n the text. In some way or other most of the consuls and governors of military provinces gain admittance to the narrative. The i

of a century of anarchy, culminating in twenty years of civil war and military tyranny. If despotism was the price, it was not t

Republic and heirs to a great tradition, not as mere lieutenants of a military leader or subservient agents of arbitrary power.

political orator who fomented civil war to save the Republic and the military adventurer who betrayed and proscribed his ally.

It all seems inevitable, as though destiny ordained the succession of military tyrants. In these last and fatal convulsions, d

orest classes in Italy, were ceasing to feel allegiance to the State; military service was for livelihood, or from constraint, n

f parties largely based on economic interest, of classes even, and of military leaders. Before long the Italian allies were drag

d dangers, to derogate from oligarchic practice and confer exorbitant military power on a single general, to the salvation of Ro

e solid only to outward show and at intervals. Restored to power by a military despot, enriched by proscription and murder, and

, for survival or for power, would ally themselves with the strongest military leader, with Sulla’s heir as before with Sulla.

as ready to bribe the plebs of Rome with corn or money. 4 Against the military dynast now returning from the East he would oppos

hose candidature he supported in 67 (Val. Max. 3, 8, 3). The Pompeian military man M. Petreius, old in service (Sallust, BC 59,

n the next year. By scandalous bribery he secured the election of the military man L. Afranius. The other place was won by Metel

daughter of Piso. Gabinius and Piso in their turn received important military provinces, Syria and Macedonia, through special l

Augustus, the last of the dynasts, took direct charge of the greater military provinces and exercised indirect control over the

Gaul in the design of invading Italy with a great army to establish a military autocracy. Their ambitions and their rivalries mi

act. It declared a state of emergency and instructed Pompeius to hold military levies throughout Italy. 4 The demands for a dict

n barony, went over to the enemy without a blow. No less complete the military miscalculation: the imperator did not answer to h

himself and make his own way along the road to power, beginning as a military demagogue. If Caesar must be judged, it is by f

ademic philosophy. Moreover, the originator of the plot, the dour and military Cassius, was of the Epicurean persuasion and by n

by the Dictator. 1 Two of the three, Gabinius and Messalla, received military commands in the Civil War. Among the other eleven

example, by the sons of the proconsuls with whom Caesar had served as military tribune and as quaestor. 5 Caesar had kept faith

nd in the East furnished scope for political patronage as well as for military experience. His numerous legates might have been

s. 6 Pay, booty and the opportunities for traffic and preferment made military service remunerative. Caesar borrowed funds from

nd influence or the hope of procuring gain and political advancement, military experience was not confined to centurions, their

der in the Gallic campaigns; and some find that his style is not very military . 5 Ad fam. 9, 20, 2. 6 Pliny, NH 15, 49 Pag

us, the knight from Arpinum, was helped by the Metelli. For merit and military service he might enter the senatorial order under

partisans such as the orator and intriguer Lollius Palicanus, and the military men Afranius and Labienus. 4 The defeated still

a, regions where Marian influence was strong furnished partisans. The military man C. Carrinas is presumably Umbrian or Etruscan

ulate there had been scant prospect in the past. But the triumph of a military leader, reviving the party of Marius, might promi

h and striking relief. 6 The four novi homines were all signalized by military service in Gaul. 7 NotesPage=>094 1 For ex

dispositions could all take effect, civil war broke out again and the military leaders accelerated the promotion of the most eff

d fought in Gaul, conspired to assassinate their leader. 4 The soured military man Ser. Sulpicius Galba alleged personal resentm

chery that ruined Antonius, but a fatal chain of miscalculations both military and political, and a sentiment of loyalty incompa

m of Egypt. Nor was trouble likely to come from the other Caesarian military men or recent governors of provinces, few of whom

nius occupied himself with the allotment of lands and the founding of military colonies. He was absent for a month. Various intr

ovided the title of ‘Divi Julii filius’; and from 38 B.C. onwards the military leader of the Caesarian NotesPage=>112 1 O

oast of Albania, occupied in the study of oratory and the practice of military exercises, for he was to accompany the Dictator o

inous to their interests. Remonstrance was addressed to Antonius: the military men urged him to treat Caesar’s heir with loyalty

were the soldiers of Caesar, active in the legions or settled in the military colonies of Italy. While at Apollonia, Octavianus

tavianus had not carried all Campania with him: two old Caesarians of military experience, Decidius Saxa and a certain Cafo, rai

chosen to declare Octavianus a public enemy, nor did he now turn his military strength, superior for the moment, in the directi

own game or bound to Antonius; and some of the best of the Caesarian military men were absent in the provinces. The earliest

es and make concessions to Caesar. 1 Cicero was induced to accept a military command under Pompeius, but lingered in Campania,

ain the doom of Antonius would warn the young man against aspiring to military despotism and would reveal the strength which the

