Rome and the principal allies of the various political leaders enter into their own at last. The method has to be selective

t a continuous narrative may run down to that date, thence to diverge into a description of the character and working of gov

esar, revived in the despotic rule of three Caesarian leaders, passed into the predominance of one man, Caesar’s grand-nephe

ife, usurped power for himself and his faction, transformed a faction into a national party, and a torn and distracted land

ormed a faction into a national party, and a torn and distracted land into a nation, with a stable and enduring government.

reat civil war, the foundation of a new dynasty, and its degeneration into despotism; in his Annals he sought to demonstrate

ple, perishing of its own greatness, threatened to break and dissolve into separate kingdoms or else a renegade, coming like

ast how he had led them to victory in a mighty contest and had broken into the citadel of the nobility:4 he was less asserti

e the second order in state and society, the Roman knights, converted into a ruinous political force by the tribune C. Gracc

ting his services by loans or legacies. 3 The gains of finance went into land. Men of substance and repute grew yet richer

cal survival given new life by the party of the Gracchi and converted into a means of direct political action, negative with

and of military leaders. Before long the Italian allies were dragged into Roman dissensions. The tribune M. Livius Drusus h

g the religion of the State which his enemies exploited and converted into a political contest. 2 Pompeius Magnus trod waril

ence of Pompeius’ weakness was the conduct of Cicero. He leapt boldly into the fray, and slashed the bill to pieces. Yet he

ee, and turned the year named after the consuls Metellus and Afranius into a date heavy with history. 5 In the next year t

f his line, himself the grandson of a Metella, had passed by adoption into their family. This was Q. Metellus Scipio, father

cipiones in their great age: obscure for a century, they emerge again into sudden prominence with three consuls in the last

aesar dead became a god and a myth, passing from the realm of history into literature and legend, declamation and propaganda

of government save through an oligarchy. But Caesar was being forced into an autocratic position. It meant the lasting domi

d further support to the rash, self-righteous tribune when he plunged into illegal courses. The political dynast Crassus use

conquering the last of his rivals, converted the old Caesarian party into a national government in a transformed State. The

llustius Crispus, a young man from the Sabine country who had plunged into politics, a tribune conspicuous among the opponen

enemies, so convincingly reveals: he had delivered over the publicani into the hands of the Syrians and the Jews, nations bo

s for aptitude in finance. The secretariat of the proconsul developed into the cabinet of the Dictator. Most of them were Ro

he pact of 60 B.C. In December of that year he sought to bring Cicero into it, Ad Att. 2, 3, 3. 4 Cicero, Pro Balbo 58: ‘n

contested memorials of history. Sulla, they said, put common soldiers into the Senate: but the formidable company of the Sul

the provinces to a seat in the Senate of Rome. Urban humour blossomed into scurrilous verses about Gauls newly emancipated f

acking full documentation, is sometimes disregarded before it emerges into imperial history with two consuls in the reign of

ristocracies by marriage or alliance, northwards to Etruria and south into Campania. 5 The concession of political equalit

a social revolution. Before peace came another civil war supervened, into which Etruria was dragged along with the stubborn

generous in act and policy, no man from remoter Italy whom he helped into the Senate, no novus homo for whom he strove in d

presumably of central Italian origin; 7 and the warlike Marsi emerge into prominence, as is fitting, with another Poppaediu

hting for Italia. 9 But the family did not perish or lapse altogether into poverty or obscurity. C. Asinius Pollio, his gran

ctatorship. 5 The union of the alien and discordant stocks of Italy into something that resembled a nation, with Rome as i

tion or for statesmanship; and the conspirators had not initiated him into their designs. The public support of Cicero would

aken up arms in defence of the rights of the tribunes, was manoeuvred into a clash with the champions of the People. Symptom

as another matter. The Liberators sought to inveigle their supporters into contributing to a private fund: with small succes

in 44 B.C. suffers from confusion and inaccuracy: it has been brought into satisfactory order through the researches of O. E

s manner deceived some of his contemporaries and almost all posterity into a false estimate of his political capacity. We ar

