et it is not necessary to praise political success or to idealize the men who win wealth and honours through civil war. T

proscriptions, and Augustus the Princeps, the beneficent magistrate, men have been at a loss to account for the transmutat

e Republic of Augustus as the ministers and agents of power, the same men but in different garb. They are the government of

ation and sacking of cities, with proscription and murder of the best men ; for the ambitions of the dynasts provoked war be

the government, but policy was largely directed by ex-consuls. These men ruled, as did the Senate, not in virtue of writte

onary changes in Roman politics were the work of families or of a few men . A small party, zealous for reform or rather, per

d knights would therefore arrest revolution or even reform, for these men could not be expected to have a personal interest

lares often sinister and fraudulent, no better than their rivals, the men in power, who naturally invoked the specious and

. In any age of the history of Republican Rome about twenty or thirty men , drawn from a dozen dominant families, hold a mon

d and wily Philippus in the direction of public affairs succeeded two men of contrary talent and repute, Q. Lutatius Catulu

to devious paths and finally to dangerous elevations. Such were the men who directed in war and peace the government afte

their spirit. Certain of the earliest consuls after Sulla were old men already, and some died soon or disappeared. 4 Eve

hrough the questionable and hazardous means of the tribunate. Yet two men stood out in this year of another’s consulate and

mp;c, cf. M. Gelzer, Die Nobilität der r. Republik, 77 f. A number of men from Picenum, of the tribus Velina, are attested

Pompeius was also related to other families of the local gentry, the men of substance in the municipia of Italy; 2 and he

enatorial and equestrian orders derived, as was fitting, from Picenum men of no great social distinction, the hungry sons o

ent in rancour. To maintain power, the government needed consuls. The men were not easy to find. Cato gathered a great fu

pus and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus, were not strong political men . But Philippus had recently married Caesar’s niec

s a special mandate to heal and repair the Commonwealth. 6 With armed men at his back Pompeius established order again and

next year, promised to continue the tactics of Curio. In the autumn men began to speak of an inevitable war. Fortune was

.C. the other provinces from Macedonia eastwards were in the hands of men loyal to the government, or at least not dangerou

ivor that the party of the Republic and camp of Pompeius embraced ten men of NotesPage=>043 1 Cn. Cornelius Lentulus

val, a spurious and disquieting champion of legitimate authority when men recalled the earlier career and inordinate ambiti

the Dictator would have been assassinated in the Senate by honourable men , at the foot of his own statue. That was not th

owing was heterogeneous in composition at its kernel a small group of men paramount in social distinction, not merely nobil

Rome he was hampered: abroad he might enjoy his conscious mastery of men and events, as before in Gaul. Easy victories but

irrelevant. 1 The Liberators knew what they were about. Honourable men grasped the assassin’s dagger to slay a Roman ari

was put up by a small group of influential consulars. 1 These prudent men soon refused further support to the rash, self-ri

l war after a brief respite of precarious peace. 2 In all, twenty-six men of consular standing were alive in the year of Ph

ture were sponsored by a brilliant circle of orators and poets, young men hostile to whatever party was in NotesPage=>

ulcher, had arranged one transaction (Ad Att. 4, 15, 7). 3 On these men , C. Marcellus (cos. 50) and Philippus (cos. 56),

of certain poems; cf. T. Frank, AJP XL (1919), 407 F. among literary men of equestrian rank on Caesar’s side, note C. Asin

f the family. It was often stronger. Whatever their class in society, men went with a leader or a friend, though the cause

party comprised diverse elements, noble and patrician as well as new men , knights and municipal aristocrats. 3 Certain dis

ide of Caesar. 4 The Marian tradition in politics was carried on by men called populares. Pompeius had once been a popula

was encouraged to hope for the consulate. 7 Other Pompeians and other men from Picenum might be captured by the arts, the g

ivil Wars. 1 There were other representatives of his class, excellent men . Many knights were to be found in the following

man plebs and the legions of Gaul, a group of ancient families, young men of eager talent and far- sighted bankers as his a

a Cisalpina and the tribal princes of Gaul beyond the Alps. Excellent men from the colonies and municipia of the Cisalpina

nferred benefits upon his old province, as he reminded the ungrateful men of Hispalis. 5 Gades had been loyal to Rome since

of representative members senators, knights and centurions, business men and provincials, kings and dynasts. Some fell in

