merely a solemn comedy, staged by a hypocrite. Caesar was a logical man ; and the heir of Caesar displayed coherence in th

rule of three Caesarian leaders, passed into the predominance of one man , Caesar’s grand-nephew: for the security of his o

y sympathy has seldom been denied. Cicero was a humane and cultivated man , an enduring influence upon the course of all Eur

of Caesar and of Antonius, was a pessimistic Republican and an honest man . Of tough Italic stock, hating pomp and pretence,

alously guarded by the nobiles. It was a scandal and a pollution if a man without ancestors aspired to the highest magistra

that the conservative Roman voter could seldom be induced to elect a man whose name had not been known for centuries as a

’, left money to Cicero(Ad Att. 11, 14, 3). On the activities of this man in Macedonia, cf. In Pisonem 86. 4 Lucullus, ow

lpurnii, the Cassii and the Antonii. C. Scribonius Curio (cos. 76), a man of capacity and repute, came of a senatorial fami

d more important by far is that enigmatic faction soon to be led by a man who never became consul. Its origins lie at the v

ter Porcia to L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the cousin of Catulus, a young man early prominent in politics through the great est

remuneration his daughter’s husband, M. Calpurnius Bibulus, an honest man , a stubborn character, but of no great moment in

obiles whose clientela carried many votes. 5 The oligarchy knew their man . They admitted Cicero to shut out Catilina. The

day was Cato’s.1 Aged thirty-three and only quaestorian in rank, this man prevailed by force of character. Cato extolled th

he prerogative of the aristocracy,5 were now being monopolized by one man . Something more was involved than the privilege

ing no doubt in Picenum. 5 When Sulla landed at Brundisium, the young man , now aged twenty-three, raised on his own initiat

idature he supported in 67 (Val. Max. 3, 8, 3). The Pompeian military man M. Petreius, old in service (Sallust, BC 59, 6),

liked them both. 4 Nor was Pompeius’ consul effective, though a witty man and an orator as well as a soldier. 5 Pompeius se

t year. By scandalous bribery he secured the election of the military man L. Afranius. The other place was won by Metellus

1) were pretty dubious. 2 Ad fam. 8, 4, 4. Marcellus’ flogging of a man of Comum had been premature and by no means to th

l hopes of purchasing L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, cos. des. for 49, a man loaded with debts, avid and openly venal (Ad Att.

from the brain and will of Marcus Cato. His allies, eager to enlist a man of principle on their side, celebrated as integri

he liberties of the Roman People, that all the land would rise as one man against the invader. Nothing of the kind happened

arbitrary power exercised by Cicero during his consulate for the new man from Arpinum was derided as ‘the first foreign ki

ttle attention at the time of his first appearance in Rome. The young man had to build up a faction for himself and make hi

stasteful to Roman Republicans, namely monarchy or the brotherhood of man . The Stoic teaching, indeed, was nothing more tha

importation. The word means courage, the ultimate virtue of a free man . With virtus go libertas and fides, blending in a

d into an autocratic position. It meant the lasting domination of one man instead of the rule of the law, the constitution

, from a dreary background. Neutrality was repugnant to a noble and a man of spirit: but kinship might be invoked in excuse

6204). PageBook=>066 in Gaul. The active tribune was a marked man . Some of these pestilential citizens had succumbe

ble or unwilling to save the Caesarian C. Sallustius Crispus, a young man from the Sabine country who had plunged into poli

ng ago but had not forgotten its patrician origin. P. Servilius was a man of some competence: Lepidus had influence but no

an show no writings of Pansa, or of C. Matius, the Caesarian business man , but Matius’ son composed a treatise upon horticu

en the case came up for trial, both Pompeius and Crassus defended the man of Gades. Cicero also spoke. Envious detractors t

option by his maternal uncle, the alleged slayer of Saturninus, and a man of substance (Ad Att. 1, 6, 1). 5 Cicero, Pro C

71, 1. The maternal grandfather of L. Calpurnius Piso was a business man called Calventius from that colony, Cicero, In Pi

An ex-centurion could be a knight, and therefore juryman, officer or man of affairs, the progenitor, when he was not the h