e to the scramble for honours and emolument, to break out at the last into civil war again. Deplored by the Liberators, the

ions, was taken up by Caesar. 5 When C. Octavius passed by adoption into the Julian House he acquired the new and legal de

elled, was wisely postponed. Nor would he enter Rome until he had got into touch with persons of influence and had surveyed

aintain power with the populace and the veterans, Antonius was forced into a policy that alarmed the Senate and gave his ene

s may have spoken as he did in order to force his enemies to come out into the open. Nor was it likely that he would consent

their catchwords. If the process goes far enough, a faction may grow into something like a national party. So it was to be

rty. For lack of that, the great Pompeius had been forced at the last into a fatal alliance with his enemies the oligarchs.

s denounced as a public enemy. The rash youth appeared to have played into his hands. Of the legal point, no question: Octav

at all willing to be captured by an anti-Caesarian faction and forced into the conduct of a civil war. Hirtius was accessibl

wholly to be neglected he had family connexions that could be brought into play, for the Caesarian cause or for the Republic

a patriotic Roman, did not abandon all care for his country and lapse into timorous inactivity under the imminent threat of

nd Pompeius and when Roman politics again appeared to be degenerating into faction strife. 1 His character was vindicated by

mes hoped for but ever delayed return to settled conditions threw him into a deep depression. He shunned the Senate, the the

o attack the policy of Antonius, Cicero, it might be argued, came out into the open at last, and made history by a resolute

=>144 must have congratulated himself on his refusal to be lured into a premature championing of the Republic. He resol

sed decrees; the Republic, liberated from military despotism, entered into the possession of its rights again: that is to sa

rom the army would then be needed to transform a brigand and murderer into a high-minded champion of concord and the Commonw

f the State, had been entirely relaxed. The soldiers, whether pressed into service or volunteers from poverty and the prospe

the shedding of Roman blood, generals and soldiers exalted disloyalty into a solemn duty. Lepidus’ army compelled him, so he

was prone to inertia, a treacherous instrument if cajoled or coerced into action. It showed a lack of personal energy as we

mily connexions and the possession of a large army turned this cipher into a factor. Both sides assiduously courted the favo

, he carried the troops of D. Brutus and of Octavianus were converted into legitimate armies recognized by the State; the pr

proposal outstripped by P. Servilius. The Senate adlected Octavianus into its ranks and assigned to him, along with the con

off negotiations with a contumacious proconsul and plunged the world into war. The lesson must have provided arguments agai

decision. On the day after the defeat he got the remnants of his army into order and set out along the Aemilia towards the w

olitics. Brutus urged Octavianus to turn south across the Apennines into Etruria, to cut off Ventidius and prevent him fro

gain across the Apennines, in the direction of Pollentia. Brutus fell into the trap and turned westwards. Antonius was able

only because Lepidus was a Caesarian. The troops introduced Antonius into the camp, the Tenth Legion, once commanded by him

becoming more and more irksome. He would show them. Cicero entered into the original compact with Octavianus with clear p

d been desperately unwilling to provoke a civil war, ready even to go into voluntary exile for the sake of concord. 8 Note

ecured money and the loyalty of the native chieftains. Then, crossing into Asia, he met Cassius at Smyrna towards the end of

2 For good reasons Brutus and Cassius decided not to carry the war into Italy in winter or even in summer, but to occupy

Ionian Sea and the Aegean. If they were able to prolong the campaign into the winter months, the lack of supplies would dis

rs of an ancient wrong. Political contests at Rome and the civil wars into which they degenerated were fought at the expense

number of Antonian or Republican partisans, the consul threw himself into the strong city of Perusia and prepared to stand