le, in Thessaly (BC 3, 34, 4; 35, 2; Cicero, Phil. 13, 33). Note also men of Cnidus (SIG3 761; Strabo, p. 656, &c). On

ne is sufficiently attested. 1 Worse than all that, Caesar elevated men from the provinces to a seat in the Senate of Rom

f Caesar the Dictator were in truth highly respectable Roman knights, men of property and substance, never too warmly to be

generous virtues and unimpaired fortune of his parent these admirable men and others now adorned the Senate of Rome, augmen

uited for his new Senate the propertied classes of the Italian towns, men of station and substance, whether their gains wer

ople. The Secular Games were once an observance of the Valerii; 3 and men could remember whole wars waged by a single clan.

Through alliance with the knights and personal ties with the leading men in the towns of Italy he acquired power and advan

such as the orator and intriguer Lollius Palicanus, and the military men Afranius and Labienus. 4 The defeated still had

It was no part of Cicero’s policy to flood the Senate with municipal men and capture for imported merit the highest dignit

y knew and few have recorded bitter discontent all over Italy, broken men and debtors ready for an armed rising, but also,

lum was easily won. Auximum honoured Pompeius as its patron:2 but the men of Auximum protested that it would be intolerable

Caesar’s augmentation of the Senate. He brought in his own partisans, men of substance or the newly enriched the Etruscan o

s (cos. 39 B.C.), on whom below, p. 199. PageBook=>094 obscure men . 1 That might be expected: it is the earliest con

Cicero was soon to witness the consulates of Murena and of Pompeius’ men , Afranius and Gabinius. 3 After that, no more nov

ic campaigns. 5 Nine consuls took office in the years 48–44 B.C., all men with senatorial rank before the outbreak of the C

nia the Dictator’s papers and then consulted in secret with the chief men of the Caesarian faction, such as Balbus, the Dic

once apparent. At dawn on March 16th he occupied the Forum with armed men . Lepidus and Balbus were eager for vengeance; 1 A

ageBook=>100 Hirtius and Pansa, honest Caesarians, were moderate men and lovers of peace, representing a large body in

ed as ‘clarissimi viri’. 4 Whether these idealistic or snobbish young men from the towns possessed the will and the resourc

upporters into contributing to a private fund: with small success the men from the municipia, were notorious and proverbial

consul. Marcus Antonius was one of the most able of Caesar’s young men . A nobilis, born of an illustrious but impoverish

us’ talents were not those of a mere soldier. Caesar, a good judge of men , put him in control of Italy more than once durin

conspicuous ability or the most disinterested patriotism. For such men , the most austere of historians cannot altogether

the name of the Dictatorship was to be abolished for ever. Thoughtful men reflected that its powers could easily be restore

vernment: not less so, but for different reasons, the Caesarian young men Curio and Caelius, had they survived for so long

t. Nor was trouble likely to come from the other Caesarian military men or recent governors of provinces, few of whom pos

their interests. Remonstrance was addressed to Antonius: the military men urged him to treat Caesar’s heir with loyalty and

e Capitol. In revenge for the Ides of March, Caesar’s ghost, as all men know, drove Brutus to his doom on the field of Ph

different and very short. Lessons might indeed be learned, but from men and affairs, from predecessors and rivals, from t

2 Octavianus took the supreme risk and set out for Rome. With armed men he occupied the Forum on November 10th. He had ho

noble visited upon the family and extraction of respectable municipal men . Octavianus’ mother came from the small town of A

e Republic, and damaged in repute, surviving a cause for which better men had died, will none the less have striven through

ws. When Caesar went to war with the government, avid and desperate men in his party terrified the holders of property. B

ir enjoyment, and the daughters of patricians for their brides. The men of action in the party like Salvidienus and Agrip

or bound to Antonius; and some of the best of the Caesarian military men were absent in the provinces. The earliest and

, extorts recognition as Caesarian leader beside Antonius, only eight men of senatorial rank can be discovered among his ge

o whom they owed all, they would surely not repel his heir. Yet these men , mere municipal aristocrats, lacked experience of

Ch. X THE SENIOR STATESMAN PageBook=>135 IN the Senate three men of consular rank had spoken against Antonius, nam

institutions of a traditional but liberal oligarchy in a state where men were free but not equal. He returned to it under

oquence of Cicero could not prevail over the doubts and misgivings of men who knew his character and NotesPage=>146

pion of legality, but in this matter all too perspicacious a judge of men and politics. Civil war was an abomination. Victo

n that man from Gades, the irreproachable Balbus. Would that all good men and champions of Rome’s empire might become her c

