Recherche, Octavius [Obvie]

Republic and the Empire: it is something real and tangible, whatever may be the name or theory of the constitution. To t

sar and Antonius by contrast are treated rather leniently, the reason may be discovered in the character and opinions of th

f Augustus is regarded as the foundation of the Roman Empire. The era may be variously computed, from the winning of sole p

anifest, as early as the year 23 B.C., so that a continuous narrative may run down to that date, thence to diverge into a d

on of the Republic’ in 28 and 27 B.c. Gibbon’s remarks (c. iii, init) may be read with profit. 2 The Triumviral period is

rayed and proscribed his ally. The reason for such exceptional favour may be largely assigned to one thing the influence of

d, it is true, but admitting criticism, interpretation, or disbelief) may encourage the attempt to record the story of the

rom the Republican and Antonian side. The adulatory or the uncritical may discover in this design a depreciation of Augustu

ning class. The marshals, diplomats, and financiers of the Revolution may be discerned again in the Republic of Augustus as

lzer’s definition (Die Nobilität, 21 ff.) is here accepted. ‘Nobilis’ may not be quite a technical term, but its connotatio

in and in the war against Mithridates. 5 Among other Picene partisans may be reckoned T. Labienus, and perhaps A. Gabinius.

nothing is known. But his wife Lollia (Suetonius, Divus Julius 50, 1) may well be a daughter of Palicanus, whose candidatur

fide, quia mutuo metu tenebantur. ’ PageBook=>036 constitution may fairly be designated as the end of the Free State

nged. Pompeius emerged with renewed strength from a crisis which he may have done much to provoke. 4 Had he dropped Caesa

54 B.C.). Neither was strong enough to harm Pompeius; and Ap. Pulcher may already have been angling for an alliance. 1 The

atriotic submission to the needs of the Commonwealth. 1 The coalition may summarily be described as four ancient and eminen

II, 152). PageBook=>044 Pompeius and alliance with the Lentuli may not unfairly be surmised. 1 The patrician Corne

the proconsul’s proposals as conveyed to the Senate were moderate and may not be dismissed as mere manoeuvres for position

ty and the feeling of guilt, added to inadequate preparation for war, may have impaired his decision. 3 Yet his plan was no

ib. 7, 7, 5; 8, 16, 1. 3 Pompeius’ illness in the summer of 50 B.C. may not have been wholly due to physical causes. 4

written treatises about the Roman Commonwealth some years earlier, he may have expected to be consulted upon these weighty

er, after the pattern of the monarchies of the Hellenistic East. Thus may Caesar be represented as the heir in all things o

anned to establish at Rome a ‘Hellenistic Monarchy’, whatever meaning may attach to that phrase. The Dictatorship was enoug

ond the wishes of his allies and emancipates himself from control, he may have to be dropped or suppressed. The reformer Ti

atullus’ attacks upon Caesar, Vatinius, Mamurra and Labienus the last may be the ‘Mentula’ of certain poems; cf. T. Frank,

of the family, whatever the event. The bond of personal allegiance may be compared to that of the family. It was often s

ius. But not all were now Pompeians P. Sulpicius Rufus, a kinsman, it may be presumed, of that eloquent and high-minded tri

pain (Sallust, Hist. 2, 94 M), and Ser. Sulpicius Galba, whose parent may plausibly be discovered in the consilium at Ascul

y derived from L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, above, p. 44, n. 4. 3 It may be presumed that he had a hand in the pact of 60

rved. Many of the bankers were already personal friends of Caesar: it may be presumed that he gave them guarantees against

emona (Caesar, BC 1, 24, 4). 4 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 73. The poet may have owed something to the patronage of the Metel

Balbi, the dynasts of Gades, from Pompeius’ following to his own. He may also have inherited the Spanish connexion of his

hron., p. 164 H). His father was called Cn. Cornelius (ILS 8995), and may be a Gallic notable who got the citizenship from

at Balbus aedificat. τί γἀ⍴ αùτῷ µέλ∊ι’; 3 Dio 43, 47, 3. The total may not really have been quite so large. 4 Ib. 43,

lust, Hist, 1,55, 22 M): A primipilaris (Orosius 5, 21, 3). But there may have been others. On the class from which Sulla’s

