tional reign as acknowledged head of the Roman State was to baffle by its length and solidity all human and rational calcul

ssionate or fatalistic. The art and practice of history demanded of its exponents, and commonly reveals in their works, a

ories told of a great civil war, the foundation of a new dynasty, and its degeneration into despotism; in his Annals he sou

encourage the attempt to record the story of the Roman Revolution and its sequel, the Principate of Caesar Augustus, in a f

e. That would merely substitute one form of biography for another. At its worst, biography is flat and schematic: at the be

The policy and acts of the Roman People were guided by an oligarchy, its annals were written in an oligarchic spirit. Hist

gins, alliances and feuds of their families; and history never belied its beginnings. Of necessity the conception was narro

1 In the Revolution the power of the old governing class was broken, its composition transformed. Italy and the non- polit

e western shore of Asia. The Empire of the Roman People, perishing of its own greatness, threatened to break and dissolve i

punish. 5 Against the blind impersonal forces that drove the world to its doom, human forethought or human act was powerles

onceding sovranty to the assembly of the People was able to frustrate its exercise. The two consuls remained at the head of

of the consulars. 2 The consulate did not merely confer power upon its holder and dignity for life: it ennobled a family

.) is here accepted. ‘Nobilis’ may not be quite a technical term, but its connotation is pretty clear. (As Gelzer shows, Ci

ections and in the courts of law, or masked by secret intrigue. As in its beginning, so in its last generation, the Roman C

urts of law, or masked by secret intrigue. As in its beginning, so in its last generation, the Roman Commonwealth, ‘res pub

amilies determined the history of the Republic, giving their names to its epochs. There was an age of the Scipiones: not

om his own class only. The sovran people of a free republic conferred its favours on whom it pleased. 3 Popularity with the

er. It is all too easy to tax the Roman nobility in the last epoch of its rule with vice and corruption, obscurantism and o

rds the financial interests, might have perpetuated in Rome and Italy its harsh and hopeless rule. The Empire broke it. T

ronted by continuous warfare in the provinces and on the frontiers of its wide and cumbersome dominion against Sertorius an

a mere term of abuse, but very precisely a collection of individuals, its shape and character, so far from fading away on c

catastrophe. 1 So, too, were the Aemilii:2 but neither house resigned its claim to primacy. The Claudii, however, persisted

olitical lady Servilia and the redoubtable leader of the oligarchy in its last struggles, M. Porcius Cato. 1 With these t

the government, the principes viri of note during the first decade of its existence. To the old and wily Philippus in the d

tion or gang. 2 The ramifications of this oligarchy were pervasive, its most weighty decisions taken in secret, known or

ral of the glory of saving the Republic in Italy as he had vindicated its empire abroad. Pompeius never forgave Cicero. But

his predominance. The worship of power, which ages ago had developed its own language and conventional forms, paid homage

to excite dispraise or contempt, even among the plebeian aristocracy: its first consul (in 141 B.C.) had been promoted thro

ome, contemplating the decline of Republican government and hastening its end. Ahenobarbus had become consul at last, wit

ir house. 4 It was the oligarchy of Sulla, manifest and menacing in its last bid for power, serried but insecure. Pompeiu

s apathetic to the war-cry of the Republic in danger, sceptical about its champions. The very virtues for which the prope

law and order. Caesar’s following was heterogeneous in composition at its kernel a small group of men paramount in social d

memories of Sulla, the choice of the Dictatorship was recommended by its comprehensive powers and freedom from the tribuni

his ambition and the modest magistrate who restored the Republic. In its treatment of Caesar the inspired literature of th

ad ‘hired the money’. PageBook=>058 oligarchy could survive if its members refused to abide by the rules, to respect

istocracy was not to be permitted to govern and exploit the Empire in its own fashion. The tragedies of history do not aris

which had passed over to the plebeians long ago but had not forgotten its patrician origin. P. Servilius was a man of some

their coins, and Italia was the new state which they established with its capital at Corfinium. 1 This was secession. The p