9 1 C. Fuficius Fango (Dio 48, 22, 3; Cicero, Ad Att. 14, 10, 2). A man of this name was a municipal magistrate at Acerra

a was joined by the nobilis C. Antonius and the obscure M. Cispius, a man of character and principle who had been condemned

omo. No evidence, however, that he was generous in act and policy, no man from remoter Italy whom he helped into the Senate

nd the citizens poured forth in jubilation to meet Antonius, Caesar’s man ; and it was more than the obstinate folly of Ahen

s where Marian influence was strong furnished partisans. The military man C. Carrinas is presumably Umbrian or Etruscan. 4

ed but otherwise might never have attained. Herius Asinius, the first man among the Marrucini, fell in battle fighting for

ogether into poverty or obscurity. C. Asinius Pollio, his grandson, a man of taste and talent, won early fame as a speaker

te L. Minucius Basilus owed his name to his maternal uncle, a wealthy man (P-W XV, 1947): by birth he was M. Satrius (P-W I

he plebeians were Claudii Marcelli. 5 Among his legates is found no man with a name ending in ‘-idius’, only one ‘-enus’,

in Gaul, conspired to assassinate their leader. 4 The soured military man Ser. Sulpicius Galba alleged personal resentment:

leave, no heir to his personal rule. But Antonius was both a leading man in the Caesarian party and consul, head of the go

him above Antonius for loyalty or for capacity. Lepidus was the elder man and a patrician as well. Lepidus retained the pos

nd the measure of the Roman party-politician. He was consul and chief man in the Caesarian faction: power and patronage res

of the consulate. But Dolabella, an unscrupulous and ambitious young man , would still have to be watched. To Lepidus Anton

or realities was unerring, his ambition implacable. In that the young man was a Roman and a Roman aristocrat. He was only e

Antonius in the end. The news of the Ides of March found the young man at Apollonia, a town on the coast of Albania, occ

Rome. When L. Piso spoke, at the session of August 1st, there was no man to support him. Of the tone and content of Piso’s

wait longer for distinction and power. The sentiments which the young man entertained towards his adoptive parent were neve

een saved because he had a party behind him. It was clear that many a man followed Caesar in an impious war from personal f

PageBook=>122 Next to magnanimity, courage. By nature, the young man was cool and circumspect: he knew that personal c

s father’s veterans. A tour in Campania was organized. With the young man went five of his intimate friends, many soldiers

Brought before an assembly of the People by Ti. Cannutius, the young man delivered a vigorous speech attacking Antonius, p

narrated as the deed and policy of Octavianus. In himself that young man had not seemed a political factor of prime import

usiasm about Octavianus’ prospects was perhaps only a mask. The young man was much in the company of his step-father: the p

ia (by an earlier marriage) for wife to Cato. Philippus was a wealthy man and a ‘piscinarius’ (Macrobius 3, 15, 6; Varro, R

at and a statesman, an artist and a voluptuary. His grandfather was a man of property, of suitable and conservative sentime

s in ‘-enus’ see Schulze, LE, 104 ff. and above, p. 93. Coins of this man struck in 40 B.C. describe him as ‘Q. Salvius imp

er fortune than the Liberators. By the beginning of October the young man possessed a huge war-fund it might provide Antoni

such as Mindius Marcellus, whose father had been active as a business man in Greece. Mindius enriched himself further by th

his ambition, the consulate of 48 B.C. Servilius may not have been a man of action yet he governed the province of Asia fo

year 44 B.C. he wrote to Dolabella a letter which offered that young man the congratulations, the counsels, and the allian

s fatal plan all over again the doom of Antonius would warn the young man against aspiring to military despotism and would

contrasted virtues of Caesar and of Cato, whom Sallustius, an honest man and no detractor of Cicero, reckoned as the great

ctory no less than defeat would be fatal to everything that an honest man and a patriot valued. But Brutus was far away.

been on the right side, he would have been praised no less than that man from Gades, the irreproachable Balbus. Would that

men and champions of Rome’s empire might become her citizens! Where a man came from did not matter at all at Rome it had ne

r the sake of peace and the common good, all power had to pass to one man . That was not the worst feature of monarchy it wa

ovince was distant, his power unequal. A scholar, a wit and an honest man , a friend of Caesar and of Antonius but a Republi