. 2 These judicial murders were magnified by defamation and credulity into a hecatomb of three hundred Roman senators and kn

ervened. The Parthians, with Roman renegades in their company, poured into Syria and reduced the governor, Decidius Saxa, to

torn asunder by the generals struggling for the inheritance, broke up into separate kingdoms and rival dynasties. NotesPag

firmly believed that one world-epoch was passing, another was coming into being. The lore of the Etruscans the calculations

on Ecl. 9, 47) and died upon the spot: the incident is there brought into connexion with the comet and said to be referred

very existence, not merely the relevance, of Saloninus may be called into doubt; 5 further, there is no reason to imagine t

he end of the year, Balbus the millionaire from Gades, emerging again into open history after an absence of four years, and

r acquired, sufficient faith in the principles of any of the Pompeii, into whose fatal alliance they had been driven or dupe

l-town banker had joined the Julii by adoption and insinuated himself into the clan of the Claudii by a marriage. His party

o hold the triumph that would have thrown the disasters of Octavianus into high and startling relief. 1 The young Caesar was

needed crews and a harbour. Twenty thousand freed slaves were pressed into service, and Agrippa proceeded to construct a gre

The young Caesar had conquered the island of Sicily. Chance delivered into his hands a richer prey. A strange delusion now u

ns served him well, of brief notoriety and quick reward, then lapsing into obscurity again. Some names are known, but are on

een sent by Antonius to help his ally and may have passed before long into the service of Octavianus, cf. M. A. Levi, Riv. d

erable, was augmented when the last adherents of Sex. Pompeius passed into his service. None the less, the young Caesar was

e quietly and to set purpose. It was his task to guide opinion gently into acceptance of the monarchy, to prepare not merely

future of eloquence were plainly to be read. Oratory would degenerate into the private practice of rhetoric: in public, the

d the innermost workings of human nature: Sallustius, plunging deeper into pessimism, found it bad from the roots. History,

r power among the generals his successors, the breaking of his empire into separate kingdoms; and they could set before them

of Roman poets had disappeared almost to a man. Lucretius, who turned into epic verse the precepts of Epicurus, the passiona

istic vein, renowned as the inventor of Roman elegy. He first emerges into authentic history when Pollio in a letter to Cice

ent of poets, offering protection, counsel and subsidy. Virgil passed into the company and friendship of Maecenas. Before lo

y of tyrannicides. Horace was swept from the lectures of philosophers into the army of the Liberators. He fought at Philippi

gn peoples: with insecurity his pride turned, under the goad of fear, into a fanatical hatred. The Roman could no longer d

ord of Derbe and Laranda, whose principality lay beside the high road into Asia. 2 The kings of Commagene and Cappadocia len

until the winter of 37-36 B.C. that the principalities were built up into a solid and well- balanced structure, with every

d the whole of his kingdom, to form a continuous territory northwards into Syria. Antonius refused to give her any more. T

e compensation for the disastrous invasion of Media. Antonius marched into Armenia, captured and deposed the treacherous Art

, captured and deposed the treacherous Artavasdes. He turned the land into a Roman province, leaving there a large army unde

uin by Roman financiers. Egypt was clearly not suited to be converted into a Roman province: it must remain an ally or an ap

the arbitrary rule of the Triumvirate. Since the time when the entry into office of new consuls last portended a change in

e on a calculation of interest, or preferred to lapse, if they could, into a safe and inglorious neutrality. Yet Antonius co

way, by propaganda, by intimidation and by violence, Italy was forced into a struggle which in time she came to believe was

nanciers and tax-farmers. 1 Interest unconsciously transformed itself into righteous and patriotic indignation. Landowners,

age between the Latin West and the Greek East. The Empire might split into two parts very easily. It is one of the miracles

nciers and governors. The source of life cut off, Italy would dwindle into poverty and dishonour. National pride revolted. W

eet of Antonius either refused battle or after defeat was forced back into harbour. 1 Antonius himself with forty ships mana

gust dimensions and an intense emotional colouring, being transformed into a great naval battle, with lavish wealth of convi

lieutenant in the Cyrenaica, surrendered his four legions and passed into the service of the victor. 4 Antonius and his con

num. Cleopatra survived Antonius by a few days which at once passed into anecdote and legend. To Octavianus the Queen was

the traditional Roman practice as an excuse for not turning the land into a Roman province. 3 Acquiring Egypt and its wea

tes, triumphs, priesthoods and subsidies; some had even been elevated into the patriciate. Octavianus could count upon certa

s he was warned and checked by wise counsellors. PageBook=>314 into Heaven. That was too much like Caesar the Dictato

is there— the soul of Caesar, purged of all earthly stain, transmuted into a comet and lending celestial auspices to the asc

