e Camden Professor of Ancient History in the University of Oxford—the more so, precisely, because there is so much in the pr

gn a depreciation of Augustus: his ability and greatness will all the more sharply be revealed by unfriendly presentation.

n these last and fatal convulsions, disaster came upon disaster, ever more rapid. Three of the monarchic principes fell by t

ree of the monarchic principes fell by the sword. Five civil wars and more in twenty years drained the life-blood of Rome an

nd the name of principes civitatis came suitably to be applied to the more prominent of the consulars. 2 The consulate did

to the citadel of the nobility:4 he was less assertive in the Senate, more candid to his intimate friends. There was no brea

heiress therefore became an act of policy and an alliance of powers, more important than a magistracy, more binding than an

f policy and an alliance of powers, more important than a magistracy, more binding than any compact of oath or interest. Not

Lack of capacity among the principal members of the ruling group, or, more properly, personal ambition and political intrigu

rom the Gauls, had vanished utterly by now, or at least could show no more consuls. The Sulpicii and Manlii had lost promine

uty gained them advantageous matches and an evil repute. 5 Second and more important by far is that enigmatic faction soon t

p. Pulcher. Of these Claudii, the character of the eldest was made no more amiable by early struggles and expedients to main

the aristocracy,5 were now being monopolized by one man. Something more was involved than the privileges of an oligarchy:

s of the tribune Labienus and his associates on Pompeius’ behalf were more open and more offensive: a decree of the People w

ne Labienus and his associates on Pompeius’ behalf were more open and more offensive: a decree of the People was enacted, pe

bill providing lands for the veterans of Pompeius. Celer opposed it. More significant evidence of Pompeius’ weakness was th

ar’s consulate, several partisans or allies already in control of the more important provincial armies. 6 The combination ru

rtain armies were already secured. But Pompeius required for his ally more than an ordinary proconsulate. To this end Caesar

saeus, once his own adherent but now coolly sacrificed. The third was more useful Q. Metellus Scipio, vaunting an unmatched

s Cato. Pompeius prolonged his own possession of Spain for five years more and sought by a trick to annul the law passed by

had been able to show only one consul in the preceding generation. 3 More spectacular the eclipse of the plebeian Claudii M

t unfairly be surmised. 1 The patrician Cornelii Lentuli were noted more for pride of birth and political caution than for

eak of war or distrustful of Pompeius, took no active part and should more honestly be termed neutrals (P-W 111, 2762; IV A,

sels of his adversaries secured the crowning victory. But three years more of fighting were needed to stamp out the last and

r. 3 Pompeius had been little better, if at all, than his younger and more active rival, a spurious and disquieting champion

cause. Caesar could not compete. Though interest on each side claimed more adherents than principle, interest with the Pompe

n against one who had used it with such dexterity in the past and who more recently claimed to be asserting the rights of th

s Iulius 42 f.): the title of praefectus moribus did not make him any more popular (Ad fam. 9, 15, 5). 3 Suetonius, Divus

ontrast with Pompeius or Augustus as though Augustus did not assume a more than human name and found a monarchy, complete wi

dation of a consistent government. Whatever it might be, it would owe more to the needs of the moment than to alien or theor

more to the needs of the moment than to alien or theoretical models. More important the business in hand: it was expedited

hy or the brotherhood of man. The Stoic teaching, indeed, was nothing more than a corroboration and theoretical defence of c

Yet Cato, no sooner dead, asserted the old domination over his nephew more powerfully than ever in life. Brutus came to feel

Roman plebs when all Italy enjoyed the franchise. Caesar in truth was more conservative and Roman than many have fancied; an

traditional governing class. Caesar’s autocracy appeared to be much more than a temporary expedient to liquidate the herit

not arise from the conflict of conventional right and wrong. They are more august and more complex. Caesar and Brutus each h

he conflict of conventional right and wrong. They are more august and more complex. Caesar and Brutus each had right on his

ends and partisans, old allies in intrigue and illegal activities or, more simply, the victims of political justice, whateve

to Pompeius as the heir of Sulla and the protector of the oligarchy. More numerous were the decayed patricians that pinned

ed both to Pompeius and to Caesar, Balbus gradually edged towards the more powerful attraction. In the last decade of the Re

be presumed that he gave them guarantees against revolution. They had more to fear from Pompeius, and they knew it. Caesar’s

benevolence. 5 No details confirm the paradox among Roman financiers. More is known about his son, a banker whose business h

ersonal preponderance of the dynast passed rapidly to his younger and more energetic rival. Caesar the proconsul won to his

nights from the aristocracy of the towns. 5 Benefits anticipated were more potent than benefits conferred. The Transpadani w

ompeius’ property brought in fifty million denarii: it was worth much more . 6 Antonius and the poet Q. Cornificius divided P

tion by traders and financiers. The colonial and Italian element is more conspicuous in Spain, which had been a Roman prov

individuals from the towns of Spain and southern Gaul will have been more acceptable to the Roman aristocracy than the sons

stic names by chance recorded once and never again, to say nothing of more than two hundred unknown to history, the Senate a

for Caesar’s Senate, with added force, and render it at the same time more difficult and less important to discover precisel

ius and Matius had not entered the Senate they did not need to, being more useful elsewhere. But L. Aelius Lamia, a knight o