Labienus:1 yet Cingulum was easily won. Auximum honoured Pompeius as its patron:2 but the men of Auximum protested that it

emies against them in their own country. Sulmo of the Paeligni opened its gates, and the citizens poured forth in jubilatio

stocks of Italy into something that resembled a nation, with Rome as its capital, was not consummated by orators or by pol

, point to Etruria and the adjacent areas subject to the influence of its ancient civilization. 2 The earliest consuls bear

Antonius be spared. 4 Had the faction of Brutus and Cassius forsworn its principles and appealed to arms, their end would

and even Hellenic. But Rome was not a Greek city, to be mastered from its citadel. The facts and elements of power were lar

terly the plebs of Rome that they felt no scruples when they enhanced its degradation. Even Cato admitted the need of bribe

sh to hope for normal and ordered government when the storm had spent its strength, when the popular excitement had subside

tonius 10, the only evidence is Cicero, Phil. 2, 71 ff, which betrays its own inadequacy. The fact that Antonius, unlike ga

tatorship was to be abolished for ever. Thoughtful men reflected that its powers could easily be restored one day under ano

ence a potential danger. But that province was soon to be stripped of its legions. As for the East, Trebonius and Cimber mi

defamation the most admirable causes had often been called a faction: its activity lay beyond the constitution and beyond t

March showed a lack of social distinction or active talent. Many of its most prominent members were neutral, evasive, pla

us, Agrippa and Maecenas: to the end his faction retained the mark of its origin. A long time passes before any number of s

d created consolations in literature and in theory: the ideal derived its shape from his own disappointments. In the Republ

the orations. But oratory can be a menace to posterity as well as to its author or its audience. There was another side no

But oratory can be a menace to posterity as well as to its author or its audience. There was another side not Antonius onl

ic, liberated from military despotism, entered into the possession of its rights again: that is to say, behind the scenes p

rty in possession. Further, the discretionary power of the Senate, in its tendering of advice to magistrates, was widened t

es. A popularis could contest the misuse of this prerogative, but not its validity. 1 The Romans believed that they were

principles were assiduously enlisted. The art was as old as politics, its exponents required no mentors. The purpose of pro

nment, was oppressing the Republic and exploiting the constitution in its own interests. Hence the appeal to liberty. It wa

from the tyranny of the consul Antonius. 5 His ultimate triumph found its consecration in the legend Libertatis p. R. Vinde

f peace and concord in the revolutionary period that a new term makes its appearance, the word ‘pacificatorius’:2 not in a

State. Of that the Senate was supreme judge. What if it had not lent its sanction? Why, true patriots were their own Senat

gainst them: what if the People should appear misguided in the use of its prerogative of libertas, the Senate unreliable, u

inst the People and the army commanders. As at present composed, with its preponderance of Caesarians or neutrals, the Sena

The weakness of the Senate was flagrantly revealed in the persons of its leading members, the ex-consuls, whose auctoritas

hands of Caesarians. Macedonia had been almost completely stripped of its garrison. Antonius’ ally Dolabella was on his way

osal outstripped by P. Servilius. The Senate adlected Octavianus into its ranks and assigned to him, along with the consuls

ld no public office. But there were limits. The Senate did not choose its own members, or determine their relative standing

weak, for the authority of sacred law had been largely discredited by its partisan and unscrupulous employment, and Antoniu

commission to effect that salutary economy. Octavianus was not among its members but neither was D. Brutus. The envoys wer

ook=>166 surviving epistle to Cicero. His style had lost none of its elegance: he protested good will and loyalty, exp

orship to little but a name, the consulate never afterwards recovered its authority. But prestige it still guaranteed, and

their secret deeds. The town of Larinum will surely have lived up to its reputation. 8 Elsewhere the defeated and impoveri

ainst another. If he had begun a revolution, his next act was to stem its advance, to consolidate the existing order. Nor w

usus cried out for confiscation. 8 But a capital levy often defeats its own purpose. The return was at once seen to be di