(1938), 13. PageBook=>079 Some of Caesar’s equestrian officers may have been ex-centurions. Of the senators stated o

for senatorial rank, if not Virgil’s as well. Among Caesar’s nominees may be reckoned the Hostilii from Cremona and the poe

No names are recorded. Yet surmise about origins and social standing may claim validity. The province could boast opulent

was a municipal magistrate at Acerrae (CIL X, 3758). L. Decidius Saxa may also have been an ex-centurion, below, p. 80, n.

n the wars, either as a centurion or as an equestrian officer. 1 Saxa may be described as an immigrant or colonial Roman. B

thrown to wild beasts (Ad fam. 10, 32, 3). Another senator from Spain may be Titius, Bell. Afr. 28, 2, cf. Münzer, P- W VI

belonged to the settlement on the Quirinal, Livy 5, 46, 1 ff. 3 As may be inferred from Val. Max. 2, 4, 5. On gentile cu

of the citizenship to any who laid down their arms within sixty days may have weakened the insurgents by encouraging deser

of the nobiles to secure the consulate. In their political careers he may have encouraged or defended certain of his person

le help. 5 Plancius, from Cicero’s own Volscian country, required and may have NotesPage=>088 1 Velleius 2, 16, 2.

ce in his army can be detected. Others, failing contradictory record, may be presumed to owe their status to him, for examp

s Ventidius as a muleteer. 3 His career was laborious, but his origin may have been reputable. History has record of a fami

mpeius 6. 5 Perhaps for Gabinius (above, p. 31). L. Nonius Asprenas may well be Picene, cf‘L. Nonius T.f. Vel. ’in the co

f Rome can be discovered from nomenclature. 1 The earliest accessions may sometimes be detected in the alien roots of their

tor Sex. Teidius (Asconius 28 p. 32 Clark, cf. Plutarch, Pompeius 64) may be mentioned. 2 C. Flavius Fimbria, a novus hom

Marius T. Didius (98), C. Coelius Caldus (94), and M. Herennius (93) may have been helped by him. 3 L. Licinius Murena (

d with design. The funeral oration delivered by Antonius (March 20th) may not have been intended as a political manifesto o

nded as a political manifesto of the Caesarian party; and the results may have outstripped his designs. In form, the speech

ee of sympathy for the Republican cause defies any close estimate: it may not be measured by optimistic and partisan procla

their provinces. 1 What happened is obscure the provinces in question may have been allotted on March 18th. Early in April

il Decimus Brutus set out for Cisalpine Gaul; about the same time, it may be presumed, Trebonius went to Asia, Cimber to Bi

of the Horse, for more than a year. The task was delicate, and Caesar may not have been altogether satisfied with his deput

A blameless life is not the whole of virtue, and inflexible rectitude may prove a menace to the Commonwealth. 1 Though th

ersonal liberty, accorded a wide indulgence. The failings of Antonius may have told against him but in Rome and in Italy ra

e as though the fate of Caesar were not a warning. Moreover, Antonius may have lacked the taste, and perhaps the faculty, f

e fact. Certain of his acts that lend colour to the charge of tyranny may be defended by the wide discretionary powers whic

and aggression are terms of partisan interpretation. Though Antonius may not have desired to set himself in’ Caesar’s plac

appened next is obscure. The enemies of Antonius, taking new courage, may have gone too far. It was known before the event

the consul at the meeting of the Senate announced for August 1st; it may also have been known who was to take the lead, na