Tradition affirmed that monarchs of foreign stock had ruled at Rome. More important than the kings were their rivals and he

li, ostensibly an exile from Rome and Roman at heart, perhaps belongs more truly to Latin or Volscian history. The Junii cou

tic houses of the plebeian nobility, had been growing ever closer and more exclusive. Marius, the knight from Arpinum, was h

be forgotten. When Caesar invaded Italy he could reckon on something more than aversion from politics and distrust of the g

ficial title of the War, Bellum Marsicum. The name Bellum Italicum is more comprehensive and no less revealing: it was a hol

the inscrr. CIL XIV, 2622; 2624; 2627. PageBook=>089 received more active assistance. 1 Atina’s first senator was ve

oken men and debtors ready for an armed rising, but also, and perhaps more disquieting, many municipal aristocrats in sympat

poured forth in jubilation to meet Antonius, Caesar’s man; and it was more than the obstinate folly of Ahenobarbus that brou

names, to which they give a regular and Latin termination not so the more recent, with foreign endings; and the local distr

son to become consul. He was correct but other novi homines, socially more eminent, had not been debarred in that period; an

Murena and of Pompeius’ men, Afranius and Gabinius. 3 After that, no more novi homines as consuls on the Fasti of the Free

in honour of the god Apollo. Apollo already had another favourite. More truly representative of the Roman People should h

ere soldier. Caesar, a good judge of men, put him in control of Italy more than once during the Civil Wars, in 49 B.C. when

ribune of the plebs, and after Pharsalus, as Master of the Horse, for more than a year. The task was delicate, and Caesar ma

ed it. On his lips the profession of respect for Brutus was something more than a conventional or politic formula Antonius w

esarian party was now his: but he might have to fight to retain it. More than that, Antonius was consul, head of the gover

insistence that Caesar be avenged and the murderers punished derives more from horror of the deed, traditional sense of the

where he was staying with his step-father, the consular Philippus. 1 More important, he had met Balbus, the trusted confida

juries, and another agrarian bill, of fairly wide terms of reference. More patronage: L. Antonius the tribune was to be pres

n of June 1st to a strengthening of the coalition of March 17th, and, more than that, to a firm pact with the Liberators. Br

rsonal honour: they told Antonius that they valued their own libertas more than his amicitia and bade him take warning from

urchase one or other of the ten members of the tribunician college. More costly but more remunerative as an investment wer

ther of the ten members of the tribunician college. More costly but more remunerative as an investment were the soldiers o

ettled government, he must turn his hopes and his efforts towards the more obscure of the Caesarian novi homines in the Sena

my, securing official recognition and betraying his allies. Caesar, more consistent in his politics, had to wait longer fo

measure of Antonius: the Caesarian soldier was a warning against the more generous virtues and vices. Another eminent Rom

blic appearance since March 17th. The Curia did not see him again for more than three months. The importance of his speech i

des inquiry. Antonius did not press the charge perhaps it was nothing more than a clumsy device to discredit the young adver

April he found only two legions there. He proceeded to raise several more on his own initiative and resources, training the

. 1 The appeal worked he gave a bribe of 500 denarii to each soldier, more than twice the annual pay of a legionary, promisi

lleius 2, 59, 5. 2 Dio 48, 33, 1. Salvidienus was the elder and the more important of the two, cf. Brutus’ abusive referen

ters and educate opinion in Rome and throughout Italy. Octavianus had more skill, fewer scruples and better fortune than the

ony he was soon to invest ‘for the good of the Commonwealth’ and much more than his patrimony. The diversion of public fun

n were not eager to stir up another. But Octavianus wished to be much more than the leader of a small band of desperadoes an

e as well. He hoped to win sympathy, if not support, from some of the more respectable Caesarians, who were alienated by the

ave been corrupt, incompetent and calamitous. Piso, however, withdrew more and more from active politics. Yet his repute, or

corrupt, incompetent and calamitous. Piso, however, withdrew more and more from active politics. Yet his repute, or at least

epted by E. Meyer, Caesars Monarchie3, 163 f. PageBook=>136 of more use to the Commonwealth than the more elevated pr

163 f. PageBook=>136 of more use to the Commonwealth than the more elevated principles that were professed, and some

rom honest persuasion or for political advancement, afterwards became more conservative when he gained the consulate and ent

dly. Caesar did not insist. Time was short agents like Balbus were of more use to a busy and imperious autocrat. Then came

inite line of action. The Senate had already and repeatedly witnessed more ferocious displays of political invective, as whe

first made the acquaintance of Caesar’s heir in April. 2 Then nothing more for six weeks. In June, however, he recognized th

husiastic. Among the plebs he had a great following; and he might win more respectable backing. ‘But look at his age, his na

tribune7 merely a political gesture, easily made and easily revoked. More significant and most ominous was the speech deliv

: ‘if Octavianus succeeded and won power, the acta of Caesar would be more decisively confirmed than they were on March 17th

tator in his organization of the Roman Commonwealth. Nor was Antonius more susceptible. Cicero was constrained to lavish his

od in sole control of the policy of the State. The situation was much more complicated than that, issues entangled, factions

is own wife, made a mock of Roman decorum and decency. 3 There were more damaging charges than mere vice in Roman public l

essential part of the Republican virtue of libertas, to be regretted more than political freedom when both were abolished.