few sons; 2 there was not a single man of consular rank in the party; its rallying point and its leaders were the young men

ot a single man of consular rank in the party; its rallying point and its leaders were the young men of the faction of Cato

ad suffered heavy loss both in ability and in distinction, and showed its revolutionary character by its composition as wel

ability and in distinction, and showed its revolutionary character by its composition as well as by its policy. The Triumvi

d showed its revolutionary character by its composition as well as by its policy. The Triumvirs had expelled from Italy not

arrinas lead the pack and inaugurate an epoch, as clearly manifest in its consuls as had been the last and transient suprem

llio, Plancus and Ventidius separated and retired, leaving Perusia to its fate. After a final and fruitless sortie, L. Anto

new Caesarian alliance formed in September of the year which bore as its title the consulate of Pollio and Calvinus. 4 It

hild appears to be something more than a personification of an era in its infancy, its parents likewise are neither celesti

to be something more than a personification of an era in its infancy, its parents likewise are neither celestial nor apocal

; it has been aggravated by a hazard to which prophetic literature by its very nature is peculiarly liable, that of subsequ

here, protecting the coast from Albania down to Peloponnesus. One of its stations was the island of Zacynthus, held by his

of Lepidus had no doubt been carefully contrived, with little risk to its author but a fine show of splendid courage. 6 It

denly as they had arisen, but the practice of diplomacy engendered in its adepts the talent of survival, with arts and devi

story acquired that preoccupation with human character, especially in its secret NotesPage=>249 1 Seneca, Epp. 114,

technique: it was their ambition to renovate Latin poetry and extend its scope by translating the works or adapting the th

casion when Virgil’s estate was confiscated, the manner and agents of its recovery, as retailed by the ancient Lives and sc

Caesar’s heir. The heroic and military age demanded an epic poem for its honour; and history was now in favour. Bibaculus

ess of his lot, until a balanced and resilient temperament reasserted its rights. Horace now composed satires but not in th

led the ruling people would be submerged in the innumerable hordes of its subjects. The revolutionary years exposed Rome to

and the Roman People. The new order in state and society still lacked its shape and final formulation. This intermediate

rrows. Even if a NotesPage=>263 1 On the notion of concord and its connexion with monarchy, cf. E. Skard, Zwei relig

re nobiles, yet this was a revolutionary period prizing and rewarding its own children vigour and talent, not ancestral ima

rited in Asia, three were recent acquisitions. To Pompeius Syria owed its annexation, Bithynia-Pontus and Cilicia an augmen

of another Roman province. 3 The Triumvir pursued the same policy, to its logical end. The province of Cilicia was broken u

eople was large, dangerously large. Caesar’s conquest of Gaul brought its bounds to the English Channel and the river Rhine

oligarchy was to survive as a governing class it would have to abate its ambitions and narrow the area of its rule. Rome c

ing class it would have to abate its ambitions and narrow the area of its rule. Rome could not deal with the East as well a

as well as the West. The East was fundamentally different, possessing its own traditions of language, habit and rule. The d

nger and embarrassment to Rome. A revived Egypt might likewise play its part in the Roman economy of empire. It was doubl

menace to the empire of Rome. Ever since Rome had known that kingdom its defences were weak, its monarchs impotent or ridi

Rome. Ever since Rome had known that kingdom its defences were weak, its monarchs impotent or ridiculous. Pompeius or Caes

ar 33 B.C. opened with Octavianus as consul for the second time: with its close, the triumviral powers were to expire. The

with Octavianus:1 it is more likely that they were afraid to divulge its contents. Antonius asked to have his acta confirm

cus. 2 None the less the will was held genuine, and did not fail in its working, at least on some orders of the populatio

nized, in the form of an oath of personal allegiance. ‘All Italy of its own accord swore an oath of allegiance to me and

y of its own accord swore an oath of allegiance to me and chose me as its leader in the war which I won at Actium. ’4 So Au

s might be no less effective. The Paelignian town of Sulmo had opened its gates to M. Antonius when he led troops for Caesa

r not turning the land into a Roman province. 3 Acquiring Egypt and its wealth for Rome, he could afford to abandon Armen

