operty by a revolutionary leader. The happy outcome of the Principate might be held to justify, or at least to palliate, the

o objects and claims him for a Stoic. PageBook=>003 of the law might circumscribe the prerogative of the First Citizen

breach between Pompeius and Caesar and the outbreak of war in 49 B.C. might appear to open the final act in the fall of the R

ancestors aspired to the highest magistracy of the Roman Republic2 he might rise to the praetorship but no higher, save by a

blement) was a rare phenomenon at Rome. 3 Before the sovran people he might boast how he had led them to victory in a mighty

nal allegiance contracted in every walk of life, the political dynast might win influence not merely in Rome but in the count

ng the plebs and by due subservience towards the financial interests, might have perpetuated in Rome and Italy its harsh and

as an advocate, though not brilliant cautious and crafty in habit, he might seem destined by wealth, family, and paramount in

nship and reciprocal interest. They called themselves Optimates: they might properly be described, in contemporary definition

rinciple to give inner coherence and courage to make the reforms that might save and justify the rule of class and privilege.

heirs of the dominant and interlocking groups of the governing party might assert the claims of birth and talent. There were

ath, the predominance of the Metelli seemed to be passing. Leadership might therefore fall to that part of the oligarchy whic

in financial subsidy to his allies and tireless in the law-courts, he might yet prevail against the popularity and laurels of

mpeius was Princeps beyond dispute but not at Rome. By armed force he might have established sole rule, but by that alone and

pursuit of ambition to adopt the language and tactics of a demagogue, might be captured by the government at a certain stage

loud threats that he would deprive Caesar of army and provinces. Some might hope to persuade Pompeius, making him sacrifice C

s which he may have done much to provoke. 4 Had he dropped Caesar, he might have been entrapped by the Optimates and circumve

o establish a military autocracy. Their ambitions and their rivalries might have been tolerated in a small city-state or in a

hians (53 B.C.), the danger of a breach between Pompeius and his ally might appear imminent. It was not so in reality. Pompei

th were retained in Italy. Though Pompeius or the enemies of Caesar might prevail at the consular elections, that was no un

r patron, were ready to bring their levies at his command. Magnus, it might seem, was strong enough to prevent civil war, fre

sing. Death took off their consuls one by one. 2 Marriage or adoption might retrieve the waning fortunes of a noble family.

t was often conceit or stupidity and mistook craft for sagacity. They might have known better Cato’s stubborn refusal to agre

d Pompeius listened and consented to an interview, their old amicitia might have been repaired. With the nominal primacy of P

stige of Pompeius. They would be able to deal with Pompeius later. It might not come to open war; and Pompeius was still in t

orbade intervention in a struggle which was not their own. 2 Pompeius might stamp with his foot in the land of Italy, as he h

al powers: after a civil war the need was patent. The Dictator’s task might well demand several years. In 46 B.C. his powers

he eastern frontier of the Empire. At Rome he was hampered: abroad he might enjoy his conscious mastery of men and events, as

te by the interested device of the leaders of the Caesarian party. It might appear that subsequent accounts have been guilty

future or laid the foundation of a consistent government. Whatever it might be, it would owe more to the needs of the moment

y pause from political activity: with the lapse of time the situation might become clearer in one way or another. NotesPage

becomes irrelevant. Caesar was slain for what he was, not for what he might become. 6 The assumption of a Dictatorship for li

bsence, the passage of time and the solid benefits of peace and order might abate men’s resentment against Caesar, insensibly

rsuits of Marcus Brutus, the representative figure in the conspiracy, might lend plausible colouring to such a theory. Yet it

nsactions (SIG3 748, 36): Brutus, invoking the sanctity of contracts, might have urged that, after all, they had ‘hired the m

essed. 1 Nor was his political conduct wholly to be predicted. Brutus might well have been a Caesarian neither he nor Caesar

rutus 4, cf. Pompeius 64). PageBook=>059 Brutus and his allies might invoke philosophy or an ancestor who had liberate

Neutrality was repugnant to a noble and a man of spirit: but kinship might be invoked in excuse. Hence one of the Marcelli,

nsulars who supported Pompeius and of Cato’s partisans. 2 Civil war might cut across families: as this was a contest neithe

n of Philippus joined the Caesarian tribunes. 4 Old associations that might have appeared negligible or tenuous were faithful

al patronage as well as for military experience. His numerous legates might have been the nucleus of a formidable faction. 3

atter class does not show a conspicuously high proportion. 5 Whatever might be their origin or affiliation, the generals of t

hope for the consulate. 7 Other Pompeians and other men from Picenum might be captured by the arts, the gold NotesPage=>

f Rome. 2 Patrician and plebeian understood each other. The patrician might recall past favours conferred upon the Roman pleb

efended the man of Gades. Cicero also spoke. Envious detractors there might be but Balbus, the friend of such eminent citizen

Alps. Excellent men from the colonies and municipia of the Cisalpina might be found among the officers and friends of Pompei

er the menace of expulsion by implacable censors; the scribe likewise might well be in possession of the census of a Roman kn

olonies and municipia of this region, virile, prosperous and reputed, might with truth be extolled as the flower of Italy, th

sway the policy of his city or influence a whole region of Italy3 he might be able, like the Roman noble, to levy a private

d men could remember whole wars waged by a single clan. Such families might modify their name to a Latin flexion; but praenom

wer at Rome, the patricians were ready to enlist allies wherever they might be found. They spread their influence among the l

is Etruscan, disguised by a Latin termination. 3 The plebeian houses might acquire wealth and dynastic power at Rome, but th