as the growth of servility and adulation. Men practised, however, a more subtle art of misrepresentation, which, if it cou

n the main from the speeches of Cicero. On the surface, what could be more clear than his categories and his ‘values’ ‘good’

than a programme. If the political literature of the period had been more abundantly preserved, it might be discovered that

me. On the contrary, the vocabulary was furbished up and adapted to a more modern and deadly technique. As commonly in civil

ance. Virtus itself stands at the peak of the hierarchy, transcending mores . Roman political factions were welded together,

to bring a Pompeian general to his senses. 8 The soldiers were often more accessible to appeals to reason than were the gen

n the government. This was called a consensus: the term coniuratio is more revealing. If it was thought inexpedient for the

res publici consilii’. 1 Nowhere else was the havoc of the Civil Wars more evident and irreparable than in the ranks of the

onia was nearer than Syria or Egypt and Macedonia was soon to provide more than rumours. But there is no evidence of concert

and announcing terms that aroused Cicero to anger. ‘Nothing could be more scandalous, more disgusting than the conduct of t

erms that aroused Cicero to anger. ‘Nothing could be more scandalous, more disgusting than the conduct of their mission by P

rove him southward and penned him up in the city of Apollonia. Even more spectacular was the success of Cassius. He went t

on in the East and seizure of a dozen legions was not confirmed until more than two months had elapsed. For the Republican

of the moment. On a long view, the future was ominous with a war much more formidable than that which was being so gently pr

to honour the memory of the glorious dead. 1 Their comrades expected more solid recompense. But the Senate reduced the bo

they did from a reasoned and balanced estimate of the situation. But more than this can be said. Pollio, the would-be neutr

eserved a friendlier designation. The behaviour of the armies gives a more faithful reflection, of the sentiments of the Rom

t his associates and was marching on Rome. Fate was forging a new and more enduring compact of interest and sentiment throug

nce had sent to save the State’. 5 Octavianus and his army grew daily more menacing. That young man had got wind of a wittic

en enemies and false friends laid upon his extreme youth was becoming more and more irksome. He would show them. Cicero en

s and false friends laid upon his extreme youth was becoming more and more irksome. He would show them. Cicero entered int

young adventurer. 5 Cicero had already crossed swords with Servilius more than once; and in early April, after a quarrel ov

ibed Servilius as ‘homo furiosus’. 6 If a consul was required, what more deserving candidate than Cicero himself? About

hree Antonii; only practise a salutary severity, and there will be no more civil wars. 5 The plea of Brutus was plain and di

more civil wars. 5 The plea of Brutus was plain and dignified. It was more important to avert the strife of citizens than wr

e and preclude compromise in this matter perhaps at variance with the more resolute Cassius. 2 In any event, principles and

for each of his soldiers the sum of two thousand five hundred denarii more than ten times a year’s pay. 5 They had still to

of Octavianus was overborne by the brutal insistence of his older and more hardened colleagues; and terrible stories were to

eaders proscribed their relatives and other personages of distinction more as a pledge of solidarity among themselves and to

t least. Sulla had many enemies among the nobiles, but certain of the more eminent, through family connexions and social inf

rder and prevented a reconstitution of the old Roman People through a more equitable division of landed property in Italy; n

endent command under Caesar: Allienus and Staius are soon heard of no more , but C. Calvisius Sabinus goes steadily forward.

Salvidienus, the earliest and greatest of his marshals, of origin no more distinguished than Agrippa, was his senior in yea

rates took a solemn oath to maintain the acts of Caesar the Dictator. More than this, Caesar was enrolled among the gods of

mer, but to occupy the time by organizing their resources and raising more money: so several months of the following year we

veterans. Yet the soldiers welcomed Cassius when he arrived in Syria more than eighteen months earlier, and rallied promptl

hest Cassius paid the men fifteen hundred denarii a head and promised more . 1 For the rest, the prospects of Brutus and Ca

rce peoples of the Apennine as in the Bellum Italicum, but rather the more prosperous and civilized regions Umbria, Etruria

intervened and called a conference. A compromise was reached, but the more important articles were never carried out. War wa

e Senate with a sincere fervour such as can have attended none of his more recent predecessors when they had liberated Rome

m a muleteer and a brigand; and Pollio hated Plancus. But there was a more potent factor than the doubts and dissensions of

endour to re-establish the rule of Rome and extort for the armies yet more money from the wealthy cities of Asia, the prey o

ng of 40 B.C. That he had contracted ties that bound him to Cleopatra more closely than to Glaphyra, there neither is, nor w

bour and war, but innocent and peaceful. The darker the clouds, the more certain was the dawn of redemption. On several th

ated, by a child soon to be born. The child appears to be something more than a personification of an era in its infancy,

his only daughter, was born in the following year. But there was a more important pact than the despairing and impermanen

nt pact than the despairing and impermanent alliance with Pompeius, a more glorious marriage than the reluctant nuptials wit

it poteris cognoscere virtus. 2 It may have been rehandled and made more allegorical in form. 3 Servius on Eel. 4, 1.

e East, the new compact appeared to bring an ally in the West of much more value than Lepidus to check the power of his ambi

the years and absence in the East. Octavianus was able to win over more and more of the leading senators, Caesarian, Repu

s and absence in the East. Octavianus was able to win over more and more of the leading senators, Caesarian, Republican or

tic adherents. Whether from choice or from necessity, he came to rely more and more upon the services of his Greek freedmen;

ents. Whether from choice or from necessity, he came to rely more and more upon the services of his Greek freedmen; in the s

i he now released from service, allotting lands and founding colonies more on provincial than Italian soil. That was politic

fession of the Roman constitution there could be no rational hope any more . There was ordered government, and that was enoug

ary leader awoke to a new confidence in himself. Of his victories the more considerable part, it is true, had been the work

as patronage. Before long the marshal Calvisius engrossed two of the more decorative of such offices: Taurus followed his u

cuous by their rarity. The vanquished of Philippi and of Perusia were more amicably disposed to Antonius; and his Republican

n oligarchy grew up, while the party of Antonius, by contrast, became more and more Pompeian. That was not the only advant

hy grew up, while the party of Antonius, by contrast, became more and more Pompeian. That was not the only advantage now r

at Rome for to Libertas Pollio ever paid homage, and literature meant more to him than war and politics; Sosius (who triumph

hat already foreshadowed the magnificence of Rome under the monarchy. More artful than Antonius, the young Caesar built not

were solid and visible: the other minister Maecenas had been working more quietly and to set purpose. It was his task to gu

symptoms of consolidation, political and social. There were to be no more proscriptions, no more expulsions of Italian gent

ion, political and social. There were to be no more proscriptions, no more expulsions of Italian gentry and farmers. Many of

s, the master of the florid Asianic style, yielded the primacy to the more restrained but ample and harmonious style of Cice