;145 ranks of the principes for varied talent, for civil as well as military distinction; access lay open to merit as well as

and the good statesman would not be deserted by his peers, coerced by military dynasts or harried by tribunes. This treatise w

Once again the ideal statesman is depicted in civilian rather than in military garb; and the ambition of unscrupulous principes

en short of genuine renown. The good statesman will not imitate those military dynasts: but he needs fame and praise to sustain

listened to speeches and passed decrees; the Republic, liberated from military despotism, entered into the possession of its rig

help the State on whichever side they stood. 2 The conversion of a military leader might sometimes have to be enforced, or at

s ranks and assigned to him, along with the consuls, the direction of military operations against Antonius, with the title of pr

trong political ties or sentiments. In the north winter still held up military operations. At Rome politics lapsed for the rest

laimed. It existed already. For the moment, however, no change in the military situation in the north. The eastern provinces bro

0, 25 f. 2 Phil. 11 (c. March 6th). PageBook=>173 impair the military fervour of the patriotic front. 1 The project was

or to the Liberators; Cicero and his friends had reckoned without the military resource of the best general of the day and the p

er been Cicero’s darling notion to play the political counsellor to a military leader; and this was but the culmination of the p

to the people in the Forum; and an officer was dispatched to organize military levies in Picenum. The rumour was false. 2 On t

he is not heard of again. Antonius’ adherent Q. Fufius Calenus held a military command and died in 40 B.C.; but the Caesarian no

ory. 2 The pace was fast, the competition ferocious. The ranks of the military men find steady accessions as battle, failure or

rigin no more distinguished than Agrippa, was his senior in years and military experience. His example showed that the holding o

not unique: foreigners or freed slaves might compete with knights for military command in the wars of the Revolution. 2 The Re

no pact or peace. 1 When the Caesarian leaders united to establish a military dictatorship and inaugurate a class-war, there wa

ctavianus was not merely a revolt of middle-class opinion against the military despotism of the Triumvirate or an interested all

account of Appian, where he appears as a champion of Libertas against military despotism, of the consular power against the Triu

ing out of date. Antonius, however, was still the victor of Philippi; military repute secured him the larger share of credit for

im that he had been thwarted and deceived. He may have hoped that his military genius as well as his ships would NotesPage=>

. PageBook=>231 Caesar’s heir was damaged and discredited. The military glory of Antonius was revived in the triumph whic

Sicily. But Octavianus had not acquired and practised the arts of the military demagogue for nothing. He entered the camp of Lep

yal or obedient Italian municipalities. 6 At Rome the homage due to a military leader and guarantor of peace was enhanced by off

the plebs enjoyed. 7 He had already usurped the practice of putting a military title before his own name, calling himself ‘Imper

for personal domination the name and pretext of liberty. The young military leader awoke to a new confidence in himself. Of h

the work of his lieutenants. His health was frail, scanty indeed his military skill. But craft and diplomacy, high courage and

and Plancus, were with Antonius. Octavianus had two and two only, the military men C. Carrinas and Cn. Domitius Calvinus. Carrin

or Octavianus the year after. No other nobilis can be found holding military command under Caesar’s heir in the four years bef

line of the aristocracy of Lucania. 4 These were able or unscrupulous military men, the first of new families to attain the cons

ius. He easily found in the years that followed the men to govern the military provinces of Gaul, Spain and Africa. 1 A powerful

g man became formidable. As a demagogue he had nothing to learn: as a military leader he needed to show the soldiery that he was

ld come. After the termination of the Sicilian and maritime war the military exploits in Illyricum enhanced the prestige of th

l Q. Laronius became consul; the other six were commended by no known military service to the Triumvirs. Nor did they achieve gr

tinction for peaceful studies earned no honour on that account from a military despotism. Among the earliest consuls, Plancus an

truculent manner of speech would be well matched with the temper of a military age. Some at least of the merits of the plain sty

rmula, necessary in the beginning for the success of agricultural and military operations, had been carefully maintained by the

he Senate by the censors of 50 B.C., he returned with Caesar, holding military command in the wars and governing a province. 1 T

ous and unrelenting, took on the contemporary features of a Caesarian military leader. 5 Civil war, tearing aside words, forms

o employ Virgil’s art in the service of Caesar’s heir. The heroic and military age demanded an epic poem for its honour; and his

ne and Cappadocia lent help to the invader, while Deiotarus, the most military of them all, lay low, aged but not decrepit: true

gence of the Ptolemaic kingdom in splendour and wealth, though not in military power. She had reconstituted her heritage, now po