’ So at least on the surface, which is all that we know. Yet Antonius may have spoken as he did in order to force his enemi

surrender his command, hardly even a part of it, the Cisalpina, which may have been Piso’s proposal (cf. Appian, BC 3, 30,

ramme and their catchwords. If the process goes far enough, a faction may grow into something like a national party. So it

l science as a subject of academic study, that the arts of government may be learned from books. The revolutionary career o

t numerous; 2 and he got little NotesPage=>127 1 His arguments may be discovered from Cicero’s defence of the morals

o their mere names would have been a damaging revelation. Salvidienus may well have been an equestrian officer in Caesar’s

ble. Note the absence of Salvidienus. PageBook=>132 Octavianus may already have numbered among his supporters certai

haps with a bribe to his ambition, the consulate of 48 B.C. Servilius may not have been a man of action yet he governed the

ed Cicero to compose NotesPage=>138 1 Ad Att. 7, 15, 2. 2 He may , however, have been influenced by circumstantial

is a danger, it is true, that the relations of Cicero and Octavianus may be dated too far back, interpreted in the light o

Cicero and P. Servilius when they attacked the consul. However that may be, by the beginning of October Caesar’s heir was

er,3 in private letters he vaunted the excellence of his own plan: it may be doubted whether at any time he felt that he co

, 2, 6), the De officiis not until November (ib. 16, 11, 4). 5 This may perhaps be supported by what St. Augustine record

nd indeed laudable partiality for Cicero, and for the ‘better cause’, may cover the intrusion of special and irrelevant ple

nvectives against Piso. The other speeches against Antonius, however, may be counted, for vigour, passion and intensity, am

st carefully to conceal. But certain topics, not the least important, may never come up for open debate. The Senate listene

he enterprise and the profits are large enough, bankers and merchants may be styled the flower of society, the pride of the

al to bring back order again. The decisive act in a policy of treason may be described as ‘laying the foundations of settle

lpina, namely the plebiscite of June 1st. Explicitly or not, that law may have permitted him to take over the province befo

XXIII (1898), 195. PageBook=>169 Caesarians and neutrals alike may have expected the swift fall of Mutina. Against t

rutus went to Athens and was seen at the lectures of philosophers. It may be presumed that his agents were at work in Maced

rtain Republicans in the Senate (Ad M. Brutum 1, 15, 9). However that may be, the Autobiography of Augustus, in self-justif

rated by the advice which the Caesarian consul Pansa on his death-bed may or may not have given to Caesar’s heir. 4 And n

y the advice which the Caesarian consul Pansa on his death-bed may or may not have given to Caesar’s heir. 4 And now on o

ious and diplomatic Plancus, even the perfidious and despised Lepidus may yet in treachery be held true to the Roman People

? ’ PageBook=>168 honoured, lifted up and lifted off. 1 Cicero may never have said it. That did not matter. The happ

ting the ambition of Octavianus. 4 Who was the destined colleague? It may well have been the ambiguous P. Servilius, for to

Antonius. Brutus had not broken off all relations with M. Antonius he may still have hoped for an accommodation:7 the broth

e for the passage of news and movements of troops in winter. 2 This may be why he wished to delay the publication in Rome

on to stand for the consulate in absence8 a move of conciliation that may have been NotesPage=>171 1 Ad M. Brutum 1,

. 1 The union of Antonius and Lepidus cleared the situation; messages may then have passed. A clear indication was soon giv

uted in a local civil war for several years. 5 As for the islands, it may already have been feared, and it was soon to be k

hy was returning and died upon the spot, of his own will. 2 The scene may have been impressive, but the prophecy was superf

rrible stories were told of the rapacity and blood-lust of Fulvia. It may be doubted whether contemporaries agreed. If they

ianus that they invoked indulgence and made allowances. Regrets there may have been to see a fine soldier and a Roman noble

onii were an ancient family of Tibur:3 the proscription of a Coponius may fairly be put down to Plancus. 4 A brother and a

e in the company of Plancus. 6 Urbinius Panapio (Val. Max. 6, 8, 6) may have been a Marrucine: an Urbinia certainly marri

as usual, battened upon the blood of citizens. 1 The proscriptions may not unfairly be regarded as in purpose and essenc

hat he came from the ancient colony of Norba, P-W xvii, 926. Canidius may be the man who was with Cato in Cyprus in 57 B.C.