2 lb. 11, 9. 3 De officiis I, 150 f. is instructive: if business men retire and buy land they become quite respectable

tal and unenlightened oligarchs. Again, there were to be found honest men and sincere reformers NotesPage=>153 1 Com

hatever be the acts of deception or violence in prospect. At Rome all men paid homage to libertas, holding it to be somethi

ainst Antonius. The assassins of Caesar had left Italy, and the young men of the faction of Cato, the sons of the dominant

n of Octavianus, Philippus and C. Claudius Marcellus. Three excellent men (L. Aurelius Cotta, L. Caesar and Ser. Sulpicius

Octavianus and to D. Brutus, letters of exhortation. The war needed men and money, vigour and enthusiasm. Levies were hel

de to engineer a spontaneous consensus. The towns passed decrees. The men of Firmum took the lead in promising money for th

stor, claims that he helped Cassius (Ad fam. 12, 14, 6). 5 On these men , above, p. 111. PageBook=>172 On receipt o

a a public enemy. This diplomatic concession perhaps enabled moderate men like Pansa to rebuff Cicero’s proposal to confer

ld he have subjugated the strong Caesarian sympathies of officers and men : they followed Lepidus not from merit or affectio

oman State, it was impossible to discover. For the judgement on these men , if judged they must be, it would be sufficient t

On the following day Octavianus forbore to enter the city with armed men a ‘free election’ was to be secured. The people c

e was now revived under another name for a period of five years three men were to hold paramount and arbitrary power under

hed the private rights of citizenship no disproportionate revenge for men who had been declared public enemies. Rome shiv

hed the Triumvirate according to the Pact of Bononia. There were many men alive who remembered Sulla. Often enough before n

derly and blameless Republican L. Julius Caesar. Yet neither of these men perished, and the murderers claimed only one cons

nt threat of civil war enhanced the value of the personal tie and led men to seek powerful protection in advance. The banke

e personal and local causes everywhere. Under guise of partisan zeal, men compassed, for profit or for revenge, the proscri

hts. The nobiles were not necessarily the wealthiest of the citizens: men of property, whatever their station, were the rea

the real enemies of the Triumvirs. In concord, senators and business men upheld the existing order and prevented a reconst

rn was at once seen to be disappointing. From virtue or from caution, men refused to purchase estates as they came upon the

with the blood of citizens and buttressed with a despotism that made men recall the Dictatorship of Caesar as an age of go

he Triumviral period they could not have competed. Not only aliens or men of low origin and infamous pursuits even escaped

year and designating them a long time in advance. Of consulars and men of authority in the Senate there was a singular d

s, becomes censor in the same year; then both disappear. 5 Two honest men , L. Piso and L. Caesar, lapse completely from rec

r seemed only a contest of factions in the Roman nobility, many young men of spirit and distinction chose Caesar in prefere

olitical heirs and the declared enemies of their own class. The older men were dead, dishonoured or torpid: the young nobil

rank in the party; its rallying point and its leaders were the young men of the faction of Cato, almost all kinsmen of Mar

senators like L. Bibulus, his own stepson, and M. Cicero,5 along with men of lower station. 6 Then Caesarian officials join

only the nobiles, their political enemies, but their victims as well, men of substance and repute from the towns of Italy.

passed over to the Liberators, curtailed their own survival. 4 Few men indeed who already belonged to the Senate before

e pace was fast, the competition ferocious. The ranks of the military men find steady accessions as battle, failure or trea

. Despotism ruled, supported by violence and confiscation. The best men were dead or proscribed. The Senate was packed wi

ere he stood. Brutus himself was no soldier by repute, no leader of men . But officers and men knew and respected the trie

himself was no soldier by repute, no leader of men. But officers and men knew and respected the tried merit of Cassius. Th

t the name and fortune of Caesar? From his war-chest Cassius paid the men fifteen hundred denarii a head and promised more.

the challenges of the Caesarians and impatient of delay, officers and men clamoured that he should try the fortune of battl

orth nothing but a contest of despots over the corpse of liberty. The men who fell at Philippi fought for a principle, a tr

avianus and he would pay for his folly in the end. 4 When the chief men surviving of the Republican cause were led before

