cal studies of Münzer, Groag and Stein. Especial mention must also be made of Tarn’s writings about Antonius and Cleopatra (

a specious title, the change in the definition of authority, all that made no difference to the source and facts of power. D

er and policy of Triumvir, Dux and Princeps. 2 Whether the Princeps made atonement for the crime and NotesPage=>003

ons of Ap. Pulcher. Of these Claudii, the character of the eldest was made no more amiable by early struggles and expedients

t Lucullus emerged, alert and vindictive, to contest the dispositions made by Pompeius in the East. Pompeius requested their

ery the election of Bibulus, his daughter’s husband. 6 He should have made certain of both consuls. Caesar, returning from

e triumph. To wait for it would be to sacrifice the consulate. Caesar made a rapid decision he would be consul, and to some

p. 45. (??) 1 Ad Att. 4, 15, 7, &c. PageBook=>039 he be made dictator. 1 Pompeius, openly disavowing, kept his

Caesar the right to stand for the consulate in absence. Detected, he made tardy and questionable amends. The dynast was not

needed Caesar for counterbalance against the Catonian party until he made final choice between the two. Cato, standing for

tution for their own ends many times in the past. Exceptions had been made before in favour of other dynasts; and Caesar ass

onths of the crossing of the Rubicon he was master of Italy. Pompeius made his escape across the Adriatic carrying with him

atorship. His rule began as the triumph of a faction in civil war: he made it his task to transcend faction, and in so doing

at Rome since the Tarquinii’. 2 It was to silence rumour that Caesar made an ostentatious refusal of the diadem at a public

onarchy presupposes hereditary succession, for which no provision was made by Caesar. The heir to Caesar’s name, his grand-n

an opportunist. In the short time at his disposal he can hardly have made plans for a long future or laid the foundation of

ness in hand: it was expedited in swift and arbitrary fashion. Caesar made plans and decisions in the company of his intimat

honour and prestige, asserted that Pompeius was disloyal. Caesar had made enemies through Pompeius and now Pompeius had joi

2). 6 With Caesar in Gaul from 54 onwards, M. Licinius Crassus was made governor of the Cisalpina in 49 (Appian, BC 2, 41

ttered by caste or principle. Either monarchy or democracy could be made to serve their ends, to enhance person and family

urions. 6 Pay, booty and the opportunities for traffic and preferment made military service remunerative. Caesar borrowed fu

ompeius. 2 Caesar, quaestor in Hispania Ulterior and then propraetor, made the acquaintance of Balbus and brought him to Rom

ists; 2 while Pompeians and their leader himself, when war broke out, made savage threats of Sullan proscriptions. 3 The p

he Marian faction. But Pompeius had enemies in Spain, and Caesar both made himself known there and in absence conferred bene

grants and a large number of citizens by this date. L. Decidius Saxa, made tribune of the plebs by Caesar in 44 B.C., had se

d the repute of his maternal grandfather from Nursia. 5 Attempts were made to create a senatorial and even a patrician pedig

n. The proposal to extend the Roman franchise to the allies was first made by agrarian reformers at Rome, with interested mo

ulla saved Rome. He defeated the Samnite army at the Colline Gate and made a desolation of Samnium for ever. Etruria suffere

l exercise of their franchise, a grant which had never been sincerely made ; and many Italians had no use for it. Loyalties w

man Ser. Sulpicius Galba alleged personal resentment: he had not been made consul. 5 To the Picene landowner L. Minucius Bas

hree wounds. The Senate broke up in fear and confusion, the assassins made their way to the Capitol to render thanks to the

e, the Liberators, descending for a brief space from the citadel, had made vain appeal to the populace in the Forum. A speec

ünzer (P- W, Supp. v, 375 f.), is certainly attractive. A case can be made out for March 21st or 22nd, cf. S. Accame, Riv. d

iled and imposed the respectable pretext of peace and concord. Cicero made a speech, proposing an amnesty. In this simple

might be induced to support the Liberators. 1 Further, attempts were made to convert Hirtius to their cause. 2 But Dolabell

cus was quite willing to offer Brutus private subsidies; and he later made a grant to Servilia. Rome and Italy, if lost, c

der these auspices Antonius departed from Rome (about April 21st) and made his way to Campania. The veterans of Caesar had t

d and defied by Caesar’s heir. Not for nothing that the ruler of Rome made use of a signet- ring with a sphinx engraved. The

armed by the intrigues current during his absence in Campania, he now made up his mind that Brutus and Cassius should leave

n of popular sentiment. Already, at the Ludi Ceriales, Octavianus had made an attempt to display in public the golden chair

the northern sky. The superstitious mob acclaimed the soul of Caesar made a god. Octavianus accepted the sign with secret

nt speech was held to be distinctly amicable. 1 To their edict he now made reply with a public proclamation and a private le

led in the military colonies of Italy. While at Apollonia, Octavianus made himself known to the soldiers and officers of Cae

or example Pollio, Ad fam. 10, 31, 2f., quoted above, p. 6. C. Matius made a firm and noble reply to a peevish letter of Cic