ounsel for war. Even when Antonius joined Lepidus and Plancus, Brutus may not have abandoned all hope of an accommodation w

nius gazed in sorrow upon the Roman dead, the tragedy of his own life may have risen to his thoughts. Brutus had divined it

used the cause of liberty and the protection of their own estates. It may be supposed that the escape of the greater number

events in Italy, the war in Etruria and the investment of Perusia, it may be that he had no cognizance when he arrived at T

se or disguise after the event; and Antonius, if adequately informed, may still have preferred to wait upon events. 5 At la

o 48, 28, 1; Appian, BC 5, 58, 245. 4 Appian, BC 5, 53, 220. Appian may , however, be exaggerating the prestige of Antoniu

Roma viribus ruit. The Epode is quoted and utilized here, though it may very well be several years later in date. The pro

ring of Messianic candidates with spurious credentials or none at all may summarily be dismissed. A definite claim was earl

nce. 4 Yet the very existence, not merely the relevance, of Saloninus may be called into doubt; 5 further, there is no reas

cta parentis iam legere et quae sit poteris cognoscere virtus. 2 It may have been rehandled and made more allegorical in

s sent his best general Ventidius to disperse the Parthians. 4 Pollio may have departed to Macedonia about the same time if

NotesPage=>220 1 Ecl. 4, 17. 2 Appian, BC 5, 63, 269. 3 As may be inferred from Dio 48, 26, 3. 4 Appian, BC 5,

e conviction grew upon him that he had been thwarted and deceived. He may have hoped that his military genius as well as hi

cyra in the late summer of the year he sent Octavia back to Italy. He may already have tired of Octavia. Anything that remi

ow began to attract ambitious aristocrats, among the earliest of whom may fairly be reckoned a Claudian of the other branch

command in Sardinia. 7 To this ill-consorted and undistinguished crew may perhaps be added P. Alfenus Varus (cos. suff. 39

rare name of non-Latin termination. Rebilus (Appian, BC 5, 101, 422) may be the son of C. Caninius Rebilus, cos. suff. 45

us in Syria, revealed only by inscriptions (Syria xv (1934), 33 ff.), may have been sent by Antonius to help his ally and m

(1934), 33 ff.), may have been sent by Antonius to help his ally and may have passed before long into the service of Octav

of non-Latin stock. 3 The name of Statilius recalled, and his family may have continued, an ancient line of the aristocrac

ion to Taurus comes from Volceii in Lucania (ILS 893 a). 5 Messalla may have come with ships from Antonius as did Bibulus

publicly commemorated. 1 At the end of 33 B.C. the Triumvirate (as it may still be called despite the disappearance of Lepi

econd time, and his influence, not total but at least preponderating, may perhaps be detected in the composition of the con

fame afterwards, either the nobiles or the novi homines. 2 Octavianus may now have honoured men of discreet repute among th

A 1680; 71. 3 On the family of Herennius, cf. above, p. 92. Memmius may be the son of C. Memmius (pr. 58 B.C.) and of Fau

disturbances, the lapse of time permitted the Revolution (for such it may with propriety be called) to acquire permanence a

wards. Though Sallustius was no blind partisan of Caesar, his aim, it may be inferred, was to demonstrate how rotten and fr

s proconsul of Africa Nova in 46‖45 B.C. 2 Dio 43, 9, 2 though this may not be convincing evidence, for it may derive fro

. 2 Dio 43, 9, 2 though this may not be convincing evidence, for it may derive from a belief, natural enough, in the auth

a letter to Cicero mentions ‘my friend, Cornelius Gallus’. 3 The poet may have served as an equestrian officer on the staff

f an owner of property from the town of Mantua. Pollio’s good offices may have preserved or restored the poet’s estate so l

us, author of Annales belli Gallici (cf. esp. Horace, Sat. 2, 5, 41), may well be Bibaculus, though this has been disputed.