. ’ This gives as the date 38 or 37 B.C. Varro lived on for ten years more (Jerome, Chron., p. 164 H). 4 Sallust, BJ 4.

empire, he imitated Greek doctrines of political development and did more than justice to the merits of Senate and People i

ople in earlier days. 2 There was no idealization in his account of a more recent period he knew it too well; and the immedi

ory, to be real and true, would have to concern itself with something more than the public transactions of men and cities, t

tion-leaders like Sulla, Pompeius and Caesar, but of a wider and even more menacing perspective. They might reflect upon the

tive, than the spoken or written word of Roman statesmen. In little more than twenty years a generation and a school of Ro

of its recovery, as retailed by the ancient Lives and scholiasts with more confidence than consistency, appear to derive fro

as about this time, in the absence of Pollio, that he was ensnared by more powerful and perhaps more seductive influences. 2

absence of Pollio, that he was ensnared by more powerful and perhaps more seductive influences. 2 Maecenas, whose aesthetic

mmon sense and social stability. In Rome under the Triumvirs it was more easy to witness and affirm the passing of the old

from the language, habits and religion of his own people. It was much more than the rule of the nobiles that had collapsed a

ous territory northwards into Syria. Antonius refused to give her any more . These grants do not seem to have excited alarm

of victory in Parthia or by a defeat, constraining the Roman to lean more heavily on the support of eastern allies. Anton

with Octavianus: but he learned too late. Octavianus, however, was no more ready yet to exploit the affront to his family th

l as a queen in her own right. The assumption of divinity presented a more serious aspect and perhaps a genuine religious co

iterature. Cleopatra was neither young nor beautiful. 3 But there are more insistent and more dangerous forms of domination

a was neither young nor beautiful. 3 But there are more insistent and more dangerous forms of domination he may have succumb

fe of the prince of Mauretania ; 3 nor was the foreign woman now much more than an accident in the contest, inevitable witho

gypt. Then irony: the grandiose conquests of Antonius would surely be more than enough to provide bounties or lands for the

n. They may previously have made a compromise with Octavianus:1 it is more likely that they were afraid to divulge its conte

Antonius, bearing with them the unread missive. They were followed by more than three hundred senators, Republican or Antoni

was approached by eminent ex- Republicans in the Caesarian party. 3 More than seven hundred senators fought on Octavianus’

utional’ crisis of the consulate of Antonius and the War of Mutina. A more brutal stimulant was required. Octavianus was i

ving, ready to turn against him if they dared: it was a bad sign that more than three hundred senators had decided to join A

ed senators had decided to join Antonius, clear evidence of something more than desperate loyalty or invincible stupidity. O

not only to Antonius, but to other contemporaries for Antonius, who, more honest, still employed the name, again offered to

ember their conquest by Sulla and by the Pompeii: that was a reality. More recently, Perusia. For any contest it would hav

ate opposition and to stampede the neutrals. But the measure was much more than a device invented to overcome a temporary cr

war inevitable. In a restoration of liberty no man could believe any more . Yet if the coming struggle eliminated the last o

38 B.C. 2 Dio so, 14, 1 f. PageBook=>296 Then the odds moved more heavily against him. Desertion set in. Certain of

t naval battle, with lavish wealth of convincing and artistic detail. More than that, Actium became the contest of East and

ote in a family that claimed descent from the nobility of Alba Longa. More alarming was the news reported by Agrippa—veteran

’ eldest son was also killed. The children of Cleopatra presented a more delicate problem. ‘A multitude of Caesars is no g

East, where he inherited the policy of Antonius in order to render it more systematic. Temples dedicated at Nicaea and Ephes

ugating both Britain and Parthia to the rule of Rome. 1 No themes are more frequent in the decade after Actium—or less relev

when civil war loosened the fabric of Roman rule. There were to be no more civil wars. So much for the East. It was never

roconsul of Asia soon after Actium(Josephus, AJ 16, 171), perhaps for more than one year; and a certain Thorius Flaccus, oth

ying Thrace and defeating the Bastarnae, earned a triumph but claimed more , namely the ancient honour of the spolia opima, f

n mentioned by the loyal historian Velleius Paterculus, hence all the more reason to revive suppressed discordances in a fra

ebrated triumphs. Octavianus would now remove the proconsuls from the more powerful of the military provinces and control th

certain provinces of the Empire, nominally uncontrolled, but left the more important, deprived of proconsuls, under the imme

ver a large provincia, namely Spain, Gaul and Syria. That and nothing more . 1 For the rest, proconsuls were to govern the pr

eyond any precedent. A new name was devised, expressing veneration of more than mortal due. 1 A veteran politician, the cons

t and destroyed the Free State. Their sole survivor, as warden of the more powerful of the armed provinces, stood as a guara

cero, Phil, 11, 17, cf. 28. 2 Augustus claimed to have exercised no more potestas than any of his colleagues in magistracy

ous an eye for legal precedents as have the lawyers and historians of more recent times. Augustus knew precisely what he wan

and enlisted in the service of the revived Republic. Cicero might be more remunerative for every purpose; and the blame of

haracter and Cicero’s style; and Pollio detested Plancus. That much more than the memory and the oratory of Cicero was rev

social and political Utopias in the past, not in the future. It is a more convincing view that Cicero, in despair and longi