Senate had granted before now imperiutm and the charge of a war to a man who had held no public office. But there were lim

s ‘father’ Cicero would have no compunction about declaring the young man a public enemy. The danger was manifest. It did n

eutenants, a certain Juventius Laterensis, a Republican and an honest man , fell upon his sword. Lepidus now penned a dispat

tate’. 5 Octavianus and his army grew daily more menacing. That young man had got wind of a witticism of Cicero he was to b

in the forefront, was Cicero. ‘Ah, the last of my friends’, the young man observed. 1 But even now there were some who di

n Brutus as his prey. 2 Of the jurors, though carefully selected, one man gave his vote for absolution and remained unmoles

ro, though chronically in straits for ready money, was a very wealthy man : his villas in the country and the palatial town

ilies had mostly perished, leaving few sons; 2 there was not a single man of consular rank in the party; its rallying point

from the ancient colony of Norba, P-W xvii, 926. Canidius may be the man who was with Cato in Cyprus in 57 B.C. (Plutarch,

ty about Pollio, who evaded the challenge with a pointed sneer at the man of the proscriptions. 4 As the siege continued

f the town council of Perusia, with the exception, it is said, of one man , an astute person who in Rome had secured for him

eBook=>213 approaching with an armament from the East, Antonius’ man Calenus still held all Gaul beyond the Alps. On t

he wedding of Antonius and Octavia. 7 Pollio the consul was Antonius’ man , and Pollio had had a large share in negotiating

nius, who, though a Caesarian, was one of themselves, a soldier and a man of honour. Peace with Pompeius brought him furthe

t believed that Antonius would not support his colleague. The young man went on with his war, encouraged by an initial ad

ses regretted the son of Pompeius the Great and refused to pardon the man of the proscriptions. During the campaign in Sici

4 Appian, BC 5, 54, 229 f., cf. Münzer, P-W XIX, 46 f. and 51. This man was present, along with Agrippa and Balbus, at th

never yet, with equal power and arms, in full confidence. The young man became formidable. As a demagogue he had nothing

ents of the nobiles when they contemplated the golden crown worn by a man called Vipsanius, or the elephant of Cornificius.

d devices of subservience loathed by the Roman aristocracy: no honest man would care to surrender honour and independence b

liable to be dry, tenuous and tedious. 1 Caesar’s style befitted the man ; and it was generally conceded that Brutus’ choic

lar lacked style, intensity, a guiding idea. The task fell to another man from the Sabine country, diverse in character, at

a generation and a school of Roman poets had disappeared almost to a man . Lucretius, who turned into epic verse the precep

the value of education and was willing to pay for the best. The young man was sent to prosecute higher studies at Athens. T

formation. The politician and the orator perished, but the banker and man of affairs survived and prospered. Atticus by his

n marriage to Pythodorus of Tralles, formerly a friend of Pompeius, a man of fabulous wealth and wide influence in Asia, fo

itable to be left to the charge of a native prince. 2 Amyntas was the man ; and the small coastal tract of Cilicia Aspera co

is policy would hardly have differed from that of Antonius. The first man in Rome, when controlling the East, could not eva

touching the testament of Antonius, many thought it atrocious that a man should be impugned in his lifetime for posthumous

be recommended. Nor is it to be fancied that all the land rose as one man in patriotic ardour, clamouring for a crusade aga

rol of Octavianus’ firmest friends and partisans. It would be a brave man , or a very foolish one, who asserted the cause of

real sentiments of the upper and middle classes at this time? Many a man might discern a patent fraud, distrust the propag

pal magistrate with equestrian military service behind him, the first man to be accorded a public funeral in Sulmo (CIL IX,

was already there and war inevitable. In a restoration of liberty no man could believe any more. Yet if the coming struggl

ian leader would tolerate no neutrality in the national struggle. One man , however, stood firm, the uncompromising Pollio.

o be known as a historian and authority on rhetoric, must have been a man of some substance if he could secure senatorial r

χʋϛ (praefectus), C. Julius Papius, and some centurions, among them a man called Demetrius. A neglected passage in Josephus

were Sosius and Poplicola; commands were also held by M. Insteius, a man from Pisaurum, by the experienced ex-Pompeian Q.

o replace Carrinas and Calvisius in Gaul and Spain. 5 In Syria a safe man became proconsul, NotesPage=>302 1 e.g. Vi

But the military oligarchy was highly variegated. There was scarce a man among the consulars but had a Republican—or Anton

that excited the admiration of Polybius:2 even if the primacy of one man in the State were admitted, it was not for a prin

s true, was preserved as a kind of privileged nuisance—he was not the man to advocate assassination or provoke civil war fo