That kingdom, indeed, though difficult to an invader and elusive from its very lack of order and cohesion, was neither stro

wars. So much for the East. It was never a serious preoccupation to its conqueror during his long rule. The menace of Par

long years in the East men might fear lest the city be dethroned from its pride of place, lest the capital of empire be tra

The account of Romulus in Dionysius of Halicarnassus (2, 7 ff.), with its remarkable Caesarian or Augustan anticipations, p

ulating the State to go, under what name were the Caesarian party and its leader to rule? He had resigned the title of Triu

en an extraordinary manifestation of the will of the people delegated its sovranty, passing beyond the forms and names of a

d upon a half-measure. Under the rule of the Triumvirate, and after its nominal decease, proconsuls had governed large pr

and legal definition of his powers. The term ‘dux’ was familiar from its application to the great generals of the Republic

ppellation for the holder of vague and tremendous powers did not make its way all at once. Princeps remained also and very

27), who demonstrates that after 27 B.C. the consulate was reduced to its due and constitutional powers, cf. Velleius 2, 89

the Augustan age is certainly Pompeian rather than Caesarian, just as its avowed ideals are Republican, not absolutist. See

ork to be done. The restored Republic needed a friendly hand to guide its counsels and set in order its imperial dominions

epublic needed a friendly hand to guide its counsels and set in order its imperial dominions and a firm authority to enforc

the fabric, that the Commonwealth should stand and endure, even when its sovran organs, the Senate and People, were impote

evading arrest, and put to death. The Senate sanctioned their doom by its publica auctoritas. 1 The truth of the matter w

ething unreal in the sustained note of jubilation, as though men knew its falsity: behind it all there lurked a deep sense

flagrant sense of those terms. But the Caesarian party had thwarted its leader in the matter of Marcellus. Ultimately M

nd recruitment of the governing oligarchy, with especial reference to its leading members, the principes viri. PageNote.

from the hands of Italy’s leader the restored Republic did not belie its origin and cannot evade historical parallel. It w

four hundred million sesterces. 5 The army still preserved traces of its origin as a private army in the Revolution. Not u

dily reinforced from beneath; and it transmitted the choice flower of its own members to the Senate. The class of knights,

, Coponius, a Roman knight of a respectable family from Tibur, became its first governor; 1 and in a time of emergency an e

ctium, the process of creating the unity of Italy had not yet reached its term. Augustus was eager to provide for further r

towards Picenum and the Sabine land. Now they came from all Italy in its widest extension, from the foothills of the Alps

all, Italia Transpadana, renowned already in Latin letters, had sent its sons to Caesar’s Senate. Quite early in the Princ

iversal, but was determined by the possession of the latus clavus; in its working it was liberal and ‘progressive’. Moreove

the Empire:1 a century later the imperial Senate of Rome welcomed to its membership the descendants of kings and tetrarchs

ower, the Revolution had already proceeded so far that it could abate its rhythm without any danger of reaction. The greate

most intimate friends and earliest partisans. In the first months of its existence the faction of Caesar’s heir numbered h

nce the faction of Caesar’s heir numbered hardly a single senator; in its first years, few of distinction. What more simple

us, the Julian and the Claudian, knew their own class better and knew its failings. His name, his ambition and his acts h

tocratic adherents. The advantageous matrimonial alliance soon showed its effects Ap. Claudius Pulcher and M. Valerius Mess

rty-six, Agrippa at twenty-six. The constitution never recovered from its enemies or from its friends. Augustus in the firs

twenty-six. The constitution never recovered from its enemies or from its friends. Augustus in the first years masked or pa

its friends. Augustus in the first years masked or palliated some of its maladies at least no juvenile consuls are atteste

tensible authority through Augustus’ continuous tenure, and regaining its annual and Republican dignity, it now seemed wort

ius, Divus Aug. 40, 1. 3 For the manner of imperial commendatio and its exercise with reference to the various magistraci

ell as a soldier. In fact, nobility of birth prevailed and designated its candidates, often in advance, to the very year. I

rhetoric which he was happy to advertise as proconsul in the clime of its birth. 2 L. Calpurnius Piso acquired more favour

at least unprofitable while the Triumvirs ruled in Rome, now asserts its rights. Men revived decayed cognomina, invented p

e of Augustus, and lastly the daughter, Julia. No less resplendent in its way was the fortune that attended upon other part