. 3, 12). In fact, the changes he proposes are few and modest, little more than coercion of tribunes and more power for the

roposes are few and modest, little more than coercion of tribunes and more power for the Senate and for censors: not irrelev

o himself and to others that the new order was the best state of all, more truly Republican than any Republic, for it derive

he consulate, precisely after the manner of earlier dynasts, but with more thoroughness and without opposition. This time th

o age the transmission of perennial maxims of political wisdom; it is more instructive to discover, in any time and under an

a Campestris); 1 their garrison was a great army of twenty legions or more . In recent years these provinces had been governe

triumphs of proconsuls, Caesarian or Antonian, before Actium, and six more since then. Some of these men were dead or had la

the years between Actium and the first constitutional settlement any more conspicuous. Most of them were young enough, for

us (cos. suff. 16) and M. Vinicius (cos. suff. 19) may well have held more than one praetorian command in the provinces: Ill

are and for glory but that consolidation and conciliation should come more easily and more naturally. Time, oblivion and sec

y but that consolidation and conciliation should come more easily and more naturally. Time, oblivion and security were on hi

ended their raids and their domination southwards over certain of the more highly civilized peoples. Cn. Domitius Calvinus

hailed the complete subjugation of Spain by Augustus. Janus was once more closed. The rejoicing was premature. The stubborn

verted but narrowly, peace and order restored but would it last? And, more than security of person and property, whence woul

esar Augustus. The constitutional basis of his authority was altered. More important than that, official standing was confer

new settlement liberated the consulate but planted domination all the more firmly. The tribunicia potestas was elusive and f

e ill- advised project was abandoned. There were less spectacular and more urgent tasks. Two years before, Amyntas, the rule

of the Princeps was frail and precarious, but the Principate was now more deeply rooted, more firmly embedded. It remains t

frail and precarious, but the Principate was now more deeply rooted, more firmly embedded. It remains to indicate the true

r, an object of veneration. A god’s son, himself the bearer of a name more than mortal, Augustus stood aloof from ordinary m

power like that of Augustus over all the provinces of the Empire, and more than that, the tribunicia potestas, he was not in

moment, it did not matter. Whatever the distant future might bring, a more urgent problem confronted the government. Agrippa

was desirable. Augustus, with his name and his luck, was all that and more . PageNote. 346 (No Notes) PageBook=>347

us as was made out then and since. Caesar preserved distinctions. The more discreditable accretions supervened later during

stile, to birth and breeding. The Senate had swollen inordinately, to more than a thousand members. In order that the sovran

publicans and Pompeians, never reached the consulate, Cinna not until more than thirty years had elapsed. But some perished

s for the benefit of the veterans. 2 The estates of three hundred and more disloyal or misguided senators were not all tende

and imposed the settlement of March 17th. Vested interests were now more widely spread, more tenacious, more tightly organ

lement of March 17th. Vested interests were now more widely spread, more tenacious, more tightly organized. Capital felt s

17th. Vested interests were now more widely spread, more tenacious, more tightly organized. Capital felt secure. A conserv

eceived guarantees which it repaid by confidence in the government. More welcome than the restoration of constitutional fo

the struggle for power after Caesar’s assassination and augmented yet more by Octavianus to finance his war against Antonius

ipate land rose rapidly in value. 3 But the new order was something more than a coalition of profiteers, invoking the law

d from the equestrian order to the Senate was to be made incomparably more easy. The justification for advancement lay in se

evolution and the rule of the Triumvirate. Knights had been of much more value in the armies of Rome than the public and n

e to the commands which were accessible to a minor proconsul, but one more rich and powerful than any. A Roman knight led an

nicipalis adulter’. 2 Seianus’ father, Seius Strabo, may have been no more than a knight in standing, a citizen of Volsinii

new regulations, access to the Senate might appear to have been made more difficult, being restricted to those in possessio

he Princeps in his restored and sovran assembly of all Italy. Names more familiar than these now emerge from municipal sta

provincias peragranti cotidiana officia togati ac sine regio insigni more clientium praestiterunt. ’ PageBook=>366 T

hardly a single senator; in its first years, few of distinction. What more simple than to assign to Augustus alone the advan

ician houses and the most recent of careerists. But this was an order more firmly consolidated than Caesar’s miscellaneous f

he former date was celebrated officially: in truth the latter was the more important. On neither occasion is evidence record

from design. Augustus’ intentions may have been laudable and sincere more likely that the Princeps wished to teach the nobi

2, 2: ‘cum alia prisca severitate summaque constantia vetere consulum more ac severitate gessisset. ’ 3 Dio 53, 24, 4 ff.

ial standing. 1 Rome was glad when Augustus returned. His rule, now more firmly consolidated, went on steadily encroaching

two of them caused by death. 3 Augustus was baffled by circumstances. More and more sons of consuls grew to maturity, claimi

em caused by death. 3 Augustus was baffled by circumstances. More and more sons of consuls grew to maturity, claiming honour

as proconsul in the clime of its birth. 2 L. Calpurnius Piso acquired more favour as a patron than from his own productions.