The importance of his speech is difficult to estimate: but the stand made by the two consulars, though negative, irresolute

l escapade. With weakened forces and despair in his heart, Octavianus made his way northwards to try his chances in the colo

. About the last three names few attempts at identification have been made , none satisfactory. Λ∈ύκιος might be Balbus but B

nother source, though likewise not of the best, alleges that the pair made a secret compact with Cicero, Cicero to provide p

neutral in the Civil War. Returning from his province of Cilicia, he made what efforts he could to avert hostilities. He sh

nius, Cicero, it might be argued, came out into the open at last, and made history by a resolute defence of the Republic. Bu

ven to the secret thoughts of the agents themselves. Cicero had first made the acquaintance of Caesar’s heir in April. 2 The

early of a kind to influence the public policy of Antonius. When he made his decision to return, Cicero did not know that

s of Caesar to be elected tribune7 merely a political gesture, easily made and easily revoked. More significant and most omi

the leader of the Optimates. It might fairly be claimed that Cicero made ample atonement for earlier failures and earlier

the People for their judgement and approbation. The candidate seldom made promises. Instead, he claimed office as a reward,

e enormity Antonius, by demonstrative affection towards his own wife, made a mock of Roman decorum and decency. 3 There we

hil. 2, 74 f. 3 Ib. 2, 77. 4 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 4 (allegations made by Antonius and by Cassius of Parma). 5 In Piso

8 According to the Schol. Bob. on In Vat. 14 (p. 146, St.), Cicero made handsome amends in the Pro Vatinio. 9 Asconius,

y and aim. The programme of Cicero had already been established and made public on December 20th. On January 1st came the

into legitimate armies recognized by the State; the promises of money made by Octavianus were solemnly ratified; in addition

r the defence of the ‘legitimate government’: attempts were therefore made to engineer a spontaneous consensus. The towns pa

ch other and presumably with Antonius. Lepidus at least seems to have made no secret of his agreement with Antonius: Antoniu

h time for the Caesarians to repent and close their ranks. Octavianus made no move. He remained in the neighbourhood of Bono

Plancus. In April the governor of Gallia Comata mustered his army and made a semblance of intervening in northern Italy on t

t was aggravated by a complete divergence of aims and policy. This is made evident by two incidents. Already Cicero and Brut

Pompeius, the admiral of the Republic. The ambitious or the shameless made show of high loyalty and competed for the right t

had spent his patrimony for purposes of the State, and now the State made requital. He seized the treasury, which, though d

tige it still guaranteed, and the conferment of nobility. The dynasts made arrangements for some years in advance which prov

orists, it was hardly for Octavianus that they invoked indulgence and made allowances. Regrets there may have been to see a

and killed (Pliny, NH 13, 25). M. Titius, however, nephew of Plancus, made his escape (Dio 48, 30, 5) and later rose to resp

n, nobiles and political adversaries might head the list: the bulk is made up by the names of obscure senators or Roman knig

ented with the blood of citizens and buttressed with a despotism that made men recall the Dictatorship of Caesar as an age o

emple was to be built to the new deity, Divus Julius; and another law made provision for the cult in the towns of Italy. 2 T

us’. Under the sign of the avenging of Caesar, the Caesarian armies made ready for war. The leaders decided to employ twen

Calpurnius Bibulus and M. Valerius Messalla. 6 After negotiation they made an honourable capitulation to Antonius, some ente

tonius until the end. 7 The rest of them, irreconcilable or hopeless, made their escape and joined the admirals of the Repub

t and exact the requisite money. About the provinces of the West they made the following dispositions, treating Lepidus as n

a province no longer but removed from political competition by being made a part of Italy. 1 So Antonius promised to give u

ions, doubted the veracity of his brother and his wife. Salvidienus made his way back from Spain through the Cisalpina; Po