tor quam poeta melior. ’ PageBook=>254 Italy on imported corn, may have reinforced the argument for self-sufficiency

from early Roman history recently discovered in the Basilica Aemilia may belong to Paullus’ work in 34 B.C. (Dio 49, 42, 2

h him Titius, Ahenobarbus and others. 1 Plancus, the uncle of Titius, may have seen service in this war on the staff of Ant

Oppius Capito). 2 Plancus’ second imperatorial salutation (ILS 886) may have been won earlier, in 40-39 B.C. PageBook=&

bandoned public life, perhaps Censorinus had as well. Other partisans may already have been verging towards Caesar’s heir o

many uncertainties in this field. Valuable additions and corrections may be expected from the forthcoming work of Mr. M. G

ds under Antonius; 2 the amiable and diplomatic L. Cocceius, however, may not have left Italy after the Pact of Brundisium.

er own ambitions. A fabricated concatenation of unrealized intentions may be logical, artistic and persuasive, but it is no

ut there are more insistent and more dangerous forms of domination he may have succumbed to the power of her imagination an

problems concerning the ‘marriage’ of Antonius. The women alluded to may be the wives of certain associates of Octavianus

en prominence of consuls and of a tribune at the beginning of 32 B.C. may be taken as fair proof that the Triumvirate had c

Antonius, which they had received late in the preceding autumn. They may previously have made a compromise with Octavianus

husband of Pompeia, daughter of Pompeius Magnus: but the consul of 32 may be his son by an earlier marriage (PIR2, C 1338).

itical judgement was sharper than their sense of personal obligation, may have departed in the company, or after the exampl

urite oath, it was even stated (and has since been believed), was ‘so may I deliver my edicts upon the Capitol’. 5 No Roman

sentiment under a despotic government, a certain suspension of belief may safely be recommended. Nor is it to be fancied th

gis Alexandri Magni imagine signavit. ’ The inscr. ILS 5531 (Iguvium) may attest contributions for the war: note the phrase

(Aritium, in the province of Lusitania). A part of the last of these may be quoted for illustration: ‘ex mei animi sentent

here in the vicinity of Calvisius Sabinus or Statilius Taurus; and it may fairly be conjectured that no opposition confront

ly. The adhesion of Sulmo to the national cause seventeen years later may perhaps be put down to the agency of a local offi

albus and his nephew were all but monarchic in their native Gades; it may be presumed that the wealthy family of the Annaei

26th, Autronius on August 16th, probably of the same year: Autronius may not have been the immediate successor of L. Corni

verbial but not unparalleled. 1 The ex-Republican M. Licinius Crassus may have made his peace with Octavianus about the sam

the battle itself is all a mystery—and a topic of controversy. There may have been little fighting and comparatively few c

, of L. Arruntius, an ex-Pompeian. 3 Sosius’ peril and Sosius’ rescue may have been artfully staged. Neither of the rival

ay 26th, 28 B.C. (CIL I 2, p. 77): none the less his command in Spain may have preceded that of Taurus. He is not mentioned

pressure to bear upon him. Some informal exchange of opinion there may well have been. No record would be likely to surv

e pietas of the Senate and deplored the death of a friend. 2 Gallus may have been recalled from Egypt in 28 B.C. With the

es 3, 9, 63) describes the offence as ‘temerati crimen amici’. Gallus may , after all, have been simply sacrificed to concil

has not deigned to allude to this transaction at all. 2 In truth, it may be regarded merely as the legalization, and there

5 1 ILS 893. 2 Dio 51, 23, 1. 3 Above, pp. 189 and 268. His son may have been married to a granddaughter of Cn. Domit

Murena’ (2, 91, 2). Similarly, the ‘Murena’ of Horace, Odes 3, 19, 11 may be identified with the ‘Licinius’ of Odes 2, 10,

sted. L. Tarius Rufus (cos. suff. 16) and M. Vinicius (cos. suff. 19) may well have held more than one praetorian command i

him had celebrated Spanish triumphs in Rome. Some of these campaigns may have prepared the way for Augustus: if so, scant

e a certain L. Sestius took office another exercise of auctoritas, it may be presumed, arbitrary but clothed in a fair pret

ossumus. ’ Horace, Odes 1, 2, is quite relevant here, though the poem may well have been composed as early as 29 or 28 B.C.