Arpinum, was helped by the Metelli. For merit and military service he might enter the senatorial order under their protection

um Italicum, gain from Caesar the dignity they deserved but otherwise might never have attained. Herius Asinius, the first ma

.C.), on whom below, p. 199. PageBook=>094 obscure men. 1 That might be expected: it is the earliest consuls that conv

. But the triumph of a military leader, reviving the party of Marius, might promise change. 2 Cicero claimed that in the spac

r the funeral (see the preceding note), it would not prove, though it might support, the view that Antonius intended to cause

esarian, respect for liberty, for tradition, and for the constitution might appear to survive in Italy. Not everywhere, or am

escence of the irregular cult of Caesar at Rome: it was hoped that he might be induced to support the Liberators. 1 Further,

ength, when the popular excitement had subsided: time and forbearance might triumph over violence, heroism or principle. The

m politics and political strife so firmly imposed by the Dictatorship might even be prolonged. It all turned upon the Caesari

onius desired them to be away from Rome: a temporary absence at least might have been admitted by the friends of Brutus, to s

s outside Rome, provoking a native rising in Gaul or else the legions might invade Italy to avenge the Imperator. Unable to r

he Dictator’s war-chest, intended for the Balkan and eastern wars, it might be doubted whether much was still at Rome for Ant

dily. To what end? Primacy in the Caesarian party was now his: but he might have to fight to retain it. More than that, Ant

in his consulate. For the sake of peace, the predominance of Antonius might have to be admitted by neutrals even by Republica

t to his province. Lepidus, through his family connexion with Brutus, might prove a bond of alliance between the Caesarians a

ng with the principes a source of intrigue and feuds. Pompeius they might have tolerated for a time, or even Caesar, but no

to be stripped of its legions. As for the East, Trebonius and Cimber might have Asia and Bithynia: the only armies east of M

was the Lex de permutatione provinciarum (June 1st). 4 This manoeuvre might well alarm the moderates NotesPage=>115 1

crudescence of public disorder and the emergence of a Caesarian rival might well force Antonius back again to the policy whic

informants from Rome reported at Rhegium an expectation that Antonius might surrender his provincial command, that Brutus and

. 113; 10, 8. PageBook=>120 July has already been narrated. He might invoke the tribunate, emulating the Gracchi and a

Dictator, to their apprehensions or envy of Antonius: through them he might hope to influence neutral or Republican elements.

f it did, it would have been very different and very short. Lessons might indeed be learned, but from men and affairs, from

but not hopeless on the other side, certain moderates and Republicans might be lured and captured by the genial idea of emplo

d until the expiration of his consular year, he was lost. His enemies might win the provincial armies. Brutus and Cassius had

ypt were riotous, that Cassius was expected there. 3 Further, Cassius might appeal to the large armies in Syria. It was proba

mised. They would have to go quietly for the present but their chance might come. Octavianus’ other relatives were of little

y the beginning of October the young man possessed a huge war-fund it might provide Antonius with an incentive to attack and

er the last name, If Nicolaus is correct and correctly transmitted we might have here not Maecenas but his father (so Münzer,

attempts at identification have been made, none satisfactory. Λ∈ύκιος might be Balbus but Balbus’ activities were usually les

story: he derided them as torpid and bibulous. 2 Hirtius and Pansa might yet save the Republic, not, as some hoped, by act

nonentity is a power when consul at Rome. A policy they had, and they might achieve it to restore concord in the Caesarian pa

acking of senior statesmen in the Senate: through their auctoritas he might acquire recognition and official standing. Which

inst Antonius, namely L. Piso, P. Servilius and Cicero, and therefore might be said to have encouraged the designs of Octavia

ch of neglecting the public good for the pursuit of selfish pleasure, might still be NotesPage=>135 1 Cicero, In Pison

en the parties. Being related to Brutus, to Cassius and to Lepidus he might become the link in a new political alignment betw

o surrendered to the obsession. Otherwise there were many things that might have brought Cicero and Caesar together a common

absent Pompeians, who would deal with neutrals as with enemies. Spain might bring them victory after all. The agonies of a lo

Senate, the theatre of his old triumphs. With the passing of time, he might indeed have silenced his conscience and acquiesce

of the Senate on August 1st and some prospect that Brutus and Cassius might return to political life. 1 Cicero turned back.