Perusia to its fate. After a final and fruitless sortie, L. Antonius made a capitulation (late in February?). Octavianus re

d to Greece, deserting his army. Ventidius and Pollio turned back and made for the coast of the Adriatic. Ventidius’ march a

pelled from Sardinia M. Lurius the partisan of Octavianus, and he now made descents upon the coasts of southern Italy. A c

citizens. They refused to fight. On each side deputations of soldiers made their wishes known. 1 Tentative negotiations foll

and the Golden Age. 3 It was in this atmosphere of Messianic hopes, made real by the coming of peace and glorious with rel

or none at all may summarily be dismissed. A definite claim was early made . Pollio’s son Gallus (born perhaps in 41 B.C.) in

uae sit poteris cognoscere virtus. 2 It may have been rehandled and made more allegorical in form. 3 Servius on Eel. 4,

he reconciled leaders, escorted by some of their prominent adherents, made their way to Rome. Of Antonius’ men, the Republic

s would have disdained to associate with the young adventurer who had made his way by treachery and who, by the virtue of th

disposal of the vassal kingdoms certain arrangements had already been made by Antonius. During the course of the following y

were absent. Lepidus in Africa was silent or ambiguous. Ambition had made him a Caesarian, but he numbered friends and kins

f Agrippa decided the battle of Naulochus (September 3rd). Pompeius made his escape and, trusting to the fame of his fathe

ciates, even his father-in-law Libo, deserted the brigand’s cause and made peace with Antonius, some entering his service. 1

t;240 1 It has sometimes been argued that Octavianus in these years made vast conquests in Illyricum, including the whole

the Triumvirate (43–33 B.C.), the following brief computation can be made . Excluding the Triumvirs, and iterations, there w

a military despotism. Among the earliest consuls, Plancus and Pollio made their way as commanders of armies and as diplomat

uetonius, Divus Iulius 53; 81, 2. 2 Sallust, BC 5 3, 5 f. 3 Varro made the most of Sallustius’ alleged adultery with Fau

oming evident that poetry, besides and above mere invective, could be made an instrument of government by conveying a politi

to the company and friendship of Maecenas. Before long his poems were made public (38 or 37 B.C.). Maecenas encouraged him t

e son of Zeno of Laodicea, received kingdoms. Other arrangements were made from time to time, but it was not until the winte

y Antonius in the East and the sinister intentions thence deduced and made public by Octavianus and his band of unscrupulous

l cannot be recovered: the resplendent donations, whatever they were, made no difference at all to provincial administration

um, as far as the Danube. Only then and only thus could the Empire be made solid, coherent and secure. In the West municipal

in Antonius it was not enough that she should be a siren: she must be made a Fury ‘fatale monstrum’. 2 That was the poin

y had received late in the preceding autumn. They may previously have made a compromise with Octavianus:1 it is more likely

inciple, or rather family tradition and the prospects of his own son, made him insist that the party of Antonius should be R

ed that Antonius was the victim of sorcery. 6 Antonius for his part made no move yet. Not merely because Octavianus had pi

own dignity but not for any party, still less for the fraud that was made to appear above party and politics. The excesses

mmand of Canidius comprised nineteen of his legions: the other eleven made up the garrison of Egypt, Cyrene, Syria and Maced

aly. The retreat from Media had seriously depleted his army. 2 But he made up the losses by fresh levies and NotesPage=>

ut not unparalleled. 1 The ex-Republican M. Licinius Crassus may have made his peace with Octavianus about the same time—on

unicia potestas for life in 30 B.C. (Dio 51, 19, 6), he seems to have made little use of it before 23. See further below, p.

y despotism. Virgil in the Aeneid, when he matched the rival leaders, made Aeneas’ guide exhort Caesar to disarm before Pomp

s, restless and unsubdued, called for attention. A beginning had been made ; 3 and the work of conquest was to be prosecuted.

eBook=>332 Augustus came to Gaul. A vain expectation was abroad, made vocal in the prayers of poets and preserved by hi

He was arraigned in the courts for high treason on a charge of having made war against the kingdom of Thrace without authori

4 M.(?) Aelius Gallus, Prefect of Egypt perhaps from 27 to 25 B.C., made a fruitless invasion of Arabia in 25 B.C. (Dio 53

9 Men might recall another associate of Brutus, C. Antistius Vetus, made consul with Cicero’s bibulous son in the year aft

Augustus could not afford to alienate all three. In alliance they had made him, in alliance they might destroy him. The ma

, but it was disquieting. However, when Augustus in prospect of death made his last dispositions, yielding powers of discret

in name and blood. The sentiments of the Caesarian party were soon made known. The result was a defeat for Augustus and p

ecenas had been compromised. He could not withstand Agrippa. Maecenas made a fatal mistake he told Terentia of the danger th

tate with a vengeance. The nobiles were helpless but vindictive: they made a point of not attending the funeral games of Agr

partisans. Neither the measure nor the men were as scandalous as was made out then and since. Caesar preserved distinctions

tonius and the Republic at the time of the coup d’état of 32 B.C Some made quick repentance, joining the company of those re

questrian order and from the equestrian order to the Senate was to be made incomparably more easy. The justification for adv