τϵ καὶ στίας o α δορίληπτοι. 4 Dio 48, 9, 4 f. PageBook=>208 men of property against a rapacious proletariat in ar

outh in time or in adequate strength. Plancus, another of Antonius’ men , occupied with establishing veterans near Beneven

in shame at Nursia. On the monument erected in memory of the war the men of Nursia set an inscription which proclaimed tha

began. They were conducted for Antonius by Pollio, the most honest of men , for Octavianus by the diplomatic Maecenas. L. Co

me of their prominent adherents, made their way to Rome. Of Antonius’ men , the Republican Ahenobarbus had been dispatched t

dious. Their reasoned aversion was shared by the middle class and the men of property throughout Italy. Having the best m

dle class and the men of property throughout Italy. Having the best men of both parties in sympathy or alliance, Antonius

ient family or municipal aristocrats. Here were allies to be courted, men of some consequence now or later. 1 There were ot

had a war on his hands earlier perhaps than he had planned. His best men , Agrippa and Calvinus, were absent. Lepidus in Af

, in audacious deed as well as in name. Once again the voice of armed men was heard, clamorous for peace, and once again th

us, were with Antonius. Octavianus had two and two only, the military men C. Carrinas and Cn. Domitius Calvinus. Carrinas,

tline the twin and yet contrasting pillars of subsequent strength new men of ability and ambition paired with aristocrats o

heir for the first time among his generals or active associates seven men who had held or were very soon to hold the consul

s seven men who had held or were very soon to hold the consulate, all men of distinction or moment, inherited or acquired.

he aristocracy of Lucania. 4 These were able or unscrupulous military men , the first of new families to attain the consulat

onsulate in ten or twenty years, if the system endured, invited young men of talent or desperate ambition. As admission to

the distant Antonius. He easily found in the years that followed the men to govern the military provinces of Gaul, Spain a

ome six years before. 2 At first Octavianus was outshone. Antonius’ men celebrated triumphs in Rome Censorinus and Pollio

r the nobiles or the novi homines. 2 Octavianus may now have honoured men of discreet repute among the Roman aristocracy, o

from Cales. L. Flavius was an Antonian (Dio 49, 44, 3). None of these men ever commanded armies, so far as is known, save A

ear 33 B.C. they numbered over thirty, a total without precedent. New men far outweighed the nobiles. 2 Some families of th

re sons or descendants of consular families. There remain twenty-five men , the earliest consuls of their respective familie

success and success itself was unsafe as well as dishonourable. 1 New men emerging established claims to the consulate by b

or Forum, but only of service to overcome the recalcitrance of armed men or allay the suspicions of political negotiators

rhythm, in reaction from Hortensius and from Cicero alike. The young men of promise, C. Licinius Calvus, who stood in the

s some discordance in his own character. The archaisms were borrowed, men said, lifted from Cato; not less so the grave mor

e present bore heavily upon the historian, imperatively recalling the men and acts of forty years before, civil strife and

to concern itself with something more than the public transactions of men and cities, the open debate of political assembli

t the character of the Caesarian writer. 3 In Rome of the Triumvirs men became intensely conscious of history, not merely

s of their friends were found on Caesar’s side when war came. 1 The men were dead, and their fashion of poetry lost favou

d and the peasant. Varro’s books on agriculture had newly appeared; men had bewailed for years that Italy was become a de

university city, at an impressionable age and in the company of young men of the Roman aristocracy. Defeat brought impove

e was still to be found in the higher ranks of the Senate a number of men who had come to maturity in years when Rome yet d

ey had changed with the times, rapidly. Of the Republicans, the brave men and the true had perished: the survivors were wil

arus died in the year of the Parthian invasion. 4 In this emergency men of wealth and standing in Asia, among them the fa

rulers for the future in the eastern lands. Antonius discovered the men and set them up as kings without respect for fami

eveal their patron by their names, despots great and small or leading men in their own cities and influential outside them.

outside them. 4 Dominant in politics, commerce and literature, these men formed and propagated the public opinion of the H

entiments would reinforce peace and concord through alliance with the men of property and influence. 1 A day would come whe

was instructed by her brother to bring a body of two thousand picked men to her husband. Antonius was confronted with da

r. 130, is moderate two legions cut to pieces, further eight thousand men lost on the retreat. Tarn (CAH x, 75) fixes the l

of Tarentum. 6 Of no note in the arts of peace were certain military men and admirals like Insteius from Pisaurum, Q. Didi

an dynast, but decorative rather than solid and useful. Many of these men had never yet sat in the Roman Senate. That matte

hat he had been excluded from raising recruits in Italy; that his own men had been passed over in the allotment of lands; t

e sent back to Egypt. Canidius the marshal dissented, pointing to the men , the money and the ships that Cleopatra provided