to his counsellors. It was thwarted. Agrippa’s conception, backed, it may well be, by a powerful and domestic ally, triumph

eat general to herself and to Augustus. Livia deserved to succeed. It may fairly be represented that the secret coup d’etat

A democracy cannot rule an empire. Neither can one man, though empire may appear to presuppose monarchy. There is always an

of clemency and magnanimity, some of the minor partisans of Antonius may have been allowed to retain senatorial rank, in n

us, more tightly organized. Capital felt secure. A conservative party may be very large and quite heterogeneous. Cicero, wh

1 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 49, 1. 2 Ib. 25, 1. 3 Ib. 56, 4. The name may be ‘Scruttarius’, cf. C. Cichorius, R. Studien, 2

t he had many enemies. L. Annaeus Seneca, a wealthy man from Corduba, may have held a post of this kind before he devoted h

embraces of a ‘municipalis adulter’. 2 Seianus’ father, Seius Strabo, may have been no more than a knight in standing, a ci

estini (ILS 9368, cf. CIL IX, 3587). T. Mussidius Pollianus (ILS 913) may illustrate the names ending in ‘-idius’. 3 ILS

Caelius and Q. Fabricius, suffect consuls in 5, 4 and 2 B.C. Caelius may have come from Tusculum, CIL XIV, 2622 f. 6 C.

CIL V, 4201, a freedman of the family)? Further, C. Pontius Paelignus may come from Brixia, cf. ILS 942. 3 Cf. esp. CIL I

and renewing. Liberal theory and the long-desired unifying of Italy may with propriety be taken to commend and justify, b

contrast between Caesar the Dictator and Augustus the Princeps which may satisfy the needs of the moralist, the pedagogue

nces, for they are an integral part of the Roman State, wherever they may be Corduba, Lugdunum, or even Pisidian Antioch. 6

tein, Der r. Rttterstand, 389. Further, C. Julius Aquila (c. 10 B.C.) may well be provincial, perhaps from Bithynia- Pontus

hical designs of Augustus and prevented the adoption of Marcellus; it may be conjectured that certain among them, above all

The Senate had been purged once. That was not enough for Augustus. He may have hoped to renew the work in 22 B.C.: he delay

renders in certain provinces of public affairs and by the promise, it may be, of an imminent programme of reform. The consu

ntrol of elections from accident or from design. Augustus’ intentions may have been laudable and sincere more likely that t

iod. After 19 B.C., however, a development is perceptible. Yet this may be a result, not only of Augustus’ own enhanced s

d to the cause by various ties. Some, such as Paullus Fabius Maximus, may even have enjoyed his confidence. 3 They were not

heir ancestors, genuine or supposed. 2 Clients or distant collaterals may have usurped rank and forged pedigrees. Over some

us Claudius had been blessed with five daughters for dynastic matches may inspire and baffle conjecture. 1 Though unprolifi

itution: his influence, checked no doubt for a long time by Augustus, may be detected in the frequent promotion of novi hom

Velleius entered the Senate. 3 The influence of M. Vinicius of Cales may here be detected. Velleius repaid the debt by com

This man had married well his wife was Aelia Galla, the daughter, it may be presumed, of that Aelius Gallus who was the se

6 Postumus, the husband of Aelia Galla (Propertius 3, 12, 1, cf. 38), may surely be identified with the senator C. Properti