to meet. By venturing to attack the policy of Antonius, Cicero, it might be argued, came out into the open at last, and ma

erhaps have had cognizance at Leucopetra. Only a domestic quarrel, it might appear, in the ranks of the Caesarian party: yet

ake the waters. 5 Wherever there was trouble, the secret agent Balbus might be detected in the background. For Cicero, in fea

a were enthusiastic. Among the plebs he had a great following; and he might win more respectable backing. ‘But look at his ag

eserted his post after March 17th when concord and ordered government might still have been achieved. Now, at last, a chanc

firm as Cato had stood, he would be the leader of the Optimates. It might fairly be claimed that Cicero made ample atonemen

at the outset, had not always been sustained with constancy. 1 Cicero might rail at the consulars: but the advocates of conco

chable Balbus. Would that all good men and champions of Rome’s empire might become her citizens! Where a man came from did no

ceive the hardened adept at the game of Roman politics, none the less might influence the innocent or the neutral. Merely to

that was too simple, too crude. It had all been heard before: but it might be hard to resist the deceitful assertions of a p

tical literature of the period had been more abundantly preserved, it might be discovered that respect for law, tradition and

to be ‘enemies of peace’. 1 In detestation of civil war, Republicans might honestly hold an unjust peace to be better than t

be spurned because they were dangerous as well as dishonourable5 they might impair the resolution of the patriotic front. 6 T

man and a Senator. 7 In open war the language of peace and goodwill might still suitably be employed to seduce the allies o

most binding ties of personal allegiance. For profit or for safety it might be necessary to change sides. Suitable terminolog

. The legionaries at least were sincere. From personal loyalty they might follow great leaders like Caesar or Antonius: the

on whichever side they stood. 2 The conversion of a military leader might sometimes have to be enforced, or at least accele

dinary commands were against the spirit of the constitution8 but they might be necessary to save the State. Of that the Senat

atus fuit. ’ PageBook=>161 not everything. A leader or a party might find that the constitution was being perversely i

rprise of citizens, banded together for the good of the Commonwealth, might then organize opinion in Italy so as to exert uno

oldiery recompense in land and money. The claim urged for D. Brutus might perhaps be defended: he was at least a magistrate

nsul Antonius. That prospect was cheerfully envisaged. What resources might be enlisted for the struggle? The authority of

which fixed two years as the tenure of a consular province: but that might have been contested, for Antonius’ command was no

g could be done, and Antonius, his rights and his prestige respected, might show himself amenable to an accommodation. Seven

ption of irrevocable measures. Under the threat of war a compromise might save appearances: which did not meet the ideas of

he terms that the adversary would offer, he conjectured that Antonius might yield the Cisalpina but cling to Gallia Comata. 2

up the Flaminia to Ariminum but not to fight if he could avoid it. He might yet baffle both Cicero and Antonius. But he could

mies of the Republic in northern Italy would have an easy task. So it might seem. Antonius broke away, moving along the Aemil

e the person of Octavianus. Hirtius and Pansa, at the head of armies, might have been able to arrest hostilities after the de

olved to stand firm, precarious though his own position was. Antonius might be destroyed hence ruin to the Caesarian cause, a

egain the support of Lepidus and Plancus. Antonius and the Liberators might even combine against their common enemy civil war

nger vicissitudes of alliance. 3 Yet, even if this did not happen, he might be caught between Caesarians in the West and Repu

Book=>167 their estates; and the soldiers serving in the legions might expect ultimate recompense from their generals wi

to be discarded. 3 Cicero and Octavianus were to be joint consuls. It might fairly be represented that the mature wisdom of a

tions of a slave to a despot. ’1 Cicero had suggested that Octavianus might be induced to pardon the assassins of Caesar. ‘Be

apital. As in Sulla’s proscription, nobiles and political adversaries might head the list: the bulk is made up by the names o

n legions. But Salvidienus was not unique: foreigners or freed slaves might compete with knights for military command in the

w became the recompense of craft or crime. ‘Non mos, non ius. ’3 So might the period be described. But the Caesarians claim

gmatic alien called Machaeras (Josephus, BJ 1, 317, &c). The name might really be ‘Machares’, which occurs in the royal h

ous struggle was a potent argument for concord. Brutus and Antonius might have understood each other and compromised for pe

ave risen to his thoughts. Brutus had divined it Antonius, he said, might have been numbered with Cato, with Brutus and wit

e hands of Pompeius. As for Africa, should Lepidus make complaint, he might have that for his share. These engagements were d

dealing with L. Antonius, that was the least of his difficulties. He might easily be overwhelmed by the Antonian generals, s

ν ξίωσιν καθαιρ . PageBook=>210 his way to Spain; 1 and now he might bar the return of Octavianus’ best marshal and la

il war with a fair prospect of destroying the rival Caesarian leader, might well seem to cry out for an explanation. It was e

s to rally and march against Antonius; some turned back. 4 Octavianus might command a mass of legions: they were famished and

ar which bore as its title the consulate of Pollio and Calvinus. 4 It might not have happened: the armed confrontation of the

tions of astrologers and the speculations of Pythagorean philosophers might conspire with some plausibility and discover in t

Philippi and Perusia it had seemed for a time that the young Pompeius might be a champion of the Republican cause. But it was

eed slaves manned his ships and filled his motley legions. Pompeius might sweep the seas, glorying in the favour and name o

e seas, glorying in the favour and name of Neptune; 4 the Roman plebs might riot in his honour it was only from hatred of Cae

ovincial clientela like that of Pompeius or the Caesarian leaders, he might still exert the traditional policy of family alli

ghter of Antonius. Again, Republicans in the company of Sex. Pompeius might be able to influence Antonius or Lepidus: they ha

p of Agrippa and the diplomacy of Maecenas. Lacking either of them he might have been lost. Antonius was induced to come to T

imself ‘Imperator Caesar’. 8 The Senate and People for these bodies might suitably be convoked for ceremonial purposes or g

