical studies of Münzer, Groag and Stein. Especial mention must also be made of Tarn’s writings about Antonius an

hall be sacrificed for the gain of history. Pompeius, too, and Caesar must be reduced to due subordination. After Sulla’s or

us homo had to tread warily. Anxious not to offend a great family, he must shun where possible the role of prosecutor in the

le with vice and corruption, obscurantism and oppression. The knights must not be left out of the indictment. Among the old

ong the road to power, beginning as a military demagogue. If Caesar must be judged, it is by facts and not by alleged inte

nomenclature. Provincials, freedmen or centurions, their proportion must have been tiny in an assembly that now numbered a

g of more than two hundred unknown to history, the Senate after Sulla must have contained in high proportion the sons of Rom

he reality was very different. 2 The recent war of Italy against Rome must not be forgotten. When Caesar invaded Italy he co

oppaedius Silo, cf. Plutarch, Cato minor 2. 3 A large part of Italy must have been outside the control of the Roman govern

and the enfranchisement of Italy, could not be confined to Rome, but must embrace all Italy. That Italy should at last en

. The family and repute of certain Italici now admitted to the Senate must not obscure the numerous new senators from certai

ium. The political advocate and the verdict of conventional history must be constrained to silence for a time. With the

ly very far from abounding in ready cash. Most of the debatable money must have been expended in the purchase of lands for t

c and unreliable L. Munatius Plancus. For self-preservation, Antonius must build up support for the settlement of March 17th

h Antonius about the disposal of the Dictator’s property, however, he must have rejoiced in secret. 5 Then Octavianus called

ianus, in the meantime, acquired a mastery of the demagogic arts that must have reinforced his native distrust and Roman sco

, which may have been Piso’s proposal (cf. Appian, BC 3, 30, 115). It must be repeated that the only clear account of the sp

e and preferment, were loyal to Antonius or to settled government, he must turn his hopes and his efforts towards the more o

e mobilized against him. His enemies had drawn the sword: naked force must decide. But not all at once Antonius had not chos

h the most blameless of Roman politicians, whatever his age or party, must expect to find himself assailed, and the traditio

tant, to the censorship in 50 B.C., an honour to which many consulars must have aspired as due recognition of public service

us, no word of the young Caesar: yet the existence of Antonius’ rival must have been reckoned as a political factor by Cicer

m iudicio optatius, nihil vera gloria dulcius. ’ PageBook=>144 must have congratulated himself on his refusal to be l

e should not be confused with servitude; 4 negotiations with an enemy must be spurned because they were dangerous as well as

onius: Antonius, he said, was an assassin, a brigand, a Spartacus. He must be crushed and would be crushed, as once Senate,

h a contumacious proconsul and plunged the world into war. The lesson must have provided arguments against the adoption of i

midation, fraud and bribery were already loose in the land. All Italy must rally for the defence of the ‘legitimate governme

mpossible to discover. For the judgement on these men, if judged they must be, it would be sufficient to demonstrate that th

d the threat of taxation or confiscation drives money underground. It must be lured out again. Capital could only be tempted

and the Balkans. The communications of the Caesarians were cut: they must advance and hope for a speedy decision on land. A

7 decided, invoking or inventing a proposal of Caesar the Dictator, must be a province no longer but removed from politica

uld nor could go back upon his pledges of alliance to Octavianus. She must force him by discrediting, if not by destroying,

ull measure of the disaster. Whether for revenge or for diplomacy, he must be strongly armed: he prepared a fleet and looked

arn, JRS xxii (1932), 135 ff. The widely prevalent belief that Virgil must have been writing about a child of Octavianus der

eady have tired of Octavia. Anything that reminded him of her brother must have been highly distasteful. His future and his

is person with ostentation and received honourable wounds. Antonius must not be allowed to presume upon his Caesarian qual

gypt was clearly not suited to be converted into a Roman province: it must remain an ally or an appanage of the ruler of Rom

Octavianus. It was not a war for domination against Antonius Antonius must not be mentioned. To secure Roman sanction and em

y. To ruin Antonius it was not enough that she should be a siren: she must be made a Fury ‘fatale monstrum’. 2 That was

been wrong in his estimate of a delicate political crisis. The effect must have been tremendous, alike in Rome and in the ca

ed Rome and Italy, invested with supreme power, but no title. 6 There must be no risks, no danger of an Antonian rising in I

s Seneca, later to be known as a historian and authority on rhetoric, must have been a man of some substance if he could sec