Above, p. 284 PageBook=>323 Augustus was by far the wealthiest man in the Empire, ruling Egypt as a king and giving

in the Empire, ruling Egypt as a king and giving account of it to no man ; he coined in gold and silver in the provinces; a

h upon a lasting basis’ is not a matter of paramount importance. No man of the time, reared among the hard and palpable r

consul had been among the defenders of the proconsul of Macedonia. A man of notorious and unbridled freedom of speech, he

important than that, official standing was conferred upon the ablest man among his adherents, the principal of his marshal

the passing of a lex de imperio. 3 Unless in 29 B.C., to exclude a man from the tribunate (Dio 52, 42, 3). 4 Tacitus,

under the Republic. Not only that. Augustus himself is not so much a man as a hero and a figure-head, an embodiment of pow

y daughter Julia had been solemnized in Rome. Already in 23 the young man was aedile; and he would get the consulate ten ye

speaking of a veiled coup d’état. It was bad enough that the young man should become consul at the age of twenty-three:

stubborn and domineering. He would yield to Augustus, but to no other man , and to Augustus not always with good grace. 1

hings was saved. A democracy cannot rule an empire. Neither can one man , though empire may appear to presuppose monarchy.

d their dissensions broke the compact and inaugurated the rule of one man . No sooner destroyed, the Triumvirate had to be r

Octavianus had been too ambitious to be a loyal partner. Now that one man stood supreme, invested with power and with aucto

alities requisite for a ruler of the world should all be found in one man . A triumvirate was ready to hand, in the compleme

tonomous municipalities in the West, the Empire was too large for one man to rule it. Already the temporary severance of Ea

merit and experience with the army commanders of the Republic. Such a man was Caesar’s officer C. Volusenus Quadratus. 1 Mo

a freedman no doubt he had many enemies. L. Annaeus Seneca, a wealthy man from Corduba, may have held a post of this kind b

, praef. | fabr. II, pro leg. II.’ Cf. also ILS 2707, the inscr. of a man who was ‘trib. mil. leg. x geminae | in Hispania

families. The grandfather of L. Piso (cos. 58 B.C.) was a business man from Placentia; 4 a patrician Manlius married a w

Aelius Lamia (cos. A.D. 3) was highly respectable, the grandson of a man who had been ‘equestris ordinis princeps’. Nothin

rning faction was not the execution of a theory or the act of any one man , it could hardly be suspended at one blow. Even h

a were quickly won over. But the aristocracy were slow to forgive the man of the proscriptions. The Princeps had his reveng

ies, priesthoods and provincial commands. The quaestorship admitted a man to the highest order in state and in society, the

one the less, in the ordinances of Augustus as finally established, a man became eligible to assume the quaestorship in his

s Saturninus. There was need of a strong hand, and Saturninus was the man to exert himself, firm and without fear. 2 What n

one of the two consuls had been a partisan of Augustus and a military man , the first to ennoble his family, namely L. Arrun

ne of them could prevail alone. Neither law nor oratory would carry a man far, save when a conspicuous dearth of ability dr

younger generation of the Vinicii, the one was an elegant speaker and man of fashion, not altogether approved of by Augustu

tion; 1 and P. Silius married the daughter of a respectable municipal man , a senator of praetorian rank. 2 But Titius secur

ted his patrimony for the good of the State found himself the richest man in all the world. Like the earlier dynasts, he sp

in Istria, whole armies of slaves at Rome. 3 The successful military man of parsimonious tastes, L. Tarius Rufus, acquired

younger. 5 A kinsman of the poet Propertius entered the Senate. This man had married well his wife was Aelia Galla, the da

he others, the obscure Petreius was also in high repute as a military man . 4 He may have served in Spain before Varro certa

vious experience as military tribune and legionary legate gained by a man described as a ‘vir militaris’, and destined afte

m, C. Poppaeus Sabinus (cos. A.D. 9). During twenty-five years this man had charge of Moesia, for most of the time with t

s proconsul, at Mediolanium, are very puzzling. On the career of this man , cf. now E. Groag in PIR2, C 289. 7 Anth. Pal.