Republicans and Pompeians as amenable to discipline as were the chief men of the rival Caesarian faction. Ruinous symptoms

Rome and in the camp of Antonius. Yet he still kept in his company men of principle, distinction and ability, old Caesar

d inglorious neutrality. Yet Antonius could count upon tried military men like Sosius and Canidius. No names are recorded

ected in peculation by Antonius. PageBook=>282 qualities which men always cared afterwards to remember and perpetuat

house of the patrician Claudii, had enhanced their power by inducing men of repute and substance in the Italian communitie

s, championing Italy against the plebs of Rome, got help from Italian men of property, themselves menaced. 4 Aid from Italy

great exemplar. He was the champion, friend and patron of the leading men in the communities of Italy; 5 his allies took an

’ Livy (Per. 71) recorded the ‘coetus coniurationesque’ of the chief men of Italy. 6 Auctor de vir. illustr. 12: ‘vota p

rather than preceded the War of Actium. Only then, after victory, did men realize to the full the terrible danger that had

at the prospect of impoverishment or another revolution; and business men leapt forward with alacrity to reconquer the king

ars before, when Caesar’s invasion of Italy was imminent, bankers and men of property probably received some kind of assura

’ power; and the local magnates, whether Roman colonists and business men or native dynasts, were firmly devoted to the Cae

loss of Roman blood, as fitted the character of a civil war in which men fought, not for a principle, but only for a choic

heralding the end of a great career and a powerful party. Only three men of consular standing remained on Antonius’ side,

st, thirty years before. Precisely as in the system of Antonius, four men controlled wide realms and guarded the eastern fr

nt state was also supported in the years following by the triumphs of men prominent in the Caesarian party, the proconsuls

and soul averted. But salvation hung upon a single thread. Well might men adjure the gods of Rome to preserve that precious

ity, but not before his rule on earth has restored confidence between men and respect for the gods, blotting out the primal

disquiet. When the Triumvir Antonius abode for long years in the East men might fear lest the city be dethroned from its pr

ictatorial powers of that office, had the question been of concern to men at the time. From 31 B.C onwards he had been cons

recarious if it did not accommodate itself to the wishes of the chief men in his party. For loyal service they had been hea

dence of any who deal in that commodity. No ruler could have faith in men like Plancus and Titius. Ahenobarbus the Republic

pristinum redactum modum,' PageBook=>316 one age, but to many men and the long process of time. 1 Augustus sought t

t he wanted: it was simple and easily translated. Moreover, the chief men of his party were not jurists or theorists—they w

d a great patriot. ’2 But any official cult of Cicero was an irony to men who recalled in their own experience—it was not l

, however, he must base his rule upon general consent, the support of men of property and the active co- operation of the g

he polyonymous A. Terentius Varro Murena. No doubt about any of these men , or at least no candidate hostile to the Princeps

n annual. That would be most unfortunate. 3 Among the ex-consuls were men dangerously eminent, from family or from ambition

his legates, according to the needs of the region in question and the men available—or safe to employ. 1 They might be ex-p

. No new system was suddenly introduced in the year 27 B.C.—Augustus’ men should be described as legati in his provincia ra

ished the ranks of the consulars—there must have been now about forty men of this rank—and after the Pact of Brundisium Rom

an or Antonian, before Actium, and six more since then. Some of these men were dead or had lapsed long ago from public noti

d boast in 27 B.C. some eleven viri triumphales. Some of the military men were advanced in years, namely the senior consula

l hope of a triumph. 3 The wars of Augustus were waged in the main by men who reached the consulate under the new order.

rank. In the early years it might be expected that from time to time men of consular rank would be put in charge of the mi

hed, the territories of Augustus’ provincia were to be firmly held by men whom he could trust. Northern Italy was no longer

enjoy the blessings of order and the semblance of freedom: the chief men of his party were there, Agrippa, Taurus and Maec

eader and his friend. Since that catastrophe until recently the chief men of the Caesarian party had remained steadfastly l

re is something unreal in the sustained note of jubilation, as though men knew its falsity: behind it all there lurked a de

y’s great history and in certain of the Odes of Horace. 1 The chief men of the Caesarian party had their own reasons. If