tavianus was already exploring the propaganda and the sentiments that might serve him later against Antonius, winning for per

ly insurance not uncommon in the civil wars, when piety or protection might triumph over political principle, saving lives an

this end he devoted his energies in the years 35 and 34 B.C. Antonius might fight the wars of the Republic or of private ambi

to safeguard Italy. The victories of Antonius paled with distance or might be artfully depreciated; his own achievements wou

shed claims to the consulate by brutality or by craft. 2 The marshals might disappear, some as suddenly as they had arisen, b

es and as diplomats. 4 In a free state the study of law and oratory might confer the highest rewards. The practice of publi

ts of the plain style, which could claim to be traditional and Roman, might be prized and preserved until threatened by a com

tion of private virtue; and some brand or other of Pythagorean belief might suitably commend itself to mystical inclinations.

t public signs of their existence, were susceptible to such an appeal might well be doubted. The aged Varro, the most learned

s and Caesar, but of a wider and even more menacing perspective. They might reflect upon the death of Alexander the Macedonia

ke, that history repeated itself in cyclical revolutions. For Rome it might appear to be the time of Sulla come again; in a l

occupation for members of the governing class: the retired politician might with propriety occupy his leisure in recording mo

e. On the writing of poetry, however, the Roman aristocrat, though he might turn a verse with ease, or fill a volume, set no

the poet was reluctant, the patron too wise to insist. Yet something might be done. It was folly not to exploit the treasure

o manhood in an age of war and knew the age for what it was. Others might succumb to black despair: Horace instead derived

ent: the retainers of an owner of land, once enlisted in his defence, might escape from control, terrorize their neighbourhoo

d been arrested in time. After the next subversion of public order it might go farther, embracing not only impoverished citiz

he first beginnings of a patriotic revival, the new taste for history might be induced to revert to the remotest origins of t

of blood or title, the personal following of Rome’s ruler in the East might suitably be extended to embrace the whole aristoc

uence. 1 A day would come when the ruling class in the cities of Asia might hope to enter the Senate of Rome, take rank with

Antonius 28. | PageBook=>264 Roman army reached Ctesiphon, it might never return. Antonius proposed to march through

Crete; 2 and his grant of the Roman franchise to the whole of Sicily might appear to portend the coming abolition of another

eakness, fomented danger and embarrassment to Rome. A revived Egypt might likewise play its part in the Roman economy of em

es were weak, its monarchs impotent or ridiculous. Pompeius or Caesar might have annexed: they wisely preferred to preserve t

ellenistic dynast was ambiguous, disquieting and vulnerable. Credence might be given to the most alarming accounts of his ult

) as they were to Octavianus’ agents and to subsequent historians. It might be represented that Antonius was making provision

k=>274 When he dwelt at Athens with Octavia, Antonius’ behaviour might be construed as deference to Hellenistic suscepti

political consequences. By 33 B.C., however, the ambition of Antonius might have moved farther in this direction. He had not

us and C. Sosius, his trusted adherents. The contents of this missive might be guessed: it was to be imparted to the Senate o

cti was to be Cn. Pompeius, a great-grandson of Sulla. Historic names might convey the guarantee, or at least advertise the s

. Valerius, L. Cornelius and Cn. Pompeius on the Fasti. These consuls might have been designated for office at an earlier dat

s were on his side. Antonius stood on the defensive and therefore, it might be represented, for peace. For war his prestige a

sed along the coasts. He was confident and ready for the struggle but might not open it yet. Here the two consuls met him in

ntonius passed from Ephesus to Samos and from Samos to Athens. Now it might seem that Cleopatra had finally triumphed. Antoni

h politics. Now came an opportune discovery so opportune that forgery might be suspected, though the provisions of the will d

e bidding of enemies of Caesar or of Antonius? The Roman constitution might be endangered: that was a name and a deception. E

upport from the colony of Cales in Campania. 2 Less eminent partisans might be no less effective. The Paelignian town of Sulm

agency of a local office-holding family, the Ovidii. 3 The soldiery might be purchased, the lower orders deceived or dragoo

l sentiments of the upper and middle classes at this time? Many a man might discern a patent fraud, distrust the propaganda o

and by language between the Latin West and the Greek East. The Empire might split into two parts very easily. It is one of th

ere not deceived by the artifices of Octavianus or their own emotions might be impelled by certain melancholy reflections to

cts and wars of the last thirty years, though liberty perished, peace might be achieved. It was worth it not merely to the mi

his preparations of army and fleet, but not perhaps as resolute as he might appear. Antonius now had to stand beside Cleopatr

doned the Albanian coast and the western end of the Via Egnatia. That might appear an error: it was probably a ruse. Antonius

troying the Caesarians. Time, money and supplies were on his side: he might delay and fight a battle with little loss of Roma

ministered to the army of the West. Yet, in the last resort, Antonius might not need to appeal to the legions to stand in bat

to appeal to the legions to stand in battle against their kinsmen. He might be able to employ sea-power with a mastery that n

there was), and avoidance of bloodshed to Rome, is not known. Sosius might be suspected. Certain of the Antonians were execu

