is an offence against the nature of history and is the prime cause of many pertinacious delusions about the Principate of Au

he Free State, after the ordinances of Sulla the Dictator, there were many senators whose fathers had held only the lower ma

hundred senators the names of some four hundred can be identified, many of them obscure or casually known. 1 The remainde

influence in their own right, exercising a power beyond the reach of many a senator. Of such dominating forces behind the p

cquired: a statesman could not win power and influence without making many enemies. The novus homo had to tread warily. Anxi

al magnates like Crassus. But the wealth of knights often outstripped many an ancient senatorial family, giving them a great

Roman State, holding twelve consulates, censorships or triumphs in as many years. 3 Impaired by the rise and domination of t

carefully soliciting the aid of young nobiles whose clientela carried many votes. 5 The oligarchy knew their man. They admit

Caesar would tolerate no superior, Pompeius no rival. 1 Caesar had many enemies, provoked by his ruthless ambition, by hi

n power had thwarted or suspended the constitution for their own ends many times in the past. Exceptions had been made befor

g. Dead, too, and killed by Romans, were Caesar’s rivals and enemies, many illustrious consulars. Ahenobarbus fought and fel

l distinction, not merely nobiles but patrician; on the outer fringe, many excellent Roman knights, ‘the flower of Italy’. T

d the franchise. Caesar in truth was more conservative and Roman than many have fancied; and no Roman conceived of governmen

e dead: their friends and companions became Caesarians. 1 He won over many former opponents, sons of the nobiles or of Roman

was massed against him. No matter Caesar’s faction numbered not only many senators but nobiles at that. Most conspicuous

sar’s friends were his secretaries, counsellors and political agents, many of them notable for literary tastes and productio

presence of the rehabilitated Gabinius. 2 That assembly now harboured many other clients whom Cicero had once defended, not,

long with the stubborn remnants of the Italian insurgents. Marius had many adherents in the Etruscan towns; and all the Samn

of their franchise, a grant which had never been sincerely made; and many Italians had no use for it. Loyalties were still

rs ready for an armed rising, but also, and perhaps more disquieting, many municipal aristocrats in sympathy with the champi

d the insurrections of Lepidus and Catilina. It is not merely that so many of his soldiers and centurions were recruited fro

its in Gaul. 3 The power and wealth of the Pompeii no doubt raised up many enemies against them in their own country. Sulmo

Roman State which hitherto had produced very few. Cautious or frugal, many knights shunned politics altogether. Sulla had ta

arly morning of March 17th, ably argued by O. E. Schmidt, accepted by many and reinforced by Münzer (P- W, Supp. v, 375 f.),

to have the force of law. The need of this was patent and inevitable: many senators, many of the Liberators themselves, held

ce of law. The need of this was patent and inevitable: many senators, many of the Liberators themselves, held preferment, of

e Roman People, all was not lost. The Dictator was dead, regretted by many , but not to be avenged; an assertion of liberty h

ny survived hence open dismay among the friends of the Liberators and many a secret muttering at the failure of the coup d’é

egitimate primacy, it is true, could only be attained at Rome through many extra-constitutional resources, bribery, intrigue

sarian party. For his first designs he needed funds and a faction. As many of the most eminent of the Caesarians already hel

r had been saved because he had a party behind him. It was clear that many a man followed Caesar in an impious war from pers

clumsy device to discredit the young adversary. Among contemporaries, many enemies of Antonius believed in the reality of th

was organized. With the young man went five of his intimate friends, many soldiers and centurions and a convoy of wagons be

t Tibur, where not only the troops but a great part of the Senate and many private persons swore an oath of allegiance,2 the

Maecenas (ILS 7848; cf. Nicolaus 31, 133?). Tacitus (Ann. 6, 11) and many of the moderns give Octavianus’ friend the name ‘

n, though reluctant, to the censorship in 50 B.C., an honour to which many consulars must have aspired as due recognition of

ng fashion. Cicero surrendered to the obsession. Otherwise there were many things that might have brought Cicero and Caesar

a monster after all: a blended and enigmatic individual, he possessed many virtues, which for a time had deceived excellent

1: ὡς γ∈λοῖον ὕπατον ἔχομ∈ν. 2 Cf. the friendly and humorous letter many years later, Ad fam. 5, 10a. 3 Suetonius, Divus

of consular rank, no Valerius, no Claudius. 2 Of the Cornelii, whose many branches had produced the Scipiones and the Lentu

o they had been implicated in the Ides of March. Like Brutus himself, many of these nobiles had abandoned the cause of Pompe

in the end. Consternation descended on the associates of Antonius, on many a Caesarian, and on such honest friends of peace

e relative of unimpeachable repute, who did not survive the honour by many months. The new consul now entered Rome to pay sa

ablished the Triumvirate according to the Pact of Bononia. There were many men alive who remembered Sulla. Often enough befo

and tales of strange vicissitudes and miraculous escapes adorned the many volumes which this unprecedented wealth of materi

nd his name: ‘puer qui omnia nomini debes’, as Antonius had said, and many another. That splendid name was now dishonoured.

onal danger and loss of estates were no doubt invented or enhanced by many astute individuals who owed security, if not enri

could sometimes be avoided, among the aristocracy at least. Sulla had many enemies among the nobiles, but certain of the mor

ion of property in Italy. He maintained the grants of Sulla. Further, many of his colonies were established on provincial so

a civil war seemed only a contest of factions in the Roman nobility, many young men of spirit and distinction chose Caesar

ion to the new master of Rome. While some reverted again to Pompeius, many took service under Antonius and remained with him

eBook=>229 Octavianus abruptly divorced Scribonia, his senior by many years and a tiresome character. 1 He then contrac

pstart Laronius and the noble Messalla had to wait for some years not many . High priesthoods were conferred as patronage.