ted elogium from Tibur (ILS 918). This inscr. records the career of a man who was legate of Augustus in a province the name

as more than that. Not merely spite and disappointment made the first man in the Empire next to the Princeps refuse his ser

a, the half-sister of the Princeps. Iullus Antonius (cos. 10 B.C.), a man of taste and culture, took over from Agrippa the

s. 23 B.C.) had been a Republican but rallied to Augustus; his son, a man of marked and truly Republican independence of te

reinforcing perhaps a consciousness of personal inadequacy; the young man conceived a violent distaste for the life of acti

rassus, the constitutional crisis in Rome, supervening when the first man in the Empire was absent, might turn into a polit

successor, though only for a year, was L. Aelius Lamia, a lively old man who enjoyed high social distinction although the

es rendered and expected. The task might appear too great for any one man but Augustus alone, a syndicate might appear pref

virtue and plain living was himself a bachelor of Epicurean tastes, a man of property and an absentee landlord. It was obse

ment, in the towns of Italy. The Roman noble sneered at the municipal man he was priggish and parsimonious, successful in b

pantheistic poem to celebrate the pre-ordained harmony of the soul of man , the whole universe and the ideal state now reali

oose talk about conversion to Stoicism. None the less, this Epicurean man appeared to surrender to a romantic passion for f

was singularly fortunate in discovering for his epic poet of Italy a man whose verse and sentiments harmonized so easily w

r but more permanent methods of suggestion and propaganda. 9 When the man of the people turned a coin in his palm he might

ibutes could be suitably celebrated. Worship might not be paid to the man but to the divine power within him, his genius or

he local dynasts. C. Julius Eurycles, the lord of Sparta and greatest man in all Greece, must have proved very unsatisfacto

ng cities and promoting ordered life. Juba, the King of Mauretania, a man of peace and letters, enjoyed long rule, though n

g. 51, 1; Plautius Rufus (ib. 19, 1, cf. Dio 55, 27, 2) is probably a man of Auximum, CIL IX, 5834 (= ILS 926); 6384. 5 D

than the dagger of a casual assassin, whether he might be a misguided man of the people or a vindictive noble a split in th

idius’ constancy in the last emergency, if believed, would reveal one man at least who was killed though begging for life.

ex. Appuleius (a relative of the Princeps) happened to be defending a man prosecuted for adultery. They were roughly handle

, who had them all by heart. 7 But Cassius did not go unscathed. This man , an able and vigorous orator of obscure origin, r

=>493 His son became consul under Tiberius, a great orator and a man of infamous life,5 fit partner for Quirinius’ Aem

Q. Poppaeus Secundus, were unmarried. The other Poppaeus, a military man , left a daughter. 1 Quirinius, however, could sho

Book=>501 Even Nerva seems an anachronism. He was succeeded by a man from Spain, M. Ulpius Traianus, the son of a cons

rough civil wars and Dictatorship into the rule of the Triumvirs. The man from Gades, consul in 40 B.C., is a portent, it i

usus Pompeia Marullina, sister, wife or mother of an eminent military man of the time, whose name is missing (CIL XII, 3169

alba: they should have been right, for Galba was only the façade of a man , in no way answering to his name or his reputatio

ven or eight men sprung from Triumviral or Augustan consuls: only one man of this class commands an army, and a small one a

nd a small one at that. He was Ti. Plautius Silvanus Aelianus, an old man and a personal friend of Vespasian. 1 Thenceforwa

oscription. As under the Republic, the normal method for an ambitious man to secure distinction and advancement was through

Dinippus (ib., 1917/8, ι f.: Corinth). This Balbillus is probably the man who was Prefect of Egypt in A.D. 55 (cf. A. Stein

ace of libertas and virtus, that was hard for a patriot and an honest man to bear. It is not so much the rigour of despotis

n a sense his successor, was not a Roman aristocrat either, but a new man , presumably of provincial extraction, like his fa

e, but only adulation and a pragmatic justification of success. One man only of all whom the Revolution had brought to po

the legions. That was over. The Republic was something that a prudent man might admire but not imitate: as a wicked opportu

ions about the Republic. The root of the trouble lay in the nature of man , turbid and restless, with noble qualities as wel

more, for long speeches in the Senate or before the People, when one man had the supreme decision in the Commonwealth, and

ture. There was no escape. Despite the nominal sovranty of law, one man ruled. 2 This is his comment on Tiberius. It wa

for good emperors and put up with what you got. 3 Given the nature of man ’vitia erunt donee homines’ it was folly to be ut

n the extremes of ruinous liberty and degrading servility. A sensible man could find it. And such there were. NotesPage=&

hing permanent and enhancing his own prestige beyond that of a mortal man , while it consolidated his own regime and the new