Vinicius; and a new generation of nobiles was growing up, the sons of men who had fallen in the last struggle of the Republ

at there was something in his gaze that inspired awe in the beholder: men could not confront it. 1 Statues show him as he m

nceps’ two steadfast allies of early days there was no love lost. The men of the Revolution can scarcely be described as sl

erely that it shattered the constitutional façade of the New Republic men like Agrippa had no great reverence for forms a

rgent problem confronted the government. Agrippa, Livia and the chief men in the governing oligarchy had averted the danger

l deputies and agents, as a historian observed when speaking of these men . 1 Such a triumvirate existed, called into bein

ed the Senate by admitting his partisans. Neither the measure nor the men were as scandalous as was made out then and since

laces. The Caesarian partisans and the successful renegades remained, men to whom adventure, intrigue and unscrupulous dari

n in treason, they would have held pride of place among the grand old men of the New State, honoured by Princeps and Senate

ade historical parallel. It was a formidable collection of hard-faced men enriched by war and revolution. NotesPage=>3

rans in his colonies. 3 No fewer than one hundred and twenty thousand men received the bounty of their leader. This unoffic

of the Revolution. Peace and a well-ordered state can do without such men . NotesPage=>355 1 Caesar, BG 3, 5, 2 &

r Caesar in Spain, Mamurra in Gaul. It might also be conjectured that men like Ventidius, Salvidienus and Cornelius Gallus

curator. Augustus enlisted the financial experience of Roman business men to superintend the collection of the revenues of

e Mytilenean historian, was procurator in Asia; 7 and before long two men from Gallia Narbonensis acquired ‘equestris nobil

Rome, patrician or plebeian, affected to despise knights or municipal men ; which did not, however, debar marriage or discre

Like other senators outside the circle of the consular families, such men were commonly precluded from the highest distinct

Caesar’s Dictatorship, proceeded to confer the latus clavus on young men of equestrian stock, encouraging them to stand fo

ment and admission to the Senate of the flower of Italy, good opulent men from the colonies and municipia. 3 NotesPage=&g

peal for precedent, cf. BSR Papers XIV (1938), 6 ff. For the class of men referred to, compare the phrase employed by Cicer

om Treia in Picenum and from Corfinium of the Paeligni. 2 Municipal men in the Senate of Rome in the days of Pompeius wer

n, betrays non-Latin origin. One even bears an Umbrian praenomen; and men with gentilicia like Calpetanus, Mimisius, Virias

Augustus ennoblement of their families. In the forefront the military men , carrying on the tradition of the marshals of the

an gens this Caecina belonged evades conjecture. Apart from these two men (and Quirinius and Valgius) there are in all the

locally identified, are certainly of municipal extraction. 1 These men were representatives of Augustus’ Italy, many of

ts sons to Caesar’s Senate. Quite early in the Principate five or six men appear to have begun their senatorial career, com

dition. To promote novi homines was patently not a ‘novus mos’. 3 All men knew that the noblest families of the Roman arist

ators represented, not a region or a town, but a class, precisely the men of property, ‘boni viri et locupletes’. As the au

might receive the Roman citizenship as the reward of valour; and many men from the provinces entered the legions of the Rom

all. The descendants of the Narbonensian partisans remained. 1 Of the men from Spain, Saxa and Balbus were dead, but the yo

and arbitrary: the Triumvirs were brutal among the grosser anomalies, men designated to the consulate who had never been se

credit, as against eleven nobiles. 1 Conspicuous among the latter are men whose fathers through death or defeat in the Civi

e in war and the command of armies brought the highest distinction to men whose youth had been trained in the wars of the R

Dolabella, father of the consul of A.D. 10, ib., C 1345; at least two men of the name of Cornelius Sisenna, ib., C 1454-6;

he year A.D. 4 he thus augmented the census of no fewer than eighty men . 1 Upon his own adherents the Princeps bestowed

cenum. 4 L. Volusius Saturninus and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, excellent men , amassed fortunes without discredit: precisely ho

eserve separate and detailed treatment. Noble or upstart, the chief men of the Caesarian party attained to the consulate

governmental party represented a kind of consensus Italiae. Municipal men rising to power and influence followed traditiona

cured promotion for their friends and their adherents, bringing young men of respectable families and suitable sentiments i

system of a city state was clumsy, wasteful and calamitous. Many able men lacking birth, protection or desperate ambition s

he only general or administrator among the principes. Other competent men now emerge and succeed to the heritage of power a