X, 113 ff. PageBook=>301 children of Cleopatra, whatever they might be and whatever they were worth, Octavianus natur

al honour clamoured for a war of revenge; and the last of the dynasts might desire to outshine all the generals of the Republ

evant to the history of those years. Octavianus had his own ideas. It might be inexpedient to defy, but it was easy to delude

g in war nor aggressive in policy. Adulation, perversity or ignorance might elevate Parthia to be a rival empire of Rome :2 i

the frontier provinces. The exaltation of peace by a Roman statesman might attest a victory, but it portended no slackening

life and soul averted. But salvation hung upon a single thread. Well might men adjure the gods of Rome to preserve that prec

s in 29 B.C.4 But insistence on military monarchy and Trojan ancestry might provoke disquiet. When the Triumvir Antonius abod

uiet. When the Triumvir Antonius abode for long years in the East men might fear lest the city be dethroned from its pride of

and its leader to rule? He had resigned the title of Triumvir, but it might have been contended that he continued unobtrusive

lerable compromise with Senate and People, certain eminent personages might have brought secret and urgent pressure to bear u

nsuls. Had he firm allies or kinsmen among them, the course of events might have been different. 1 There is a mysterious cala

directly himself, with proconsular imperium. For the rest, proconsuls might govern, in appearance unhindered. Some would have

uxor)’ was buried in the sepulchre of the Crassi (CIL VI, 21308). She might be the first cousin of M. Licinius Crassus, cos.

he remained, though the appellation gradually faded from use. Yet he might have kept it, whatever the form of the constituti

5, 5. 3 Fasti 1, 613; 2, 60; 5, 145; 6, 92. Nor is this merely, as might be expected, with definite reference to the victo

piety. 2 He had founded—or was soon to found—the Roman State anew. He might therefore have been called Romulus, for the omen

at a distance, disposed on the periphery of the Empire—no threat, it might seem, to a free constitution, but merely guardian

to the Parthians, required careful supervision. Other regions in turn might be subjected to the same salutary treatment, for

velty, no scandal. The strictest champion of constitutional propriety might be constrained to concede their necessity. 1 If t

2 For such cumulation of powers a close parallel from the recent past might properly have been invoked: it is pretty clear th

called up and enlisted in the service of the revived Republic. Cicero might be more remunerative for every purpose; and the b

admitted, it was not for a princeps like Pompeius. For the rest, it might pertinently be urged that the political doctrine

rinceps nor any of his adherents desired change and disturbance. Well might he say, when asked his verdict on Cato, that anyb

iusto utamur domino, sed ut nullo. ` PageBook=>321 But Cicero might have changed, pliable to a changed order. So Brut

of ‘boni viri’ could ever produce an exemplary kind of citizen. Names might change: Augustus was none the less a revolutionar

p of military provinces. Definition of powers and extent of provincia might later be modified how and when he pleased. One th

he region in question and the men available—or safe to employ. 1 They might be ex-praetors or ex-consuls. Thus Pompeius Magnu

, were governed by proconsuls of consular rank. In the early years it might be expected that from time to time men of consula

he prosecution of the Prefect of Egypt. In Rome the Senate and People might enjoy the blessings of order and the semblance of

t preclude the attempt to reconstruct the true history of a year that might well have been the last, and was certainly the mo

reasons. If Caesar’s heir perished by disease or by the dagger, there might come again, as when Caesar the Dictator fell, dis

e ruler shunned the holding of a magistracy, his powers in public law might be described as magisterial, an impression which

izing the vast province of Galatia and Pamphylia. 2 Moreover the time might seem to be near for renewing diplomatic pressure

Syria was the only military province in the East except Egypt. Egypt might seem secure, governed by a viceroy of equestrian

the choice of Caesar’s legate to govern it. Conspiracy in the capital might be suppressed without causing disturbances: if ba

ssed without causing disturbances: if backed by a provincial army, it might mean civil war the Varro in charge of Syria was p

t is a process, not a series of acts, the establishment of the Empire might suitably be reckoned from this year. The legal

changes have been summarily described, the arguments indicated which might have been invoked for their public and plausible

ia (Dio 54, 5, 4 &c). 5 Dio 53, 32, 1. PageBook=>339 Men might recall another associate of Brutus, C. Antistius

o alienate all three. In alliance they had made him, in alliance they might destroy him. The marriage with Livia Drusilla h

the consulate ten years earlier than the legal provision. 1 Marcellus might well seem the destined heir, soon to succeed a fr

in gratitude, or even from friendship, the chorus of Maecenas’ poets might salute the munificent patron of letters, the pecu

the equestrian order modestly abiding within his station; the people might acclaim him in the theatre, in cheerful subservie

s charms which the poet Horace has so candidly depicted. 5 Maecenas might be dropped, but not Agrippa; and so Agrippa preva

t;343 Some at least of the perils which this critical year revealed might be countered if Augustus silenced rumour and baff

d rumour and baffled conspiracy by openly designating a successor. He might adopt his nephew. Such was perhaps his secret wis

es of Roman dynastic politics into the realm of pure monarchy; and it might end in wrecking the Caesarian party. In the sec

e character of Marcus Agrippa seems to lack colour and personality he might be the virtuous Aristides of Greek historians and

as destined for exhibition to a docile public. Dispassionate scrutiny might have detected certain cracks and stains on this A

der whom they all supported for Rome’s sake. The service of the State might be described as a ‘noble servitude’. For Agrippa,

whom her great-grandson called ‘the Roman Ulysses’. 1 For her son she might have selected an heiress from the most eminent fa

r, twin rulers of all the world, as a schematic and convenient theory might suggest. 4 Nor was Agrippa thereby unequivocally

hwarted its leader in the matter of Marcellus. Ultimately Marcellus might become Princeps, when age and merit qualified. Fo

ified. For the moment, it did not matter. Whatever the distant future might bring, a more urgent problem confronted the gover

and more. PageNote. 346 (No Notes) PageBook=>347 Augustus might not be a second Caesar: he lacked the vigour and

