rit and in practice a modern and academic failing. Tacitus and Gibbon knew better. 1 The narrative of Augustus’ rise to supr

was not even a property-qualification. The letter of the law likewise knew no distinction between rich and poor. 4 Nepos,

of young nobiles whose clientela carried many votes. 5 The oligarchy knew their man. They admitted Cicero to shut out Catil

r or not, in either way gaining the mastery. They were not duped they knew Pompeius: but they fancied that Pompeius, weakene

manoeuvres for position or for time to bring up his armies. 2 Caesar knew how small was the party willing to provoke a war.

ts comprehensive powers and freedom from the tribunician veto. Caesar knew that secret enemies would soon direct that deadly

criticism and laudations of dead Cato. That he was unpopular he well knew . 1 ‘For all his genius, Caesar could not see a wa

founder of Libertas. Dubious history and irrelevant. 1 The Liberators knew what they were about. Honourable men grasped th

ators. 5 Caesar’s generosity, revealed in corruption and patronage, knew no limits at all. The most varied motives, idea

ees against revolution. They had more to fear from Pompeius, and they knew it. Caesar’s party had no monopoly of the bankrup

etween Senate and knights. 5 The episode also revealed what everybody knew and few have recorded bitter discontent all over

t on the capitulation of the neighbouring city of Corfinium. Pompeius knew better than did his allies the oligarchs the true

and Italy, if lost, could be recovered in the provinces, as Pompeius knew and as some of his allies did not. The price was

ers little. PageBook=>116 as well as extreme Republicans. They knew what the last extended command in Gaul had meant.

imity, courage. By nature, the young man was cool and circumspect: he knew that personal courage was often but another name

tters he received from Octavianus. That is not surprising: the editor knew his business. A necessary veil was cast over the

atorship of Caesar and the guilty knowledge of his own inadequacy. He knew how little he had achieved for the Republic despi

of Cicero could not prevail over the doubts and misgivings of men who knew his character and NotesPage=>146 1 BC 53,

mmorality, degrading pursuits and ignoble origin the Roman politician knew no compunction or limit. Hence the alarming pictu

out of date: it is pretty clear that he had no use for any party. He knew about them all. The pessimistic and clear-sighted

he friends and relatives of Brutus and Cassius at Rome, whatever they knew , probably kept a discreet silence. Macedonia was

e latter’s camp. Lepidus encouraged him. But Plancus feared a trap he knew his Lepidus; 3 and Laterensis warned him that bot

sing in name alone. Four were veteran, the rest raw recruits. Plancus knew what recruits were worth. 4 A lull followed. An

of the Caesarian generals and the institution of the proscriptions he knew where he stood. Brutus himself was no soldier b

self was no soldier by repute, no leader of men. But officers and men knew and respected the tried merit of Cassius. The bes

name of M. Antonius and professions of pietas. 2 Fulvia, if anybody, knew the character of her husband: he neither would no

nce in the counsels of the Antonian generals. The soldierly Ventidius knew that Plancus had called him a muleteer and a brig

f martial valour. This was the young Caesar that Italy and the army knew after the campaigns of 35 and 34 B.C. His was the

2 There was no idealization in his account of a more recent period he knew it too well; and the immediate and palpable prese

PageBook=>255 Horace had come to manhood in an age of war and knew the age for what it was. Others might succumb t

s and all the apparatus of oriental luxury. That was absurd; and they knew what war was like. On a cool estimate, the situat

, not perhaps at Pharsalus, but finally and fatally at Philippi. They knew it, and they knew the price of peace and survival

harsalus, but finally and fatally at Philippi. They knew it, and they knew the price of peace and survival. There was no c

ith his friends and allies—and perhaps with neutral politicians. They knew what they were about. In name, in semblance and i

aesar Augustus were modest indeed, unimpeachable to a generation that knew Dictatorship and Triumvirate. By consent, for mer

nts as have the lawyers and historians of more recent times. Augustus knew precisely what he wanted: it was simple and easil

of his armed and devoted garrisons. Towns in Italy and the provinces knew him as their founder or their patron, kings, tetr

absence of a full measure of mutual trust or of mutual affection they knew too much for that, and revolutionaries are not se

s something unreal in the sustained note of jubilation, as though men knew its falsity: behind it all there lurked a deep se

r kin. Octavia had been employed in her brother’s interest before and knew no policy but his. She had a son, C. Marcellus. O

ageBook=>351 No hint of a Republican reaction here. The senators knew the true purpose of Augustus’ adoption of Republi

pon a mere proconsul of Crete or Cyprus; and the Prefect of the Guard knew what little power resided in the decorative offic

on. To promote novi homines was patently not a ‘novus mos’. 3 All men knew that the noblest families of the Roman aristocrac

cial distinction. Caesar and Tiberius, the Julian and the Claudian, knew their own class better and knew its failings. H

iberius, the Julian and the Claudian, knew their own class better and knew its failings. His name, his ambition and his ac

nd flattered by the magnificence of their champion, the plebs of Rome knew how they were expected to use that freedom. On th

stus’ stepson Drusus. The chaste daughters of the profligate Antonius knew each a single husband only. Of the two Marcellas,

e authority of Agrippa, Maecenas and Livia, who ruled Rome in secret, knew no name or definition and needed none. The precau

istic dissemination of opinion favourable to the government, Maecenas knew no peer and left no successor. In the same year a

oman People’: in fact they were the clients of the Princeps, and they knew it. Their kingdoms were his gift, precarious and

conducted mountain warfare in Spain and in the Alpine lands. Vinicius knew both Gaul and Illyricum. Lollius was not famed fo

chy more easily than the primacy of one of their own number. Augustus knew it. The ambition of the nobiles might have appear

d he was still the Princeps’ son-in-law. Augustus might think that he knew his Tiberius. Still, he preferred to run no risks

d Tiberius to the reigning house. Tiberius was not consulted; when he knew , he vainly interceded for his wife. Augustus was

lleius, a contemporary witness and a flatterer of Tiberius. 1 If many knew the truth of the whole episode, they were not lik

flashy and hollow. 2 Propertius belonged to an old civilization that knew and honoured the majesty of death and the dead.

gain under the fair cloak of loyalty and patriotism. The aristocracy knew the truth and suffered in bitter impotence, not l

history. Pollio, who came from a poor and infertile region of Italy, knew what Patavium was a city notorious for material p

y and finally, the whole moral and romantic view of history. 1 Pollio knew what history was. It was not like Livy. Augustu

individuals. On any count, Balbus should be added. The banker Atticus knew all about contemporary history: Balbus had a shar

could be maintained, was doomed if not dead long before that. Pollio knew the bitter truth about the last generation of the

he ‘optimus status’ which Augustus aspired to create and which Seneca knew as monarchy. 1 Concord and monarchy, Pax and Prin