Egyptian alliance Antonius hoped to derive money and supplies for his military enterprises. Egypt, the most valuable of the depe

onference of Tarentum. 6 Of no note in the arts of peace were certain military men and admirals like Insteius from Pisaurum, Q.

essive, to the Roman State a cause of disintegration by reason of the military ambition of the proconsuls and the extortions of

a brief renascence as though it were not fettered to the policy of a military despot. To liberty itself the Republic was now

a safe and inglorious neutrality. Yet Antonius could count upon tried military men like Sosius and Canidius. No names are reco

ss the balance of Roman politics and to thwart the popular tribune or military dynast. Such at least was the plea and profession

official inscriptions. 1 For the present, as Italy loathed war and military despotism, the immediate purpose of the oath was

sen des Prinzipats, 53. PageBook=>289 oath was imposed. In the military colonies and they were numerous there can have be

is period, L. Ovidius Ventrio, a municipal magistrate with equestrian military service behind him, the first man to be accorded

also been administered to the provinces of the West. As in Italy, the military colonies were the chief support of Octavianus’ po

al damage of an invasion of Italy in the company of Egypt’s Queen. On military calculation, to disembark in Italy was hazardous—

3 Plancus and Titius had departed on a political calculation. Now the military situation was desperate, heralding the end of a g

was a closer danger, his own equals and rivals, the proconsuls of the military provinces. Egypt was secure, or deemed secure, in

elf in the embarrassing possession of nearly seventy legions. For the military needs of the empire, fewer than thirty would be a

uguration of the temple of Divus Julius in 29 B.C.4 But insistence on military monarchy and Trojan ancestry might provoke disqui

als, such as Agrippa, Calvisius and Taurus, to any extremity. But the military oligarchy was highly variegated. There was scarce

n hand, a feat that had fallen to only two Romans since Romulus. Such military glory infringed a monopoly. The opportune discove

ns before Livy stated that Cornelius Cossus won the spolia opima when military tribune: but Augustus told Livy that he had seen

mphed from Gaul on September 25th, 27 B.C., was in command of a great military province at the time of Crassus’ dispute with Oct

grandson of a dynast who had taken rank with Pompeius and Caesar; in military glory he was a sudden rival to the new Romulus, w

avianus would now remove the proconsuls from the more powerful of the military provinces and control these regions directly hims

t, proconsuls might govern, in appearance unhindered. Some would have military provinces in their charge, about which due foresi

and party politics were deemed to be over and gone. The word had too military a flavour for all palates: it would be expedient

th some harmless flavouring that smacked of tradition and custom. The military leader wished to be known as a magistrate. An app

s use of ‘imperator’ as a part of his name recalled his Caesarian and military character; and he ruled the provinces with an aut

word that meant ‘dux’. 5 NotesPage=>312 1 Propertius 2, 10, 4 ( military ); 16, 20 (combined with a reference to the ‘casa

rovince was large and formidable, comprising the most powerful of the military territories of the Empire and the majority of the

guardians of the frontiers. Nor need the new system be described as a military despotism. Before the law, Augustus was not the c

had fallen as Caesar’s enemy, as a champion of the Free State against military despotism. Virgil in the Aeneid, when he matched

provinces; and he spent his money with ostentation and for power. The military colonies in Italy and abroad were a network of hi

g of a strict monarchical rule; he observed that the pay of Augustus’ military guard was doubled at the same time—and that in vi

onomic activity. Indeed, the precise formulation of the powers of the military leader in the res publica which he sought to ‘est

ation of a faction was to be permanent and unshaken: the era of rival military leaders had closed. 6 NotesPage=>324 1 Dio

hat he deemed necessary for his designs, the consulate and a group of military provinces. Definition of powers and extent of pro

to the Senate; and proconsuls remained, as before, in charge of three military provinces. But Augustus was not surrendering powe