Again, Augustus had neither the taste nor the talent for war: Agrippa might be his minister, the organizer of victory and war

ula or the only system available. Indeed, for the empire of Rome it might be too narrow, especially as concerned provinces

present needs, with developments of the imagined future. Two emperors might one day be required or four. Yet the fabric must

bric must be held together. Two remedies were available. The Princeps might perambulate, visiting each part in turn. Augustus

the head of the Roman State and would be required in the capital. It might be desirable to convert the Principate into a par

aul and the Balkans, large regions with arduous tasks to be achieved, might clamour for competent rulers over a long period o

n service above all, military service. In this way a soldier’s family might rise through equestrian to senatorial rank in two

ise to the centurionate, but no higher. After service, it is true, he might be in possession of the equestrian census, and he

and of Crassus. 2 Balbus under Caesar in Spain, Mamurra in Gaul. It might also be conjectured that men like Ventidius, Salv

onfined to Egypt elsewhere for the needs of war an equestrian officer might be placed in temporary charge of a Roman legion.

t be placed in temporary charge of a Roman legion. 5 Military merit might also earn commendation or patronage for a post in

Praetorian Guard. Less important stages in an equestrian career that might culminate in the governorship of Egypt or the com

cluded from the highest distinction in the Free State. The novus homo might rise to the praetorship: to the consulate, howeve

mies would have said. Under the new regulations, access to the Senate might appear to have been made more difficult, being re

nepos’. Didia Decuma, daughter of Barbus, from Larinum (CIL IX, 751), might be related to this family. 2 There could scarce

But P. Ovidius Naso was not disposed to serve the Roman People. He might have become a lawyer, a Roman senator, a provinci

ives. The provincial recruited for service in the auxiliary regiments might receive the Roman citizenship as the reward of va

liable to misrepresentation. Of his acts, one of the most significant might appear to be his augmentation of the Senate by th

Princeps was not altogether a frank enthusiast for merit wherever it might be discovered and careless of class, but a small-

ies, cf. below, p. 394 f. PageBook=>374 Election by the people might be a mere form, but it could not be abolished by

atory or law, these were the three claims to the consulate. An orator might make mock of a jurist when urging a soldier’s cla

Picene intriguer, the loquacious Lollius Palicanus. 3 Service in war might find no higher reward than the praetorship, unles

sulate in 55 B.C.4 The Roman voter, free citizen of a free community, might elect whom he would: his suffrage went to ancestr

ghter of Valerius Messalla (for the stemma, see P-W III A, 2197). One might also infer a relationship with the Marcii Censori

iments into the equestris militia, thence perhaps into the Senate. It might be conjectured that the patriotic clubs (collegia

f the Italian towns had a definite role to play. Knights themselves might rank with senators in the New State or even above

servants of the Roman People, but aloof, majestic and heroic. Livia might seldom be visible in public save at religious cer

Hence and at this price a well ordered state such as Sulla and Caesar might have desired but could never have created. The po

PageBook=>387 THOUGH by no means as corrupt and inefficient as might hastily be imagined, the governing of all Italy a

rarchy of administration. In a sense, the consulars of the Republic might be designated as the government, ‘auctores public

ential and the minimum. An advance from the side of Gaul into Germany might shorten communications yet further, bind together

e manifest and alarming during the Triumviral period, that the Empire might split into two parts. By 13 B.C. a firm beginni

with no mention of M. Vinicius here or under 13 B.C. (54, 28, 1). It might be conjectured that Vinicius was proconsul of Ill

gustus gave Piso ‘secreta mandata’: in order that the legatus Augusti might override at need the proconsul of Macedonia? 4

Agrippa and of Taurus. Without the Claudii, however, the situation might well appear desperate for Princeps and for Empire

stus, Galatia was governed by legates of consular standing. 2 Galatia might suitably rank as a frontier province; in the paci

Senate in 27 B.C. was likewise neither final nor systematic. Augustus might be requested by the Senate either to nominate a p

rty-three did not have to wait too long for a province Africa or Asia might be his by the working of the lot after an interva

ally summoned to the general’s council. Again, the equestrian officer might turn out to be a valuable person, with long years

ary cavalry. 6 After the quaestorship or the praetorship, the senator might command a legion this post was no innovation, but

nces were political rather than administrative. The legate of Syria might be a menace to the government in Rome. NotesPag

e date of his command is probably 9–6 B.C. (P-W I A, 1519 ff.). There might be room for another legate between Titius and Sen

ff., with a slight preference for the former alternative: the latter might seem more plausible. Further, the consular legate

e most, a stray proconsul of Africa, fighting under his own auspices, might assume the title of imperator. 6 Before long that

give their names to cities, and that was in far Cilicia. No senator might depart from Italy and visit the provinces, save p