Corruption had been banished from electoral contests: which confirmed its power in private. With the fortune won from confi

oice of the proconsuls of the public provinces. The precise manner of its working is unknown, the results no doubt satisfac

ia might suitably rank as a frontier province; in the pacification of its southern boundaries King Amyntas had lost his lif

The Senate retained Africa, a province of no little importance from its constant and arduous wars: the garrison may not a

eption of the original partition of provinces in 27 B.C., and reveals its own inadequacy. It is here assumed, though it can

rusus, commanded armies in their twenties. Patronage was justified in its results and patronage was no new thing at Rome.

resigning the office after a few days, because he did not understand its functions or because he disapproved, need not be

coining in gold and silver. 5 It acquires new functions, derived from its practice of taking cognizance of matters affectin

es of ladies at the centre of high society or hanging ambiguous about its fringes, the influence of wealthy knights, whethe

years, when the Princeps seldom cared to enter the Curia; in A.D. 13 its composition was modified and its powers were so f

cared to enter the Curia; in A.D. 13 its composition was modified and its powers were so far enhanced as to encroach seriou

oconsulates; their importance increased steadily as the reign drew to its close, now showing three new posts in the city of

of Augustus’ rule, literature not merely languished from the loss of its shining glories it appears to have broken away fr

Macedonia(the Egnatia) and the dimensions of Cilicia when Cicero was its governor. 2 Seneca, De ben. 6, 32, 2: ‘horum mi

rose out of usurpation. It never forgot, it never entirely concealed, its origin. But the act of usurpation could be consum

n, so that the transmission of power appeared to be no different from its first legitimation, namely, a special mandate con

The deed could be done in secret and in advance. The rule of Nerva by its impotence threatened to precipitate a civil war.

ever beset the domination of a party there may arise dissension among its directors, the nominal leader. may emancipate him

e apparent conflict of testimony about the character of Lollius bears its own easy interpretation. Lollius was favoured by

s. suff. 1 B.C.) was in charge of Moesia (now that Macedonia had lost its army). 2 In the three years of the rebellion of I

Peace came, and order; but the State, still sorely ailing, looked to its ‘salubris princeps’ for spiritual regeneration as

ion and a source of revenue. It was a danger and a responsibility. By its unwieldy mass the Empire might come crashing to t

istent with the ‘mos maiorum’. That office savoured of regimentation, its title was all too revealing. More to the point, h

trol of their own property in marriage. The emancipation of women had its reaction upon the men, who, instead of a partner

d social dignity of a senatorial family imposed a rigorous limit upon its size. Augustus therefore devised rewards for husb

of the whole community clearly depended. There were manifold signs of its absence. The ruinous horror of the Civil Wars, wi

is a large topic; and a movement so deep and so strong cannot derive its validity or its success from mere action by a gov

c; and a movement so deep and so strong cannot derive its validity or its success from mere action by a government. There i

f the citizen refused to fight, the city would perish at the hands of its enemies or its mercenaries. PageNotes. 448 1

efused to fight, the city would perish at the hands of its enemies or its mercenaries. PageNotes. 448 1 Pliny, NH 14, 4

of Rome to battle against the Parthians; and the Principate, for all its profession of peace, called on Rome and Italy to

aud is not enough to lame the efficacy of the Augustan reform or damn its authors, whoever they were. The Augustus of histo

new Italy, but recently a province, populous, patriotic and proud of its retention of ancestral frugality and virtue. Pata

ted as outcasts. Above all, the aristocracy was sharply recalled to its hereditary traditions of service; and the men of

so Horace exclaimed in the revolutionary period. 2 The New State did its best to refute that archaic prejudice: in preti

inion, used all his arts to persuade men to accept the Principate and its programme. PageNotes. 458 1 Velleius 2, 110,