. Of the novi homines, C. Ateius Capito won promotion as a politician more than as a lawyer. 5 Nor will the orator Q. Hateri

nly advertised as the justification for ennoblement. Nothing could be more fair and honest. There were also deeper and bette

Barbatus died in his consulate. PageBook=>379 As time went on, more and more aristocratic families were lured by matr

died in his consulate. PageBook=>379 As time went on, more and more aristocratic families were lured by matrimony int

rs, being represented in the Senate at the time of Actium by not many more than twenty members. The sons of the slain would

list indeed. The Princeps appointed his own legates. Before long the more important of his provinces were held by consulars

0, is hazardous: see Table VI at end. PageBook=>385 Influences more secret and more sinister were quietly at work all

see Table VI at end. PageBook=>385 Influences more secret and more sinister were quietly at work all the time women

urtier’s career, and often of his life. Ceremonial observances become more complicated: more ornate and visibly monarchic th

nd often of his life. Ceremonial observances become more complicated: more ornate and visibly monarchic the garb and attire

ve created. The power of the People was broken. No place was left any more for those political pests, the demagogue and the

er (like that of Augustus since 23 B.C.) the provinces of the Senate. More than that, he received a share in the tribunicia

aded Germany and reached the Elbe. 5 In 9 B.C. Drusus died, and two more campaigns against the Germans were conducted by T

ere almost without exception praetorian in rank. At the same time, as more senators reached the consulate, sturdy men withou

had not always been very long or very thorough. The difference lies more in continuous and repeated provincial commands. O

s the trusty and competent C. Sentius Saturninus. 2 But Syria, though more prominent in historical record, was not the only

A, 43 f. On that family, cf. also below, p. 422. PageBook=>400 More important than Syria or Galatia were the northern

n armies with the two great commands in Illyricum and on the Rhine, a more searching trial for the Princeps and his party wh

riety of putting them all in this blank period 9 B.C.–A.D. 6 (or even more narrowly, 6 B.C.–A.D. 4), cf. CQ XXVII (1933), 14

a slight preference for the former alternative: the latter might seem more plausible. Further, the consular legate Cn. Cor

ed and trained. 5 That could not go on. After 19 B.C. there were no more triumphs of senators; and in any case Augustus wo

ly ever a public building erected in Rome at private expense. Nor any more triumphs. At the most, a stray proconsul of Afric

the glory and the vanity of the great Pompeius. Of all that, nothing more . Domitius and Titius were the last commoners to g

the reigning dynasty of imperial Rome. Nor might grateful natives any more exalt a patron with divine honours. The cult of t

hed. The strife for wealth and powrer went on, concealed, but all the more intense and bitter, in the heart of the governing

nitas but loses power as the Princeps encroaches everywhere, grasping more and more. He retains his imperium in the city of

loses power as the Princeps encroaches everywhere, grasping more and more . He retains his imperium in the city of Rome ; 2

. The principes of the Free State might take counsel together, in a more or less public fashion, about matters of weight;

òν σχ∈υ. 2 Dio 56, 28, 2. 3 Tiberius’ practice was different, and more Republican ’super veteres amicos ac familiares vi

intrigue, the second had been unsuccessful in his invasion of Arabia. More modest and more useful men are later found, such

cond had been unsuccessful in his invasion of Arabia. More modest and more useful men are later found, such as C. Turranius,

ature was ill matched with the gay elegance of Julia to call it by no more revealing name. It was the duty and the habit of

ew Monarchy. As the dynastic aspirations of Augustus were revealed, more openly and nearer to success with the growth to m

ngs. His pride had been wounded, his dignitas impaired. But there was more than that. Not merely spite and disappointment ma

upon an untried youth in the twentieth year of his age, that was much more than a contradiction of the constitutional usage

ould succeed him. The aristocracy could tolerate the rule of monarchy more easily than the primacy of one of their own numbe

ius Sulla as his colleague. From that year the practice of appointing more than one pair of consuls becomes regular. On th

s of ancient houses, glorious in the history of the Roman Republic or more recently ennobled. But nobiles, and especially pa

or most narrow type of Republican politician derived commonly from a more recent nobility, or from none at all. The firmest

tonius were twice married, the ramifications of the dynasty grew ever more complex, producing by now a large number of colla

ere personages to be reckoned with especially the son of M. Antonius. More remarkable than any of them, however, is L. Domit

(cos. 16 B.C.), the husband of Augustus’ own niece Antonia, and thus more highly favoured in the matter of political matche

8. 4 ILS 935. 5 Suetonius, Nero 4. PageBook=>422 There was more in him than that either prudence or consummate gu

ely two consuls in 18 B.C., one in 14 B.C. Then an interval, and four more (3 B.C., 1 B.C., A.D. 2, A.D. 10). 4 The last c

ch the consulate, but the family was intact and influential. 4 Of the more recent novi homines, L. Tarius Rufus, though a pe

the princes; and Julia may well have found the accomplished Antonius more amiable than her grim husband. But all is uncerta

was dispatched to the North. There had been fighting in Germany with more credit to Rome, perhaps, and more solid achieveme

e had been fighting in Germany with more credit to Rome, perhaps, and more solid achievement than is indicated by a historia

conspiracy. 4 The charges brought against Agrippa Postumus had been more vague, his treatment more merciful but none the l

s brought against Agrippa Postumus had been more vague, his treatment more merciful but none the less arbitrary and effectiv

ugh the scandals of his family. The disasters of his armies tried him more sorely and wrung from his inhuman composure the d

imus, had made a voyage by sea to visit Agrippa Postumus in secret. 3 More instructive, perhaps, if no more authentic, was t

visit Agrippa Postumus in secret. 3 More instructive, perhaps, if no more authentic, was the report of one of his latest co

dus, cos. A.D. 6 (PIR2, A 369), the son of Paullus and Cornelia, is a more prominent character. His daughter was betrothed t