the most part the name of the reigning dynasty of imperial Rome. Nor might grateful natives any more exalt a patron with div

career in the service of the State. The principes of the Free State might take counsel together, in a more or less public f

e restored than Augustus hastened to palliate any inconveniences that might arise from that alarming novelty. He instructed t

net an organ of administration, not of authority. As it was there, it might suitably be employed by the Princeps as a group o

igula and Claudius: they had been there for a long time. 8 Senators might preside over the treasury, but the Senate had no

convenient and docile committee? The auctoritas of a senior statesman might be suitably invoked to express or to guide the op

r guidance, from above and from behind. The care of the national cult might appeal to the antiquarian, the administrator or t

ar and peace. 2 That was not necessary. Embassies from foreign powers might be introduced to the Senate after a suitable rehe

to the Senate after a suitable rehearsal. The assembly of the People might declare war but the People did not decide against

not decide against whom; the wars, however grandiose and arduous they might be, were not always dignified with that name and

r dissimulantes fuissent’ (ib. 4). PageBook=>414 The historian might with no less propriety have turned his talents to

in public. With the death of Augustus, the Princeps’ powers lapsed he might designate, but he could not appoint, his heir. Wh

e of Nerva by its impotence threatened to precipitate a civil war. It might be conjectured that the danger was averted by a v

us’ design beneficial to the Roman People? Of that, a patriotic Roman might have his doubts. The New State was fast turning i

ne of their own number. Augustus knew it. The ambition of the nobiles might have appeared the most serious menace to his rule

ple, the master of the legions, the king of kings. For all that, they might flourish in the shadow of the monarchy, prosecute

much, perhaps, to hope for the power themselves but their descendants might have a chance or a portion. The Princeps might di

but their descendants might have a chance or a portion. The Princeps might die. Yet the princes Gaius and Lucius remained, a

Claudian connexion were in low water: Tiberius lived on in exile and might never return. On her own side of the family she l

never return. On her own side of the family she lacked relatives who might be built up into a faction. 2 To be sure, there w

ction the disgrace on his daughter? The influence and hand of Livia might have been suspected, bearing heavily on the Julii

true principal was probably Iullus Antonius. The son of the Triumvir might well be politically dangerous. Like the early Chr

bunicia potestas; and he was still the Princeps’ son-in-law. Augustus might think that he knew his Tiberius. Still, he prefer

sis in Rome, supervening when the first man in the Empire was absent, might turn into a political catastrophe. Against that r

of body and intractable temper which he had inherited from his father might have been schooled in the discipline of the camp

nexions. 4 A new party becomes discernible, dual in composition, as might be expected. In the six years following the retur

t upon the first citizen for services rendered and expected. The task might appear too great for any one man but Augustus alo

ight appear too great for any one man but Augustus alone, a syndicate might appear preferable to a principate:5 none the less

efore. 1 Augustus was ruthless for the good of the Roman People. Some might affect to believe him unwilling to contemplate th

security and the ambition of a few men. Cicero and his contemporaries might boast of the libertas which the Roman People enjo

metas rerum nec tempora pono: imperium sine fine dedi. 1 The Greeks might have their Alexander it was glorious, but it was

It was a danger and a responsibility. By its unwieldy mass the Empire might come crashing to the ground, involving Rome in th

stored? About the efficacy of moral and sumptuary legislation there might well be doubts, if men reflected on human nature

, the epitaph in lapide hoc uni nupta fuisse legar. 6 Though some might show a certain restraint in changing husbands or

ht land. Though a number of these men may have practised commerce and might be called town-dwellers, especially the freedman

om the ideal of economic self-sufficiency. The old-fashioned moralist might rejoice. Let foreign trade decline it brought no

oney went into landed property. Large estates grew larger. Prosperity might produce qualms no less than did adversity. Horace

les, where nature provided all fruits without the work of man’s hand, might meditate for a moment on the evils of private pro

en (CIL XI, 600: Forum Livi). PageBook=>452 The patriotic poet might deplore the seizure of plough-land for princely p

ke Lollius, Quirinius and Tarius Rufus. With such champions, property might rest secure. The author of the most eloquent co

One of them came of a noble Samnite family now reconciled to Rome: it might be added that the other was a Picene. That was no

ember of the Italian middle class. No less genuine his patriotism: it might be guessed that his favourite line of verse was

gnant to sentiment. It was pietas, the typical Roman virtue. Augustus might observe with some satisfaction that he had restor

in laxity of individual behaviour; and ability, courage or patriotism might lend to vice itself a certain specious charm. Aug

ion of taste. 3 If Augustus was disappointed in the aristocracy, he might reflect that Rome was not Italy; and Italy had be

received the Roman citizenship equally Roman before the law. Gades might export dancing-girls or a millionaire like Balbus

there were many other towns in Spain and Gallia Narbonensis that soon might send to Rome their local aristocrats, well traine

loyalty to the State. Agrícola was the civil servant of whom Augustus might well have dreamed. PageNotes. 455 1 Suetonius

acing atmosphere, under the watchword of duty and morality, Lucretius might perhaps have satisfied the fervour of a religious

ble origin. Whatever racial differences the curious or the uncritical might be disposed to infer between Mantua, in legend a