The nobiles can hardly be said to fare any better. 3 To the military men who served the dynasty and the State, Augustus an

ank. At the same time, as more senators reached the consulate, sturdy men without ancestors but commended by loyalty and se

sular. Africa, it may be presumed, was governed from the beginning by men of consular rank, perhaps Asia as well. Illyricum

led to lead native cavalry and to provide for commissariat. Not all men of senatorial rank were untried in active warfare

al treatment. The legates of Galatia are an instructive class. Four men of note governed Galatia at different times, one

erhaps was Lollius. Silvanus and Piso, however, were nobiles. These men all held high command in the provinces of the Eas

vernors of Galatia already discussed, there is a total of ten eminent men . Of these, three are novi homines, next to Agripp

upon senators; and the presidents of the various boards were commonly men of consular standing. An ancient authority states

devised to try certain cases of extortion the judges were to be four men of consular rank, together with three praetorians

t of open and public debate: they were now decided in secret by a few men . 1 He is right. If Augustus wished his rule to re

n unsuccessful in his invasion of Arabia. More modest and more useful men are later found, such as C. Turranius, C. Julius

umber of distinguished personages, among them (it may be conjectured) men well versed in eastern affairs, former governors

s and procurators. 3 If not themselves absent on provincial commands, men like Lollius, Quirinius and Piso will have had so

aligula, when Rome lacked a government for two days and in the Senate men debated about a restoration of the Republic, with

r was averted by a veiled coup d’état on the part of certain military men who constrained Nerva to adopt and designate as h

ve classes, recognized the son of Augustus as a prince and ruler; and men came to speak of him as a designated Princeps. 1

altogether that his father had married a relative of Tiberius. 4 Many men of merit had shared with Tiberius’ parents the fl

ent departed from the East twelve years before. In the meantime, able men had governed Syria the veteran Titius, not heard

a political catastrophe. Against that risk the Princeps and the chief men of the government must have made careful provisio

fortunae Caesarum proximus’. PageBook=>434 These were eminent men . Lepidus, of Scipionic ancestry, son of Augustus’

giving place to another generation, but not their own sons the young men inherited nobility, that was enough. Caution, abe

rnii and the numerous branches and relatives of the Cornelii Lentuli, men of more recent stocks such as L. Nonius Asprenas

cuments. It is evident that Augustus had taken counsel with the chief men of his party, making his dispositions for the smo

ion imposed by Augustus, the least honest and the least Republican of men , preyed upon the conscience of Tiberius and revea

oodwill. In the critical session of the Senate certain of the leading men of the State, such as Asinius Gallus, played with

changed the personnel, but not the character, of government. The same men who had won the wars of the Revolution now contro

lcated, if not adopted. It is not enough to acquire power and wealth: men wish to appear virtuous and to feel virtuous. T

e ever-widening claims of military security and the ambition of a few men . Cicero and his contemporaries might boast of the

us, Hist. 2, 95. PageBook=>441 Not until libertas was lost did men feel the full pride of Rome’s imperial destiny em

irtues that had won it? 4 A well-ordered state has no need of great men , and no room for them. The last century of the Fr

o a Roman, such a word was ‘antiquus’; and what Rome now required was men like those of old, and ancient virtue. As the poe

acy of moral and sumptuary legislation there might well be doubts, if men reflected on human nature and past history. Moreo

erty in marriage. The emancipation of women had its reaction upon the men , who, instead of a partner from their own class,

of Italy there was a counterpart the collegia iuvenum, clubs of young men of the officer class. These bodies provided an ap

overnment. 1 Augustus awarded commissions in the militia equestris to men approved by their towns (perhaps ex-magistrates).