, demobilized or employed. He sent Agrippa at once to Italy. The work must begin without delay. He had not gone farther east

n double measure the convenience of a Roman politician. The adversary must have been redoubtable indeed! It was not the glor

as well as in verse. 2 The conqueror of the East and hero of Actium must now gird himself to the arduous task of rebuildin

s mentors had been Philippus and Balbus. To retain power, however, he must base his rule upon general consent, the support o

tes. The Triumvirate had replenished the ranks of the consulars—there must have been now about forty men of this rank—and af

C. Antistius Vetus (cos. suff. 30) and M. Titius (cos. suff. 31). It must be admitted, however, that full lists of provinci

but his New State would require yet deeper foundations. The provinces must be pacified, their frontiers secured and extended

ss, cities to found, territories to organize. Above all, the Princeps must build up, for Rome, Italy and the Empire, a syste

ce, a tighter formula of government. Whatever happened, the new order must endure. Two measures were taken, in the name of C

s in the wars of the Revolution. 4 Syria was distant from Rome, there must be care in the choice of Caesar’s legate to gover

ernment, the Principate assumed form and definition. If an exact date must at all costs be sought in what is a process, not

he credit were in the main the work of others, and his unique primacy must not obscure the reality from which it arose the f

ate. The way of his life, like the fantastical conceits of his verse, must have been highly distasteful to Augustus as to Ag

uture. Two emperors might one day be required or four. Yet the fabric must be held together. Two remedies were available. Th

purchasing the lands of the proscribed. Their number and their gains must have been very great: during Octavianus’ preparat

o his family and to the new system, with no little success. But there must be no going back upon his earlier supporters the

, P. Silius and M. Vinicius in Illyricum and M. Lollius in Macedonia, must have been drawn from a small and select list inde

Agrippa. As Maecenas his enemy put it, there was no choice: Augustus must make Agrippa his son-in-law or destroy him. 1 The

Pompeius got for Caesar the Gallic command he gave him Labienus, who must have had previous experience. 2 Another Pompeian

itten records. Their existence, their character and their composition must be deduced from the relations between the Princep

s of a great empire cannot be conducted in so simple a fashion. There must be financial experts lurking somewhere. Moreover,

ed certain eminent personages in the governing oligarchy whose claims must have been the subject of public rumour and privat

ce and seed of remembered rancour and postponed revenge. Yet Tiberius must have had a following among the nobiles. Of the

ivia waited and worked for her family, patient and unobtrusive. There must be no open evidence of discord in the syndicate o

not impair the succession of Gaius and Lucius, her sons. The motive must have been political, the charges of vice a conven

e. Against that risk the Princeps and the chief men of the government must have made careful provision. The way was still ro

syndicate might appear preferable to a principate:5 none the less, it must be demonstrated and admitted that there could be

he satisfaction of the less decorative virtues: if it lacked them, it must learn them. The spirit of a people is best reve

senator. 2 Only law and oratory were held to be respectable. But they must not be left to specialists or to mere scholars. T

peasant, if his life was stern and laborious, so much the better. He must learn to love it, for his own good and for the go

talk of a united Italy and all the realities of reconciliation, there must still have been Romans who were a little shocked

. Julius Eurycles, the lord of Sparta and greatest man in all Greece, must have proved very unsatisfactory, for he was depos

cardinal virtues of the Princeps, so studiously celebrated in public, must have been privately canvassed and derided as offe

en they dealt with the period of which he had personal experience, he must have found much to criticize. Certain politicians

Pollio’s own taste and practice is well attested. The words, he said, must follow the sense. 5 PageNotes. 484 1 Tacitus,

464. PageBook=>486 A critic armed with the acerbity of Pollio must have delivered a more crushing verdict upon a his

, but in truth a res publica. Selfish ambition and personal loyalties must give way before civic duty and national patriotis

ot merely of the inevitability but also of the benefits of the system must have become more widely diffused in the Senate. Y

e Principate comes a change. For the senator, as for the State, there must surely be a middle path between the extremes of r

Roman could feel it in his blood and in his traditions. Again Ennius must have seemed prophetic: O Romule, Romule die, qu

he Res Gestae as the title-deeds of his divinity. 1 If explained they must be, it is not with reference to the religions and