Rome could boast in 27 B.C. some eleven viri triumphales. Some of the military men were advanced in years, namely the senior con

e Q. Laronius, M. Herennius, L. Vinicius are not found in charge of military provinces; still less such nobiles as the three V

sulars with armies were rivals to the Princeps in power as well as in military glory. It would be expedient to rely instead upon

e seems to balance the provincia of the Princeps - it comprised three military provinces, Illyricum, Macedonia and Africa. Not

from time to time men of consular rank would be put in charge of the military provinces of Illyricum and Macedonia; and such ar

It will be conjectured that the Senate’s choice of governors for the military provinces of Illyricum, Macedonia and Africa, in

B.C. (Dio 54, 3, 2—misdated to 22 b.c.). 4 For example, no previous military service of the novi homines C. Sentius Saturninus

legates of Augustus. As for Rome, Augustus was allowed to retain his military imperium within the gates of the city. That was o

were the Revolution itself the Army and the People. On them stood the military and monarchic demagogue. For Augustus the consu

restige for the new government. 3 Not only that. Syria was the only military province in the East except Egypt. Egypt might se

ence, proconsuls of Africa were permitted to wage wars and to acquire military glory L. Sempronius Atratinus triumphed from Afri

ritan, ‘vir rusticitati propior quam deliciis’,4 visibly embodied the military and peasant virtues of old Rome. PageNote. 341

ppa might be his minister, the organizer of victory and warden of the military provinces; or, failing Agrippa, the experienced T

ore easy. The justification for advancement lay in service above all, military service. In this way a soldier’s family might ris

lyrian brigands became emperors of Rome. Excited by the ambition of military demagogues, the claims of the armed proletariat o

ion of their farms, the veterans were now the strongest pillar of the military monarchy. Twenty-eight colonies in Italy and a la

te perpetuated, a path of promotion for the common soldier. Under the military and social hierarchy of the Republic he could ris

loyment and for the profits of the centurionate. But the positions of military tribune in the legions and of cavalry commander (

posts. The Revolution brought a change, deriving perhaps from purely military needs as well as from social and political causes

in two ways. First, soldiers or soldiers’ sons become knights through military service. T. Flavius Petro, from Reate, a Pompeian

illion sesterces. 5 During the Triumviral period an ex-slave became military tribune. Horace is ferociously indignant ‘hoc, ho

prejudices of birth. In the Principate, sons of freedmen soon occupy military posts; 7 and, just as under the Republic, they ar

class of knights, indeed, is the cardinal factor in the whole social, military and political structure of the New State. In the

soon declines in importance. PageBook=>356 None the less, the military knight found ample occupation and increased rewar

s in youth and passing almost at once into the Senate, others after a military career as knights. C. Velleius Paterculus, of Cam

ing from Augustus ennoblement of their families. In the forefront the military men, carrying on the tradition of the marshals of

nificant phenomenon the renewed advance of novi homines, most of them military . Picenum, as would be expected, supplied soldiers

us to a promising young Ovidius. This was no commercial upstart, no military careerist rising in social status through service

ted in peace. Augustus encouraged the towns to commend candidates for military posts in the equestrian service. 1 Further, he de

the sons of the slain were found willing to make their peace with the military dynast. Augustus bent all his efforts to attach

of 23 B.C., removing from men’s eyes one of the visible evidences of military despotism. Next year Augustus himself set out on

ach year one of the two consuls had been a partisan of Augustus and a military man, the first to ennoble his family, namely L. A

om 18 to 13 B.C. only two novi homines appear on the Fasti, both with military service to their credit, as against eleven nobile

ces, through new conquests and by the creation of Moesia to the seven military commands which the developed system could show in

the real working of patronage. Under the Republic nobility of birth, military service, distinction in oratory or law, these wer

the revolutionary marshals, could show to their credit service in the military provinces before the consulate. Such were M. Loll

roperties in Istria, whole armies of slaves at Rome. 3 The successful military man of parsimonious tastes, L. Tarius Rufus, acqu

Senate to the Princeps. 1 If appointed by lot at all, certain of the military proconsuls in the early years of the Principate,

ce was left any more for those political pests, the demagogue and the military adventurer. That did not mean that the direction

ies, holding the most powerful of them through his own legates. Three military provinces, however, were governed by proconsuls.