e aristocracy. The nobiles would attract others of their own rank and many a humbler snob or time-server as well: the prospe

nce or protection got restitution of property. But the government had many enemies, the victims of confiscation, rancorous a

Licinius, Junius or Calpurnius. Those families were not extinct, but many years would have to pass before the Fasti of the

een vain to point in extenuation to their valour in war, to urge that many of the upstarts derived their origin from ancient

most learned of the Romans, the parent of knowledge and propagator of many errors, though not averse from an interest in Pyt

obably died not long after this. PageBook=>258 brief lull when many feared the imminent clash and some favoured Caesa

nnel most of the native dynasts proved incompetent or treacherous. In many of the kings, tetrarchs and petty tyrants abode l

ouse, now decadent, retained title and throne. 3 In the eastern lands many Julii reveal their patron by their names, despots

ianus on Cephallenia after Actium, cf. BMC, R. Rep. II 533. There are many uncertainties in this field. Valuable additions a

ot accorded general credence; and touching the testament of Antonius, many thought it atrocious that a man should be impugne

and they were numerous there can have been little difficulty. Though many of the veterans had served under Antonius, they h

e of naval warfare. The admirals of Octavianus were schooled by their many defeats, invigorated by their final success in th

the fugitives to Egypt. Octavianus had a huge army on his hands, with many legions to be paid, demobilized or employed. He s

ing. ’3 That just observation sealed the fate of Ptolemy Caesar, whom many believed son of the Dictator. Alexander Helios an

Crassus and the ill success of Antonius, even though not as great as many believed, were sobering lessons; and there was wo

um ad pristinum redactum modum,' PageBook=>316 one age, but to many men and the long process of time. 1 Augustus soug

blic provinces were ten in number. Now they were only eight, about as many as the Senate could manage with safety. 4 Moreove

required to adorn the Senate of a revived Republic there were far too many novi homines about. From an ostentation of clemen

able. Some said that Vitellius’ father was a freedman no doubt he had many enemies. L. Annaeus Seneca, a wealthy man from Co

s no novelty, for it is evident that the Senate after Sulla contained many members of equestrian families. 5 Like other sena

al extraction. 1 These men were representatives of Augustus’ Italy, many of them from the Italia whose name, nation and se

ents might receive the Roman citizenship as the reward of valour; and many men from the provinces entered the legions of the

ight that they should be regarded and governed as separate provinces; many of them by the size of their armies already calle

vour, no novus homo could have reached the consulate. Of the nobiles, many of the most eminent were attached to the cause by

he wars, being represented in the Senate at the time of Actium by not many more than twenty members. The sons of the slain w

epublic restored could show an imposing roll of consulars, perhaps as many as forty. For the future, the chief purpose of th

nce the resentment of an Ahenobarbus when Caesar monopolized Gaul for many years. It does not follow that the wars waged by

g. An ancient authority states a reason for these innovations that as many senators as possible should take an active part i

2 B.C. he secured the appointment of a pair of censors, the first for many years. They were Plancus and Paullus Aemilius Lep

M. Lollius c. 19–18 B.C. (Dio 54, 20, 3) in Macedonia; and, no doubt, many others. The language in which the cities of Asia

and evident. The management of the Empire demanded expert counsel and many advisers. It will not be imagined that there was

eligible for administrative posts that in dignity and power surpassed many magistracies or proconsulates; their importance i

us. Seius was Prefect of the Guard in A.D. 14.2 As well as finance, many matters of domestic and foreign policy demonstrat

e, 51. It is not safe to infer from the Lex de imperio Vespasiana, as many do, that Augustus was given this power, explicitl

n heavily on the loyalty and tried merit of certain novi homines. For many years nothing had been heard of Lollius and Vinic

around the throne and the heirs presumptive and designate, among them many enemies, the source and seed of remembered rancou

ys Velleius, a contemporary witness and a flatterer of Tiberius. 1 If many knew the truth of the whole episode, they were no

Varus and three legions perished. Rome did not see her new master for many years. The adoption of Tiberius should have bro

himself was ill at ease, conscious of his ambiguous position and his many enemies, hesitant and over-scrupulous. The inevit

ped with the sign of the demagogue, the tyrant and the class war; and many of the principal actors of the tragedy had little

irtus’; Sulla Felix was much more a traditional Roman aristocrat than many have believed; and Sulla sought to establish an o

ccupied by graziers. The sons of Italy were scattered over the world: many preferred to stay in the provinces or drift to th

ght export dancing-girls or a millionaire like Balbus. But there were many other towns in Spain and Gallia Narbonensis that

w too precise a parallel. The Romulus of legend already possessed too many of the authentic features of Caesar the Dictator,

north, which was patriotic rather than partisan. The North, unlike so many parts of Italy, had no history of its own, with m

though alert and progressive, were far from being revolutionaries. In many respects, indeed, their outlook was notably old-f

s, and the nobiles were involved in the struggles of the dynasts. For many of them it had been hard enough to preserve and p

of their state in times of civil peace. The Revolution made an end to many noble families old and recent. The dominant fig

ers male and female. Quies preserved the house of the Cocceii through many generations; 3 but it could not ultimately protec

re can have been few genuine Republicans in the time of Augustus; and many of the nobiles were inextricably bound up with th