Urgulania with Livia is attested by Tacitus, Ann. 2, 34; 4, 21 f. It may also be surmised in the marriage of her granddaug

in secret, knew no name or definition and needed none. The precaution may appear excessive. Not in Rome but with the provin

ployed; 1 and on this occasion the proconsul of Macedonia, whoever he may have been, was surely not inactive. Conquest had

cum and fought a campaign in the winter of 13-12 B.C.2 The design, it may be conjectured, was that Agrippa should prosecute

g. X Fret. | pontem fecit. ’ He is not described as ‘proconsul’. This may mean that the Princeps had temporarily taken over

eliberately omitted by Velleius and lost from Dio, or unknown to him, may belong here. 2 For evidence and arguments in su

he public provinces classified as praetorian and consular. Africa, it may be presumed, was governed from the beginning by m

no little importance from its constant and arduous wars: the garrison may not always have been as small as the single legio

inia, and kept it. 4 NotesPage=>394 1 The legion XII Fulminata may have been in Africa c. A.D. 3 (ILS 8966). 2 Dio

the obscure Petreius was also in high repute as a military man. 4 He may have served in Spain before Varro certainly had,

e next attested legate, governing the province in absentia; and there may have been no separate legate for Syria during the

three years; after that, he was proconsul of Asia; 7 subsequently, it may be, legate of Syria. 8 NotesPage=>398 1 He

governor at the time of the surrender of the Parthian hostages, which may fall in 19 B.C. and not, as usually assumed, r. 1

1915), Beiblatt 51, would not be sufficient or secure support, for it may belong to another L. Piso at a slightly later dat

n the Balkans in these years is doubly obscure. The army of Macedonia may still have been retained by the proconsul or may

he army of Macedonia may still have been retained by the proconsul or may already have been transferred to the legate of Mo

already have been transferred to the legate of Moesia. 5 However that may be, no consulars can be established in this perio

R 1, 654, from Callatis (for P. Vinicius). The successor of P. Silius may well be Sex. Aelius Catus (cos. A.D. 4), for a ce

ordant with each other and perhaps recalcitrant to the Princeps. They may have suspected, and with reason, that he intended

e by such as had a reputation for independence. The eloquent Messalla may have played his part along with the diplomatic Pl

ue in the consulate, M. Valerius Messalla Rufus, who wrote on augury, may still have been alive. Messalla was augur for fif

egions directly, and all provinces indirectly. The statute of 23 B.C. may not have given the Princeps the power of making w

he Princeps, and a number of distinguished personages, among them (it may be conjectured) men well versed in eastern affair

After his consulate he governed Macedonia and Gaul in succession; it may be presumed that he had formed certain impression

t and East, executed as an impressive example of converging strategy, may not unfairly be attributed to the great road-buil

othing of this ‘conspiracy’. The fact that Cinna was consul in A.D. 5 may have had something to do with the origin of the s

ok=>419 THREE dangers ever beset the domination of a party there may arise dissension among its directors, the nominal

y there may arise dissension among its directors, the nominal leader. may emancipate himself from control, or he may be rem

ctors, the nominal leader. may emancipate himself from control, or he may be removed by death. For the moment, Augustus had

, intrigues or conspiracies. The tumultuous history of the Ahenobarbi may have inculcated a rational distaste for politics

h certain other families in the time of Augustus, genealogical claims may be tenuous or dubious. These Plautii have their m

, i.e., probably of Tiberius’ father or grandfather. This Q. Volusius may be the father of L. Volusius Saturninus (cos. suf

ry provinces. The supersession of Sentius in Syria by Varus in 6 B.C. may , or may not, have had political causes. No doubt,

nces. The supersession of Sentius in Syria by Varus in 6 B.C. may, or may not, have had political causes. No doubt, however

s (ILS 976, cf. PIR2, A 1147). But L. Arruntius himself (cos. A.D. 6) may have Pompeian blood or connexions through the Cor

and eloquent Ti. Sem-pronius Gracchus,4 an Ap. Claudius Pulcher, who may have been the son or grandson of the consul of 38

of 38 B.C., and a Cornelius Scipio were all relegated. 5 The offence may have been transgression against the Leges Juliae:

d the laws that were to sanction the moral regeneration of Rome. 7 It may be tempting, but it is not necessary, to rehabili

empting, but it is not necessary, to rehabilitate her entirely. Julia may have been immodest, but she was hardly a monster.