an ode. 2 The nobiles can hardly be said to fare any better. 3 To the military men who served the dynasty and the State, Augustu

blishment of Roman troops, the veteran colonies in this region served military purposes of defence. Further, legions were requir

s intention is palpable and flagrant in Velleius Paterculus. The only military operations that he mentions during the absence of

been divided in the last years of the Principate, there existed seven military commands held by imperial legates of consular ran

4), dating the transference to 11 B.C., assigns as cause the need for military protection which fits his conception of the origi

cum and Judaea. PageBook=>395 To the Senate he had restored no military territories, but only, from time to time, certain

ary calamities that so often attend upon the theoretical study of the military art or on a prolonged and deadening course of pro

ius. Of the others, the obscure Petreius was also in high repute as a military man. 4 He may have served in Spain before Varro c

young sons of senators, aspirants to the senatorial career, serve as military tribunes, sometimes as praefecti equitum as well.

ecti equitum as well. 5 So great was the emphasis laid by Augustus on military service that he would even place two senators’ so

fully developed system of the Principate, the previous experience as military tribune and legionary legate gained by a man desc

litaris’, and destined after his consulate to govern one of the great military provinces, had not always been very long or very

etuated the premium on specialization, for political no less than for military reasons: elderly novi homines were safe. Lollius

esign has conspired with accident, for the Princeps intended that the military achievements of his rule should be glorified at t

at the expense of their real but subordinate authors. Many important military operations are barely known, other campaigns no d

into oblivion. No complete record exists either of governors of the military provinces or of the careers of the most eminent g

e attained, or even precision in detail. But this dating will fit the military situation and the condition of the ancient source

nd honour. In the interests of an ordered commonwealth, consulate and military command were removed from competition and from pr

nceps, in virtue of his imperium controlled the greater number of the military regions directly, and all provinces indirectly. T

the danger was averted by a veiled coup d’état on the part of certain military men who constrained Nerva to adopt and designate

sul at the age of twenty-nine but that was after service in war, as a military tribune in Spain, a general in Armenia and in the

e, so far as is known, were permitted by Augustus to govern the great military provinces. They made alliances among themselves a

s to be detected on the consular Fasti and in the apportioning of the military provinces. The supersession of Sentius in Syria b

ff there was a varied company that included L. Aelius Seianus and the military tribune Velleius Paterculus. 2 Tiberius came to

ld feuds or suppressed rancour, persuaded Tiberius to defraud them of military glory. The deplorable Lollius had a son, it is tr

ia Paullina. P. Vinicius and P. Silius, the sons of marshals, began a military career, commanding the army of the Balkans after

ter their praetorships; 2 they received the consulate but no consular military province. Silius’ two brothers attained to the co

two brothers attained to the consulate, only one of them, however, to military command. 3 This being so, few indeed of the nobil

amely, the ceremonial which he desired for his funeral, a list of the military and financial resources and obligations of the go

reluctant, through a series of accidents, the ever-widening claims of military security and the ambition of a few men. Cicero an

th and corporate feeling in the Roman youth, Augustus revived ancient military exercises, like the Lusus Troiae. 3 PageNotes.

men of the officer class. These bodies provided an apprenticeship for military service, opportunities for social and political a

e city states of Greece but inculcated from early days at Rome by the military needs of the Republic, namely readiness to admit

he economy of Italy. Over a hundred years earlier, the decline of the military population had excited the alarm and the desperat

hentic and revolutionary Gracchi were at one in awarding to moral and military excellence the primacy over pecuniary profit. If

the precepts touching agriculture and the good life which the retired military tribune C. Castricius caused to be engraved on hi

s for members of the Italian bourgeoisie. 2 But they were a tough and military stock. That was what was wanted. Nor indeed was

, and his own apologist the style of his writing was effective, being military and Roman, devoid of pomp and verbosity; and he s

e in a conspicuous ode. Not so Messalla, however. As for the plebeian military men promoted under the New State, there is no evi

f. PageBook=>471 Around the Forum stood the mailed statues of military men with the inscribed record of their res gestae

umen of Augustus. 5 Italy and the provinces of the West had sworn a military oath of personal allegiance to the military leade

s of the West had sworn a military oath of personal allegiance to the military leader in the War of Actium: it did not lapse whe

t the legions and colonies of Rome. In origin, the Roman colony was a military station. In Italy garrisons of the government, in

of the generals of Augustus who encroached upon Tiberius’ monopoly of military glory, whether personal enemies of Tiberius or no

altogether. Vinicius could not decently be omitted: the praise of his military achievements is cool and temperate. 5 Velleius

e the Princeps himself, Agrippa the solid and conspicuous monument of military despotism. For the nobiles, no more triumphs afte

he Picene Q. Poppaeus Secundus, were unmarried. The other Poppaeus, a military man, left a daughter. 1 Quirinius, however, could

the son of a consular and therefore a person of social as well as of military distinction. With Trajan, a Spanish and Narbonens