6, 726 f. PageBook=>462 That did not matter. The New State had its lyric poet, technically superb. Personal misfortu

in the earliest origins of Rome, the continuity of Roman history and its culmination in the rule of Augustus. As he wrote

s history was patriotic, moral and hortatory. Even antiquarianism had its uses. But history did not need to be antiquarian

partisan. The North, unlike so many parts of Italy, had no history of its own, with memories of ancient independence from R

Rome or recent hostility. As far as concerned the politics of Rome, its loyalties were mixed and confused. There was patr

d be set up. The monument was dedicated three or four years later. On its sculptured panels could be seen the Princeps, his

us Maximus, to adopt the birthday of the Princeps as the beginning of its calendar-year; for that day announced good tiding

s: in the East the fact that the Principate was a monarchy guaranteed its ready acceptance. The lower classes had no voice

c took a heavy toll from the provinces. The Empire supervened to curb its agents and to render the process of exploitation

. The town of Auximum in Picenum had once honoured Pompeius Magnus as its patron. 6 Now Titius usurped that position. 7 Aux

a vindictive noble a split in the party itself and dissension between its leaders. The crisis of 23 B.C., the secession of

Antonius killed these were all events that threatened the dynasty at its heart and core and compromised the existence of t

existence of the new order. A government may invent conspiracies for its own ends: if it cannot entirely suppress the evid

cies for its own ends: if it cannot entirely suppress the evidence of its own internal crises, it falsifies the symptoms. M

ot very well authenticated conspiracy, the Principate could also show its judicial murders or deaths self-inflicted by stat

ivitatem sermones eoque plures. ’2 Official truth begot disbelief and its own corrective; and so rumour assumed an epic par

cipate inherited genius from the Triumviral period and claimed it for its own: it could not produce a new crop. The generat

r could the new oratory outshine the fame of Messalla and Pollio; and its ablest exponents were bitter enemies of the gover

as impossible to tell the truth about the living, but hate might have its revenge upon the dead. Hence the contrasted but c

y, the Augustan as well as the Republican nobility seemed to have run its course. Yet the succeeding period did not entir

orld. Hostility to the nobiles was engrained in the Principate from its military and revolutionary origins. In the first

enate. This measure, however, was hasty and provocative, transient in its effects. Less obvious, less advertised and less d

and more for the sole reason of birth. 1 The Sullan oligarchy made its peace with the monarchy. By the end of Augustus’

triciate. The last renascence of the oldest nobility of Rome revealed its inner falsity in the character of the principes v

longer was the proletariat of Italy pressed into the legions to shed its blood for ambitious generals or spurious principl

upulous prosecutors. While the Republic still maintained for a season its formal and legal existence, there had been decept

, without a break (ILS 1448). PageBook=>515 The Republic, with its full record of great wars abroad and political di

ese extremes. 4 It was not long before the Principate gave birth to its own theory, and so became vulnerable to propagand

herent in the New State from the beginning, was soon formulated, with its own exemplars and its own phraseology. Quies was

e from the beginning, was soon formulated, with its own exemplars and its own phraseology. Quies was a virtue for knights,

ncias, cuncta inter se conexa. ’1 So Tacitus described the Empire and its armed forces. The phrase might fittingly be appli

n was neither exclusive nor immobile. While each class in society had its peculiar functions, there was no sharp division b

destly referred to as a means of passing legislation, nowhere betrays its formidable nature and cardinal role in the imperi

us, 395, 401 see also Spain. Histonium, 360, 361. History, Roman, its characteristics and categories, 5, 8, 249 f., 485

358 ff., 370 ff.; transformation during the Empire, 365 ff., 501 ff.; its provinces in 27 B.C., 314, 328 f.; loses province