ucius. To this end their mother served merely as an instrument. There may have been a conspiracy. Whether wanton or merely

s not the ‘flagitia’ but the tornen’ that doomed him. Iullus Antonius may have aspired to the place of Tiberius as stepfath

ired to the place of Tiberius as stepfather of the princes; and Julia may well have found the accomplished Antonius more am

down Julia and Antonius, it was not from tenderness for Tiberius. It may be that through the ruin of his daughter he sough

ere levelled against this powerful and unpopular ally of the Princeps may perhaps be held confirmed rather than refuted by

avourite Drusus on the other flank of the convergent advance, Lollius may have laboured for another to reap. Lollius was su

gated to a barren island. 2 Her paramour was D. Junius Silanus3 there may have been others, for the charge of immorality wa

ultery with Julia, for she was his wife. Connivance in her misconduct may have been invoked to palliate his execution for c

s had drawn up his last will and testament. 4 About the same time, it may be inferred, three state-papers were composed or

. 3 Thousands and thousands of veterans had been planted in Italy but may more correctly be regarded as small capitalists t

m war and proscriptions had bought land. Though a number of these men may have practised commerce and might be called town-

l degeneration that comes from wealth and empire. The Italian peasant may have been valorous and frugal: he was also narrow

than Rome, that prevailed in the War of Actium. The Principate itself may , in a certain sense, be regarded as a triumph of

ll and old-fashioned town in Latium certain features in his character may not unfairly be attributed the hard realism, the

concerning the legions of the West in the Principate of Augustus, it may be presumed that men from Spain and Narbonensis w

e, a fervent sympathy with martial and imperial ideals. In his Odes may be discovered the noblest expression of the Augus

Pompeian rather than Caesarian, for that was the ‘better cause’. 2 It may be presumed that Augustus’ historian also spoke w

had private and material reasons for gratitude to Augustus, that fact may have reinforced, but it did not pervert, the sent

the character or in the political sentiments of Virgil and Livy. Both may be taken as fairly typical representatives of the

of youth. He made the conventional excuse of the erotic poet his page may be scabrous, but his life is chaste: vita verec

trate at Rome and in relation to the laws of Rome. A similar oath, it may be presumed, was administered to the Eastern prov

4 If such was the demeanour of citizens or free men, the fervent zeal may be imagined with which kings, tetrarchs and petty

Princeps was threatened by continual conspiracies though these plots may not have been either as frequent or as dangerous

and core and compromised the existence of the new order. A government may invent conspiracies for its own ends: if it canno

wer than four under-shirts, not to mention puttees round his legs. It may be added that the garments of the First Citizen w

ize. Certain politicians had not delayed to produce their memoirs: it may be presumed that they were not alarmingly outspok

Augustus might permit the cult of Cicero for his own purposes. Yet it may be that his real opinion of the character, policy

t that his speech showed traces of his native dialect. Pollio himself may have had a local accent. Nor was the judgement me

ents change and careerists make mistakes. Seianus fell. The historian may have been involved in his ruin. With the accessio

e corpse of the Republic. Libertas, as has been sufficiently shown, may be appropriated by any faction and any government

us, Divus Aug. 85, 1. PageBook=>507 The argument and the moral may readily be inferred Cato, always an advocate of o

sk the realities of their rule. The halo of their resplendent fortune may dazzle, but it cannot blind, the critical eye. Ot

ng at the expense of their betters. The game of traducing the upstart may have originated with the aristocracy: it was chee

e comfort from wine, Horace contemplates the possibility that Plancus may go to the wars again. 6 No chance of that: in the

to the Empire. The senator Helvidius Priscus, the son of a centurion, may have been sincere in his principles:3 but the Rom

ustus stood like a soldier, ‘in statione’ for the metaphor, though it may have parallels in the language of the Stoics, is

he Campus Martius a huge and dynastic monument, his own Mausoleum. He may already, in the ambition to perpetuate his glory,

s to stand outside his monument, the Res Gestae]5 or at the least, it may be conjectured that some such document was includ

death, handed over to the consul Piso in 23 B.C. But earlier versions may more easily be surmised than detected. The Res Ge