, were transcended in a common national devotion to Rome. Further, as might be expected of a region that had only recently be

of consular standing. 7 Like his kinsman, C. Propertius Postumus, he might have aspired to senatorial rank. PageNotes. 466

hat knew and honoured the majesty of death and the dead. Propertius might have been a highly remunerative investment for Ma

be useful. Ovid accepted that principle and turned it inside out. He might have instructed the youth of Rome to honour the p

propaganda. 9 When the man of the people turned a coin in his palm he might meditate on the aspirations or the achievements o

ollo, his patron. 1 Other materials were available. The loyal citizen might gaze upon Augustus in the shape of the young revo

his virtues and his attributes could be suitably celebrated. Worship might not be paid to the man but to the divine power wi

mperor and could make another; and the change from Republic to Empire might be described as the provinces’ revenge upon Rome.

purged of evil habits and solaced by generous subsidies, the populace might still assert for itself the right of free speech,

was a graver danger than the dagger of a casual assassin, whether he might be a misguided man of the people or a vindictive

riptions and the most abominable actions of the Triumvirs. The people might be fooled and fed, the knights persuaded to disgu

st the Principate but against the Princeps. PageBook=>480 That might be doubted. The person and habits of Augustus wer

formly and ostentatiously homespun. As with Pompeius, face and mien might be honest and comely. 2 What lay behind the mask?

cisely so in earlier wars, had it been possible. 4 As for Actium, men might remember the killing of young Curio; and the very

erty flattered their authors without alarming the government; and men might still read without danger the opprobrious epistle

ass from Antonius to Octavianus, the statement is not as daring as it might appear, but is rather a subtle compliment. It was

ical intrigue. Augustus was invulnerable. Not so his friends: a trial might be the occasion either of a direct attack upon th

5 Augustus and Pollio were crisp, hard, unsentimental men. Augustus might permit the cult of Cicero for his own purposes. Y

of independence. PageNotes. 486 1 The Transatlantic term ‘uplift’ might give a hint of the meaning. 2 For particulars,

;488 It was impossible to tell the truth about the living, but hate might have its revenge upon the dead. Hence the contras

al platitude became a wild paradox under the Empire. Augustus’ memory might be safe after death to attack or traduce the Foun

had prevailed at Philippi or Antonius at Actium, the ultimate result might have been much the same for the Domitii: prominen

xt to Antonius for leadership in his party. To the Domitii, primacy might be delayed, but not denied for ever. The complex

nder Domitian and under Hadrian. 9 For prudence and for success, it might have seemed that all would be outdone by the Cocc

ealthy or insinuating, devoted to the government whoever the Princeps might be. The son of the consular Passienus, adopted by

ated his unswerving loyalty ’pietatis immobilis erga principem’. 2 It might have been set up under any reign. Such men deserv

on of a Roman knight. 2 But for this defect of birth, Verginius Rufus might have become emperor. 3 Nero and his advisers had

e from a lower and commercial order of society, the Roman knights. He might have to sink further yet, to make his peace, thro

, with the procedure of a nominally independent Senate. The nobiles might savour a brief taste of revenge when scandal and

t of commissions to Greeks in the militia equestris. 1 The movement might only be accelerated by ‘bad emperors’ or masterfu

ession of Tiberius Caesar down to the end of Nero. Period and subject might also be described as ‘The Decline and Fall of the

the aristocracy was degraded and persecuted. The record of their ruin might be instructive it was not a happy task for an his

etence in the race for wealth and power. The nobilis, less obtrusive, might be no better. After a social revolution the prima

ealed by Horace’s charming ode and by the loyal effusions of Ovid, he might not stand in such startling contrast to his son,

he parent of despotism. The rule of law had perished long ago, with might substituted for right. The contest for power in t

o Rome. ‘Acriora ex eo vincula’, as Tacitus observes. 4 The New State might be called monarchy, or by any other name. That di

made to apply it in practice, for fear of something worse: sober men might well ponder on the apparent ridicule and solid ad

legions. That was over. The Republic was something that a prudent man might admire but not imitate: as a wicked opportunist o

litical dissensions at home, was a splendid subject for history. Well might Tacitus look back with melancholy and complain th

and untrammelled eloquence of the closing days of the Republic. 4 He might pause when he reflected that great oratory is a s

of the East. The Romans had not sunk as low as that. Complete freedom might be unworkable, but complete enslavement was intol

and ostentatious opposition of certain candidates for martyrdom, who might be admired for Republican independence of spirit

em. They had been selfish dynasts, but he was ‘salubris princeps’. He might easily have adopted the title of ‘Optimus princep

intra luminis oras. 6 Augustus’ relation to the Roman Commonwealth might also be described as organic rather than arbitrar

. ’1 So Tacitus described the Empire and its armed forces. The phrase might fittingly be applied to the whole fabric of the R

y and continuous. It had been Augustus’ most fervent prayer that he might lay the foundations of the new order deep and sec

at from among the principes, by general consent capable of Empire. It might have been better for Tiberius and for Rome if Aug

tality. 3 During the Spanish wars, when stricken by an illness that might easily have been the end of a frail life, Augustu

are defined as legal and magisterial; and he excels any colleague he might have, not in potestas, but only in auctoritas. 3

ficiently regarded. PageBook=>524 While the Princeps lived, he might , like other rulers, be openly worshipped as a dei