98, 1): ‘de quo viro hoc omnibus sentiendum ac praedicandum est, esse mores eius vigore ac lenitate mixtissimos. ’ Seneca (Ep

mores eius vigore ac lenitate mixtissimos. ’ Seneca (Epp. 83, 14) is more valuable: ‘L. Piso, urbis custos, ebrius ex quo s

d the numerous branches and relatives of the Cornelii Lentuli, men of more recent stocks such as L. Nonius Asprenas (linked

ss partisans was eager and insistent. ‘Magis alii homines quam alii mores . ’1 So Tacitus, not deluded by the outcome of a c

cessors of the Macedonian; and they had subdued to their rule nations more intractable than the conqueror of all the East ha

l vigour of the martial Republic. They were emboldened to doubt it. 2 More than that, the solid fabric of law and order, bui

s, Romane, memento. 3 But the possession of an empire was something more than a cause for congratulation and a source of r

;442 Marius was an exemplar of ‘Itala virtus’; Sulla Felix was much more a traditional Roman aristocrat than many have bel

war. As for Antonius, he was the archetype of foreign vices ’externi mores ac vitia non Romana’. 2 It was not merely the v

na sed vim promovet insitam, rectique cultus pectora roborant. Much more necessary was precept and coercion among nobiles

was precept and coercion among nobiles less fortunate in politics and more exposed to temptation than the stepsons of the Pr

at office savoured of regimentation, its title was all too revealing. More to the point, he did not need it. The Princeps en

should forbid celibacy (De legibus 3, 7): ‘caelibes esse prohibento, mores populi regunto, probrum in senatu ne relinquonto.

ertius 4, 11, 36. 7 ILS 8403. PageBook=>445 Their names were more often heard in public than was expedient for hone

es and incomplete redress, into a crime. The wife, it is true, had no more rights than before. But the husband, after divorc

us therefore devised rewards for husbands and fathers in the shape of more rapid promotion in the senatorial career, with co

lidity or its success from mere action by a government. There is much more authentic religious sentiment here than has somet

were incomplete or baffled; and the small holding had not become any more remunerative since then. Samnium was a desolation

Thousands and thousands of veterans had been planted in Italy but may more correctly be regarded as small capitalists than a

as spared the realization of such perverse anachronisms. The land was more prosperous than ever before. Peace and security r

farmer, was no grower of cereals but a shrewd and wealthy exponent of more remunerative and more modern methods of cultivati

of cereals but a shrewd and wealthy exponent of more remunerative and more modern methods of cultivation. As in politics, so

duplicity in the social programme of the Princeps is evident enough. More than that, the whole conception of the Roman past

te of his adherents? It was not Rome alone but Italy, perhaps Italy more than Rome, that prevailed in the War of Actium. T

iquo ipse cultu victuque’, effected much by his personal example. Yet more than all that, the sober standards prevalent in t

had already supplied whole legions as well as recruits. If there were more evidence available concerning the legions of the

xploited for Rome’s wars but not as regular troops. The legionary was more often an engineer: the auxilia did most of the fi

at disaster he could have borne the loss of Varus’ three legions with more composure. Despite the varied checks and disapp

cet. 3 Laws were not enough. The revolutionary leader had won power more through propaganda than through force of arms: so

y. The Dictatorship of Caesar at once became an object of lampoons. More deadly, however, was the indirect attack, namely

new Roman literature was designed to be civic rather than individual, more useful than ornamental. Horace, his lyric vein

and respectable: it could be put to good use. Living in a changed and more bracing atmosphere, under the watchword of duty a

curtae nescio quid semper abest rei. 2 Without need of apology and more naturally came the moral, rustic and patriotic ve

aturity in the period of the Revolution; and they all repaid Augustus more than he or the age could give them. Horace was

was the son of a wealthy freedman from Venusia. Virgil and Livy had a more respectable origin. Whatever racial differences t

emn tones for the avenging of Crassus. 1 Antiquities, however, were more in the line of a Callimachus than was contemporar

nds and religious observances with sympathy as well as with elegance. More than all this, however, the lament which he compo

example would cause the lessons of patriotism and morality to spread more widely and sink more deeply. For such as were not

the lessons of patriotism and morality to spread more widely and sink more deeply. For such as were not admitted to the reci

s and confidence in the government. There were less spectacular but more permanent methods of suggestion and propaganda. 9

t is a little surprising that the rich vocabulary of politics was not more frequently drawn upon. Tota Italia would not have

acles and propaganda was sensibly abated but did not utterly cease. A more enduring instrument of power was slowly being for

f that ‘Graeca adulatio’ so loathsome to Republican sentiment becomes more and more lavish and ornate. Not only is Augustus,

raeca adulatio’ so loathsome to Republican sentiment becomes more and more lavish and ornate. Not only is Augustus, like his

east was the theory in so far as concerned Gallia Narbonensis and the more civilized parts of Spain. The Gaul which Caesar

ugh not undisturbed by the nomad Gaetulians. The kings of Thrace were more often engaged in active warfare; and the vigorous

pervened to curb its agents and to render the process of exploitation more tolerable, more regular and more productive. The

its agents and to render the process of exploitation more tolerable, more regular and more productive. The publicani were s

o render the process of exploitation more tolerable, more regular and more productive. The publicani were superseded or redu

unity when Roman armies were absent. Other subject peoples could show more authentic grievances. Augustus intended to keep f

eful to attack Augustus, the plebs could visit their disfavour on the more unpopular of his partisans. M. Titius owed benefi

gging for life. 5 It was a commonplace of antiquity that Princeps was more clement than Dux. Some dismissed it as ‘lassa cru

of the aristocracy, becoming wilder with the years, as despotism grew more secretive and more repressive. ‘Prohibiti per civ

becoming wilder with the years, as despotism grew more secretive and more repressive. ‘Prohibiti per civitatem sermones eoq

inference that Pollio, the eminent consular, like the senator Tacitus more than a century later, was scornful of the academi