. 3. 6 Suetonius, Vitellius 2, 2; ILS 1335 (Magius). The dedication made by the Tarraconenses will support the conjecture

r the new regulations, access to the Senate might appear to have been made more difficult, being restricted to those in poss

sence for candidates at Roman elections. 2 If the experiment was ever made , it was quickly abandoned. Not so much because it

e had been purified: it was rejuvenated in two ways, by knights’ sons made eligible through grant of the lattis clavus and b

of government. When the social parvenu and revolutionary adventurer made himself respectable, his adherents shared in his

et further, bind together the European provinces and avert the danger made manifest and alarming during the Triumviral perio

re might split into two parts. By 13 B.C. a firm beginning had been made . The conquest of the Alpine lands, prepared by th

ght as legate of Galatia- Pamphylia c. 9-8 or 4-3 B.C.), it cannot be made to prove two governorships of Syria. 5 Dio 55,

e’s foreign policy (6 B.C.-A.D. 4). On the contrary, expeditions were made across the Danube in these years, the tribes beyo

n his second visit to the provinces of the West, Statilius Taurus was made praefectus urbi; 1 Taurus’ successor, after an in

ed. But there was more than that. Not merely spite and disappointment made the first man in the Empire next to the Princeps

been deceived. In 6 B.C. there was an agitation that Gaius should be made consul. 2 Augustus expressed public disapproval a

re permitted by Augustus to govern the great military provinces. They made alliances among themselves and with the family of

ruth of the matter is revealed by Dio 54, 20, 4 ff. Too much has been made of the ‘clades Lolliana’. 6 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 48

that risk the Princeps and the chief men of the government must have made careful provision. The way was still rough and pe

narian, accompanied only by his intimate, Paullus Fabius Maximus, had made a voyage by sea to visit Agrippa Postumus in secr

eration is palpable and shameless. 3 At Rome due provision had been made for the peaceful transmission of the Principate.

their saving qualities. Soon after Actium Augustus appears to have made a beginning. It was abortive: if promulgated, his

en of property, in their own interest and for their own defence, were made to understand that wealth and station imposed dut

ng military and Roman, devoid of pomp and verbosity; and he skilfully made out that his adversaries were petty, vindictive a

xile at the age of sixty. Ovid in his Amores sang of illicit love and made fun of the army: militat omnis amans, et habet

aken seriously in his role of a libertine or a corrupter of youth. He made the conventional excuse of the erotic poet his pa

tate. Sulmo and the Paelignians, a virile and hardy race, should have made a better contribution to the New Italy and achiev

me in due course, from merit and for service, as to Hercules, who had made the world habitable for mankind, and to Romulus,

tated for the expression of their own sentiments the themes and forms made standard by official policy in the capital. At Po

b., 141). Ch. XXXI THE OPPOSITION PageBook=>476 THE army had made one emperor and could make another; and the chang

s partisans. M. Titius owed benefits to the house of Pompeius. He had made an ill requital. The Pompeii were dead, but Titiu

lent. His personal courage was not above reproach. With all allowance made for hostile propaganda, it will have to be conced

ambition, to waive that solemn duty in the autumn of 44 B.C. when he made a pact with Pompeians; and when uniting with Anto

uate the glory of their state in times of civil peace. The Revolution made an end to many noble families old and recent. T

before the Julii and their allies. The Metelli had backed Sulla: they made a final bid for power when, with the Scipionic co

nd Republican virtue. The Principate was not a monarchy in name. That made it all the worse. The duty of rule was a grievous

Vasio (CIL XII, 1354). 3 That Pompeia Plotina came from Nemausus is made probable, but not proved, by SHA Hadr. 12, 2. A s

erginius Rufus might have become emperor. 3 Nero and his advisers had made a prudent choice. They also thought that they cou

no way answering to his name or his reputation. 4 But the prediction made long ago came true fear, folly or ambition spurre

. 2; for Curtius Rufus, Ann. 11, 21. The origin of Verginius Rufus is made reasonably certain by combining the evidence of P

ble families. The earliest native historian of note, Cato the Censor, made his protest against this practice, omitting the n

more and more for the sole reason of birth. 1 The Sullan oligarchy made its peace with the monarchy. By the end of August

ude of Velleius. 2 Dio 53, 27, 5. 3 Pliny, NH, praef. 31. Plancus made a fine comment ‘cum mortuis non nisi larvas lucta

sternly banished from the theory of the Principate, every effort was made to apply it in practice, for fear of something wo

idated his own regime and the new system of government, none the less made the task of his successor more delicate and more

answer or none. Whatever his deserts, his fame was secure and he had made provision for his own immortality. 3 During the

ith Sex. Pompeius, 189, 227; an Antonian, 268; deserts Antonius, 296; made a patrician, 382; illustrious and ill-fated desce

ary style, 484. Res publica, a façade, 11 f.; Caesar’s opinion, 53; made a reality by the Principate, 513 f., 519. Res p

es of Münzer (P-W III, 1229 f.; RA, 304). Certain additions have been made , such as the family of Ap. Claudius Pulcher, the