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1 (1960) THE ROMAN REVOLUTION
es Gaius and Lucius, grandsons of Augustus and heirs designate to the imperial succession. Such accidents of duration and fortun
the Free State perished NotesPage=>008 1 Thus Tacitus, writing imperial history in the spirit and categories of the Repub
s and combine class-loyalty with a high ideal of Roman patriotism and imperial responsibility. Not so among the financiers. Th
h ambition required to win power in Rome and direct the policy of the imperial Republic as consul or as one of the principes. Ci
been hangers-on of the Scipiones. But the power and splendour of that imperial house, the conquerors of Carthage and of Spain, b
ional trouser, unfamiliar with the language and the topography of the imperial city. 2 The joke is good, if left as such. Gall
g full documentation, is sometimes disregarded before it emerges into imperial history with two consuls in the reign of Caligula
nly leads to misconceptions about the Dictator’s policy, domestic and imperial , but renders it hard to understand the compositio
the kings, dynasts and cities of the wide East, had shown the way to imperial power. Beside princes of blood or title, the pers
ers from Italy and the western provinces and blend with them in a new imperial aristocracy. Mytilene paid honour and the appel
asus and the dependent kingdom of Media. Since the Punic Wars the new imperial power of Rome, from suspicion and fear, had explo
our. National pride revolted. Was it for this that the legions of the imperial Republic had shattered and swept away the kings o
probably suppressed. The girl was enlisted as an instrument of Roman imperial policy, being given in marriage to Juba, the prin
aly. He entered Rome on August 13th. During three successive days the imperial city witnessed the pomp of three triumphs, for th
hout match or parallel as yet in the history of Rome. An assertion of imperial NotesPage=>303 1 Appian (BC 4, 51, 221) re
orced from notions of conquest, or at least compulsion. It was Rome’s imperial destiny to compel the nations to live at peace, w
lready begun to compose a national epic on the origins and destiny of imperial Rome. To Venus, the divine ancestress of the Juli
ee legates, namely one consular and two praetorian. The division of imperial provinces into the categories of consular and pra
with safety. 4 Moreover, the most difficult and most dangerous of the imperial dominions were not among them—a fair and fraudule
lic needed a friendly hand to guide its counsels and set in order its imperial dominions and a firm authority to enforce a progr
tics, but by the history of the Caesarian party and by the demands of imperial government. It was not the only formula or the on
cipal status, maintain and augment their dignity and become a part of imperial history. M. Salvius Otho, the son of a Roman knig
hy aristocracy of Asia and even the kings of the East would enter the imperial Senate, time and circumstance would ordain. 1 O
ded the kings as integral members of the Empire:1 a century later the imperial Senate of Rome welcomed to its membership the des
teady advance. Augustus, it is commonly held, lacked both the broad imperial vision and the liberal policy of Caesar: a grave
30, 2; 56, 27, 1; Suetonius, Divus Aug. 40, 1. 3 For the manner of imperial commendatio and its exercise with reference to th
ates of the Roman People, were perpetuated in the exorbitant power of imperial freedmen, first the servants and then the ministe
at Court. Such were the ways that led to wealth and honours in the imperial system, implicit in the Principate of Augustus, b
d the province of Macedonia. In the first years of the Principate the imperial frontier on the north-east consisted of two senat
nsul and assigned to the governor of a new province to the north, the imperial legate of Moesia. 3 When both Illyricum and the R
ears of the Principate, there existed seven military commands held by imperial legates of consular rank; of these, five lay alon
e proved, that M. Vinicius was the last proconsul, Tiberius the first imperial legate, of Illyricum. 3 For the dating to this
ets are now commanded by Roman knights, e.g. ILS 2688 and 2693. Later imperial freedmen appear. 2 Cf. above, p. 330. 3 Tacit
s (cos. 2 B.C.) held in succession the posts of proconsul of Asia and imperial legate of Galatia, fighting there and suppressing
however, bears for the most part the name of the reigning dynasty of imperial Rome. Nor might grateful natives any more exalt a
9 B.C., but only for a few years, after which Augustus established an imperial mint at Lugdunum, cf. H. Mattingly, BMC, R. Emp.
rvice had developed, freedmen did not hold the procuratorships of the imperial provinces. But it was a freedman called Licinus w
1 Not until libertas was lost did men feel the full pride of Rome’s imperial destiny empire without end in time and space: h
ent talents as an orator but avid and ruthless. 2 The greatness of an imperial people derives in no small measure from the uncon
the peasant farmer, all the glorification of the martial ideals of an imperial race, service in the legions was unpopular in Ita
sed to a certain consciousness of dignity and duties as members of an imperial race. The soldiers learned obedience, the veteran
passion for frugality and virtue, a fervent sympathy with martial and imperial ideals. In his Odes may be discovered the noble
knew what history was. It was not like Livy. Augustus’ historian of imperial Rome employed for his theme an ample Ciceronian s
on the dead. Hence the contrasted but complementary vices inherent in imperial Roman historiography, flattery and detraction. 1
s verdict confirmed by Juvenal and by Tacitus, the typical glories of imperial literature and the last of the Romans. PageNote
riestly and dynastic houses of Asia, now holding consular rank in the imperial Senate. Still less does he venture to attack the
utlive the Julio-Claudians; one of them perished with Messallina, his imperial paramour. 3 The last consulars of the names Stati
ation, nowhere betrays its formidable nature and cardinal role in the imperial system ’summi fastigii vocabulum’. Again, there i
m which they derive; and W. Liebenam printed a convenient list of the imperial consuls, from 30 B.C. onwards (Fasti Consulares I
289; as a myth, 440 f.; as an Italian victory, 453. Administration, imperial , 387 ff.; role of knights, 355 ff., 409, 411; of
ssinius, L., Pompeian partisan and authority on goats, 31. Court, the imperial , 385 f. Courtiers, 385 f., 501. Crassus, see Li
of 44 B.C., 122; an imitator of Thucydides, 154; on the difficulty of imperial history, 407; composes a debate on Monarchy and R
oconsul of Asia, 375, 395, 405, 474; in Spain, 401; propagator of the imperial cult, 474; his character as defined by Cassius Se
lar in 32 B.C., 284; status and opportunities in the Principate, 354; imperial freedmen, 385, 410; legislation concerning, 446;
Julius Eurycles, C, Spartan dynast, 476. Julius Laco, C., Greek in imperial service, 506. Julius Papius, C., officer in Egypt
adrianic senator from the East, 366. Julius Spartiaticus, C, Greek in imperial service, 506. Julius Vercondaridubnus, C, high
Pompeius and Theophanes, 263. Narbo, 80; altar at, 473. Narcissus, imperial freedman, 386. Narnia, 200; a local god at, 83.
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