86 A critic armed with the acerbity of Pollio must have delivered a more crushing verdict upon a historian from Patavium t

rovincial himself, in a sense. The original sin of Livy is darker and more detestable. The word ‘Patavinitas’ sums up, elega

disreputable actor, a favourite of Maecenas, was an easy target. The more eminent were not immune. He even criticized Polli

history only, but poetry and eloquence also, now that Libertas was no more . The Principate inherited genius from the Triumvi

ect result of the Battle of Actium. In Ann. 1, 1, however, Tacitus is more conciliatory ‘temporibusque Augusti dicendis non

not merely political but social. Sulla, Pompeius and Caesar were all more than mere faction-leaders; yet the personal domin

d and conspicuous monument of military despotism. For the nobiles, no more triumphs after war, no more roads, temples and to

f military despotism. For the nobiles, no more triumphs after war, no more roads, temples and towns named in their honour an

e Lentuli, who had also decided for Pompeius against Caesar, but were more fortunate in duration. 1 The plebeian Claudii Mar

Philippi and the Porcii lapsed into obscurity if not extinction. 1 No more consuls came of the Luculli, the Lutatii, the Hor

marriage alliances and lasted into the reign of Augustus produced no more consuls after that time. That was not all. To R

rilliant and ambitious branch of the Claudii, the Pulchri, but to the more modest Nerones. For Tiberius the splendid prize

inius, Trebonius, Hirtius and Pansa left no consular descendants, any more than had Pompeius’ consuls Afranius and Gabinius.

hters of the patriciate, a Claudia and an Aemilia. 2 Certain of the more reputable of the Triumviral or Augustan novi homi

te that Augustus had founded. Ambition, display and dissipation, or more simply an incapacity to adopt the meaner virtues

y; and much of the hostile testimony that could be adduced is nothing more than the perpetuation of the schematic contrast w

ut Cato was powerless against Roman tradition. The banker Atticus was more typical, if a little narrow, in his conception of

t sought to abolish war and politics. There could be no great men any more : the aristocracy was degraded and persecuted. The

Statilius Taurus, C. Sentius Saturninus, M. Vinicius and P. Silius. 2 More good fortune perhaps than merit that their charac

nder pretext of public service and distinction in oratory or law, but more and more for the sole reason of birth. 1 The Su

ext of public service and distinction in oratory or law, but more and more for the sole reason of birth. 1 The Sullan olig

he Valerii produced a scandalous and bloodthirsty proconsul; 3 and if more were known of the personality of Augustus’ intima

d time-servers survived, earning the gratitude of the Roman People. More reputable and more independent characters than De

ived, earning the gratitude of the Roman People. More reputable and more independent characters than Dellius and Plancus w

lla occupied the house of Antonius on the Palatine. 2 Pollio had been more intractable during the Civil Wars, the only neutr

ious Republic: they had ruined the Roman People. There is something more important than political liberty; and political r

w State, being indebted to it for their preservation and standing. As more and more sons of Roman knights passed by patronag

being indebted to it for their preservation and standing. As more and more sons of Roman knights passed by patronage into th

inevitability but also of the benefits of the system must have become more widely diffused in the Senate. Yet while this pro

ican profession was not so much political as social and moral: it was more often a harmless act of homage to the great past

y absence of any alternative form of rule was an encouragement to the more irresponsible type of serious-minded person. No d

the benefits of an ordered state. Nor was there need for orators any more , for long speeches in the Senate or before the Pe

on Tiberius. It was no less true of the Principate of Augustus rather more so. To be sure, the State was organized under a p

could employ with indifference the names of ‘rex’ or ‘princeps’,3 the more so because a respectable tradition of philosophic

ageBook=>520 The loyal town-council of the colony of Pisa showed more restraint, but meant the same thing, when they ce

imself all the functions of Senate, magistrates and laws. 7 Truly but more penetrating the remark that he entwined himself a

His rule was personal, if ever rule was, and his position became ever more monarchic. Yet with all this, Augustus was not in

sive miracle of duration. As the years passed, he emancipated himself more and more from the control of his earlier partisan

cle of duration. As the years passed, he emancipated himself more and more from the control of his earlier partisans; the no

t lay the foundations of the new order deep and secure. 2 He had done more than that. The Roman State, based firmly on a uni

ew system of government, none the less made the task of his successor more delicate and more arduous. NotesPage=>521

nment, none the less made the task of his successor more delicate and more arduous. NotesPage=>521 1 Tacitus, Ann. 1,

h, handed over to the consul Piso in 23 B.C. But earlier versions may more easily be surmised than detected. The Res Gestae

sar’s heir and avenger alone. 1 Agrippa indeed occurs twice, but much more as a date than as an agent. Other allies of the P

like those accorded to gods by grateful humanity: to Romans he was no more than the head of the Roman State. Yet one thing w

3, 411, 437. Emigration, from Italy, 80, 366 f., 450. Ennius, on ‘ mores antiqui’, 442; on Romulus, 520. Ennoblement, qual