. Hostility to the nobiles was engrained in the Principate from its military and revolutionary origins. In the first decade of

n of Nemausus Pompeia Marullina, sister, wife or mother of an eminent military man of the time, whose name is missing (CIL XII,

nobiles like Ahenobarbus, Piso and Paullus Fabius Maximus govern the military provinces, it is true. But a rational distrust pe

e Emperor could not. Before long the nobiles disappear from the great military commands. Eight legions on the Rhine, brigaded in

a prudent choice. They also thought that they could safely entrust a military province, Hispania Citerior (Tarraconensis), to a

ons or grandsons of Roman knights for the most part, govern the great military provinces of the Empire. Though all too often a

aud as well as an anachronism it rested upon support and subsidy by a military leader, the enemy of their class, acquired in ret

il war. It was averted by the adoption of Trajan, the governor of the military province of Upper Germany: less was heard about L

ed beyond it. What was a special plea and political propaganda in the military plebiscite of 32 B.C. became a reality under the

ugh it may have parallels in the language of the Stoics, is Roman and military . 2 He would not desert his post until a higher co

paganda, 155, 160, 469 f. Collegia iuvenum, 384, 445 f. Colonies, military , 88, 111, 125, 196, 233, 287, 352; in the provinc

ovinces, 79 f., 292, 366, 367; organic function of, 366 f., 474, 478; military value 478. Comites, 385. Commands, extraordin

ate, 351; under the Principate, 355; see also Knights. Firmius, L., military tribune, 354. Firmum, 169. Flavii, 83, 354, 361

esar, 76, 130; of Pompeius, 76, 385; with Sex. Pompeius, 228; holding military commands, 201; unpopular in 32 B.C., 284; status

mperial freedmen, 385, 410; legislation concerning, 446; enrolled for military service, 458. Freedom, see Libertas. Freedom

234 ff., 327 f.; of Antonius, 266 ff.; of Augustus, 329 f., 397 ff.; military experience of, 395. Gentilicia, as historical e

363; control of law courts, 13; entry to Senate, 10, 13, 81, 358 ff.; military service, 70 f., 78 f., 82, 353 ff., 395 f.; in th

praetorian, 327, 329 f., 393; in 27–23 B.C., 329 f.; choice of, 395; military experience, 396 f.; long tenures, 397. Legions,

ius Crispus, Q., Caesarian partisan, 64, 111, 171, 199; his extensive military experience, 396. Marcius Philippus, L. (cos. 91

, 453, 455 f.; brought into Roman politics, 285 f., 359 ff., 364; and military service, 356; organic function in the system of t

t, 510 f.; vices of, 511; decline and fall of, 490 ff.; superseded in military commands, 502 ff. Nola, siege of, 87. Nomencl

.; growth of, in Italy, 287 f.; north-Italian, 465; Roman, 440 f.; in military colonies, 478. Patronage, control of, 15, 32, 3

ian in Thessaly, 262. Petreius, M., Pompeian partisan, 31, 163; his military experience, 396. Petronius, C., noted voluptuary,

f., 160. Rhosus, 236. Roads, care and repair of, 402; importance in military policy, 413; Via Egnatia, 202, 294, 413; Aemilia,

wealth, 195; proscribed, 193, 247; literary works, 247, 253 f., 460; military experience, 31, 396. Terentius Varro, M., attes

. 44 B.C.), 91. Velitrae, 83, 132, 236, 362. Velius Rufus, C, his military career, 354. Velleius, C., grandfather of Velle

Velleius Paterculus, 383. Velleius Paterculus, C, his origin, 360; military service, 356, 360, 428; family, 383 f.; dishonest

e, 372; a personal friend of Augustus, 376; his. patronage, 384; long military career, 397, 413; re-emergence after 6 B.C., 41