αν μὲν ἀρχὴν μᾶλλʋν αἱρʋύμενʋζ αναρξίαζ. Compare Dio, in a speech put into the mouth of Augustus (53, 10, 1): πρῶτʋν μὲν τʋὺ

ulted for his advice on weighty matters—and never tempted by ambition into danger. He could afford in the magnanimity of suc

one consular and two praetorian. The division of imperial provinces into the categories of consular and praetorian is a su

asis from which the north-eastern frontier of empire was extended far into the interior up to the line of the Danube. 1 In

nd temporarily repaired, his health had grown steadily worse, passing into a dangerous illness. Close to death, he gave no i

triumphed from Africa in 21 B.C., Balbus two years later for his raid into the land of the distant and proverbial Garamantes

ms and names. It went beyond the practices of Roman dynastic politics into the realm of pure monarchy; and it might end in w

nt scholiast twisted these words, of natural and easy interpretation, into an allusion to the alliance between Augustus and

ed when speaking of these men. 1 Such a triumvirate existed, called into being not by any pre-ordained harmony or theory o

uired in the capital. It might be desirable to convert the Principate into a partnership, devising a vicegerent for the East

ar feature of the Augustan system senior centurions can pass directly into the militia equestris and qualify for posts of co

aged by grant of the latus clavus in youth and passing almost at once into the Senate, others after a military career as kni

2 NotesPage=>365 1 Dio makes Maecenas advise Augustus to bring into the Senate of Rome το ς κορυϕαίους ξ ἁπάντων τ ν

, the practice of the revolutionary period seems to have crystallized into the law of the constitution. Sulla the Dictator h

programme of reform. The consulate he gave up: converted since Actium into an office of ostensible authority through Augustu

efore had organized his private slaves and other suitable individuals into a company for suppressing outbreaks of fire. 3 He

honours as of right. Again, as his own provincia gradually developed into a series of separate commands, it was right that

went on, more and more aristocratic families were lured by matrimony into the family and following of the Princeps. Of his

Sulla went to pay for it. The Antonian L. Marcius Censorinus entered into possession, from whom it passed to the family of

s, bringing young men of respectable families and suitable sentiments into the equestris militia, thence perhaps into the Se

es and suitable sentiments into the equestris militia, thence perhaps into the Senate. It might be conjectured that the patr

incipate of Augustus, they grow with the passage of dynastic politics into monarchical rule and emerge into open day in the

ith the passage of dynastic politics into monarchical rule and emerge into open day in the court life of the ruler of the Ju

mates, amici and comites, so designated by terms which develop almost into titles; and there are grades among his friends. 2

es a body of civil servants: magistracies are depressed and converted into qualifying stages in the hierarchy of administrat

s was the essential and the minimum. An advance from the side of Gaul into Germany might shorten communications yet further,

nd alarming during the Triumviral period, that the Empire might split into two parts. By 13 B.C. a firm beginning had been

d and defeated Republicans, the provincia of Augustus began to change into a permanent order of praetorian and consular prov

either to nominate a proconsul in an emergency or to take a province into his charge for short or for long periods. Nor wer

estrian officers were a repository of wisdom; both centurions passing into the militia equestris and knights promoted to the

ary operations are barely known, other campaigns no doubt have lapsed into oblivion. No complete record exists either of g

e to the former and that the two Spanish armies had by now been fused into one. Which is not unlikely. As for Varus, his pro

cting the safety of the State in an emergency, and gradually develops into a high court of justice under the presidency of t

the residue of the revenues from his own provinces that Augustus paid into the aerarium, which he also subsidized from his o

patriotic Roman might have his doubts. The New State was fast turning into the New Monarchy. As the dynastic aspirations o

his eclipse. Depressed and decimated by war and revolution, swept up into one party and harnessed as they had been to the s

le indeed to speculate upon the composition of a body that never came into existence, were there not attested certain eminen

her own side of the family she lacked relatives who might be built up into a faction. 2 To be sure, there were her grandchil

discord in the syndicate of government. In the end, everything played into her hands. In 2 B.C. an opportune scandal burst i

verything played into her hands. In 2 B.C. an opportune scandal burst into publicity and ruined Julia, the daughter of the P