from war and proscriptions had bought land. Though a number of these men may have practised commerce and might be called t

ld be no reaction. None was intended. No thought of mulcting the rich men of Italy, curbing the growth of their fortunes, o

r conspicuous in their serried ranks were hard-headed and hard- faced men like Lollius, Quirinius and Tarius Rufus. With su

t be added that the other was a Picene. That was no palliation. These men before all others should have provided the ‘Itala

ns of the West in the Principate of Augustus, it may be presumed that men from Spain and Narbonensis would be discovered in

ent in the Guard (ILS 2023); where, in the Julio-Claudian period even men from Noricum (ILS 2033) and Thracians from Macedo

the veterans the habit of a regular and useful life not like Sulla’s men . Even freedmen were not treated as outcasts. Ab

was sharply recalled to its hereditary traditions of service; and the men of property, in their own interest and for their

st of the means of influencing opinion, used all his arts to persuade men to accept the Principate and its programme. Pag

erature under the Empire. When the rule of Augustus is established, men of letters, a class whose habit it had been to at

PageBook=>460 The Republican politician adopted and patronized men of letters to display his magnificence and propag

measure of approval. Constructive proposals from neutral or partisan men of letters were less in evidence. There was Sallu

nspicuous ode. Not so Messalla, however. As for the plebeian military men promoted under the New State, there is no evidenc

terms of personal friendship with Augustus. The class to which these men of letters belonged had everything to gain from t

f Italia Transpadana and secured them full Roman citizenship. But the men of the North, though alert and progressive, were

eBook=>471 Around the Forum stood the mailed statues of military men with the inscribed record of their res gestae, fr

to divine providence. 4 If such was the demeanour of citizens or free men , the fervent zeal may be imagined with which king

ured to compete or oppose? PageNotes. 475 1 For examples of these men , ILS 7013 ff. The first high priest was C. Julius

ove a lack of criminals. It took courage to assail openly the leading men in the State; and Augustus will have preferred to

th loud cursing of the detestable upstart. 9 PageNotes. 478 1 The men of Lugdunum describe themselves as ‘coloniam Roma

t partem exercitus’ (Tacitus, Hist. 1, 65). Varus got fifteen hundred men from the colony of Berytus in 4 B.C. (Josephus, A

ime was at all likely to come and then not from the majority. The new men were contented, the most independent of the nobil

precisely so in earlier wars, had it been possible. 4 As for Actium, men might remember the killing of young Curio; and th

liberty flattered their authors without alarming the government; and men might still read without danger the opprobrious e

ageBook=>485 Augustus and Pollio were crisp, hard, unsentimental men . Augustus might permit the cult of Cicero for his

omed to slow and inexorable extinction. The better cause and the best men , the brave and the loyal, had perished. Not a mer

The nobiles lost power and wealth, display, dignity and honour. Bad men , brutal, rapacious and intolerable, entered into

. With Trajan, a Spanish and Narbonensian faction comes to power. New men had ever been pressing forward, able, wealthy or

is erga principem’. 2 It might have been set up under any reign. Such men deserved to succeed. Vitellius was the most versa

iety, steadily reduced the fortunes of the nobiles. Frugal and astute men of property from the newer parts of Italy and the

the legates who commanded the armies in his provincia, and only three men of consular standing. PageNotes. 502 1 D. Val

e still on the Fasti three Republican nobiles and some seven or eight men sprung from Triumviral or Augustan consuls: only

potism and the unwilling instrument of the process, was sickened when men of his own class abandoned their Roman tradition

logy of noble families and compiled the public careers of illustrious men . 3 The theme of history remains, as before, ‘clar

d, for it sought to abolish war and politics. There could be no great men any more: the aristocracy was degraded and persec

and unprincipled scoundrels of the previous age, there were excellent men to be found in this company, sons of the old Ital

hen the power was to pass from Augustus to Tiberius, remarks that few men were still alive that remembered the Republic ’

was made to apply it in practice, for fear of something worse: sober men might well ponder on the apparent ridicule and so

mbitious generals or spurious principles, no longer were the peaceful men of property to be driven into taking sides in a q

of the Cocceii, they had a genius for safety. There could be great men still, even under bad emperors, if they abated th

they do not occur in the documents that attest the consulates of the men in question. B.C. 80 L. Cornelius L. f. Sulla

a, 259. Idealization, of early Rome, 249, 452 f., 455; of municipal men , 455; of peasants, 454, 456; of Pompeius, 317 f.

9, 90; Pompeian partisans from, 28, 31, 88, 90; Caesarians, 92; other men from Picenum, 200; Augustan novi homines, 362,

ajan, the Emperor. Umbria, attitude of, in the Bellum Italicum, 87; men from Umbria, 90, 360 f., 466. Urbinia, her heirs