, supervening when the first man in the Empire was absent, might turn into a political catastrophe. Against that risk the Pr

ate advantage of the Roman People. Julia, it was alleged, had slipped into the wayward habits of her gay and careless mother

son of Tiberius, was in supreme command. 4 In Illyricum, now divided into two provinces, Pannonia was held by Q. Junius Bla

ition to what was Greek. Out of the War of Actium, artfully converted into a spontaneous and patriotic movement, arose a sal

ry, from a private offence with mild remedies and incomplete redress, into a crime. The wife, it is true, had no more rights

f Italian land rose steeply. 3 The rich grew richer. Their money went into landed property. Large estates grew larger. Prosp

natives from the recently conquered valleys of the Alps were pressed into service in the legions of the Roman People. 1 On

n and from his faithful Hirtius; and the reluctant Cicero was coerced into writing a letter that expressed some measure of a

red the most promising of the poets at an early stage and nursed them into the Principate. Augustus himself listened to reci

ere requisitions when Pollio governed the Cisalpina: the wealthy went into hiding then, and not a single slave betrayed his

han eighty silver statues in the city to be melted down and converted into offerings to Apollo, his patron. 1 Other material

ion was happily seconded by fortune when the soldiers of Brutus broke into the camp and tent of the Caesarian leader at Phil

and categories for itself. The dissemination of canards was elevated into a fine art, and desperate wits preferred to risk

ones of earth in their lifetime is silenced in death, being converted into recognition and love: exstinctus amabitur idem.

gnity and honour. Bad men, brutal, rapacious and intolerable, entered into the possessions of the dead and usurped privilege

ertas and Antonius. Cato’s son fell at Philippi and the Porcii lapsed into obscurity if not extinction. 1 No more consuls ca

omacy or the contraction of serviceable marriage alliances and lasted into the reign of Augustus produced no more consuls af

ouraged to bring up a family: Tiberius refused to help, and it lapsed into a shameful poverty. 1 In the record of disaster

Brutus originally an enemy of Pompeius, and through that feud brought into conflict with Caesar, he followed Cato’s lead and

from the dynasts’ pact in 60 B.C. through civil wars and Dictatorship into the rule of the Triumvirs. The man from Gades, co

avian age, and M. Ulpius Traianus, the son of another, were patrician into the bargain. Trajan was the first provincial empe

rulers of Rome, introduced his clients, the tribal dynasts of Comata, into the Senate. This measure, however, was hasty and

empora contigerunt’. 1 No longer was the proletariat of Italy pressed into the legions to shed its blood for ambitious gener

principles, no longer were the peaceful men of property to be driven into taking sides in a quarrel not their own or mulcte

standing. As more and more sons of Roman knights passed by patronage into the ranks of the governing class, the conviction

d person. No danger that they would be challenged to put their ideals into practice. NotesPage=>514 1 ILS 8393. 2 E

prevailed in violence and bloodshed. But his potentia was transmuted into auctoritas, and ‘dux’ became beneficent, ‘dux bon

ery beginning of Augustus’ Principate the ideas, later to crystallize into titles official or conventional, were already the

pears as a spontaneous uprising of all Italy, Philippi is transformed into the victory of Caesar’s heir and avenger alone. 1

tion of a faction’. Dux had become Princeps and had converted a party into a government. For power he had sacrificed everyth

s, 83, 361; repute and virtues of, 82, 193, 360, 453, 455 f.; brought into Roman politics, 285 f., 359 ff., 364; and militar