n sentiment. Hence a deliberately critical attitude towards Augustus. If Caesar and Antonius by contrast are treated rathe

phical in character, and it covers the footnotes as well as the text. If used in conjunction with the list of consuls and

nd rewritten. But the theme, I firmly believe, is of some importance. If the book provokes salutary criticism, so much the

archy, culminating in twenty years of civil war and military tyranny. If despotism was the price, it was not too high: to

termination of the revolutionary age, they were willing to acquiesce, if not actively to share, in the shaping of the new

other. The career of the revolutionary leader is fantastic and unreal if told without some indication of the composition o

mam’. 2 Plutarch, Caesar 13 ; Pompeius 47. 3 Horace, Odes 2, i, i if . 4 For example, Lucan, Pharsalia r, 84 ff.; Flo

as jealously guarded by the nobiles. It was a scandal and a pollution if a man without ancestors aspired to the highest ma

ld be in their power at last, amenable to guidance or to be discarded if recalcitrant. NotesPage=>044 1 Cicero, Phi

until the end of the year 49 B.C. are still matters of controversy. 1 If they were ever clear, debate and misrepresentatio

discarded and disgraced as had been Gabinius, the governor of Syria. If he gave way now, it was the end. Returning to Rom

t the craftiest politician of the day: he was declared a public enemy if he did not lay down his command before a certain

about the guilt of the Civil War. 3 Pompeius had been little better, if at all, than his younger and more active rival, a

uding several eminent consulars, some of whom Caesar won to sympathy, if not to active support, by his studious moderation

in argues that this was a general oath, not confined to senators. 3 If the Sallustian Epistulae ad Caesarem senem could

own way along the road to power, beginning as a military demagogue. If Caesar must be judged, it is by facts and not by

y had ‘hired the money’. PageBook=>058 oligarchy could survive if its members refused to abide by the rules, to res

party a statesman is nothing. He sometimes forgets that awkward fact. If the leader or principal agent of a faction goes b

ore. ‘He was Caesar and he would keep faith. ’1 As he also observed, ‘ If he had called upon the services of thugs and brig

language and the topography of the imperial city. 2 The joke is good, if left as such. Gallia Cisalpina still bore the n

atullus’ family would perhaps have been eligible for senatorial rank, if not Virgil’s as well. Among Caesar’s nominees may

of whom the first at least was a senator (Münzer, P-W VII, 2512 ff.). If the scholiast Porphyrio (on Horace, Sat. 1, 3, 13

immigrant. Not merely the towns of Latium even Etruria and Campania, if not Beneventum in the Samnite country, reinforced

changed, the story has gained colour and strength (Phil. 2, 91). Even if the letter Ad fam. 11, I were to be dated immedia

e subsidies; and he later made a grant to Servilia. Rome and Italy, if lost, could be recovered in the provinces, as Pom

abella had been a great nuisance in 47 B.C., during Caesar’s absence. If Antonius stayed in Italy, it was precisely becaus

from the official treasury, which was housed in the Temple of Saturn. If the mysterious hoard was the Dictator’s war-chest

ould have his province of Macedonia. But the proconsul was vulnerable if a faction seized power in Rome and sought to pay

king of Republican institutions. An innovation indeed: it had seldom, if ever, existed in the preceding twenty years. The

ncompleteness of the glorious Ides of March could not justly complain if the Caesarian consul solicited the favour or enli

Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire 1 (1928), 192 ff. Even if June 1st be not the day of the passing of the law

f their adherents and soldiers, their programme and their catchwords. If the process goes far enough, a faction may grow i

of Caesar’s heir reveals never a trace of theoretical preoccupations: if it did, it would have been very different and ver

2 However it was, Antonius took alarm. Rome was becoming untenable. If he lingered until the expiration of his consular

διάλιος καὶ Λ∈ύκιος. Jacoby conjectures a lacuna after the last name, If Nicolaus is correct and correctly transmitted we

lass. Octavianus needed the Senate as well. He hoped to win sympathy, if not support, from some of the more respectable Ca

situation was complicated, and Philippus’ policy was ambiguous. Even if stirred by the example of his father’s actions on

t of his clan. His family connexions would permit an independent and, if he chose, a conciliatory position between the par

the Dictator. 8 Cicero in alarm confessed the ruinous alternatives: ‘ if Octavianus succeeded and won power, the acta of C

esar would be more decisively confirmed than they were on March 17th; if he failed, Antonius would be intolerable. ’9 Ci

hoped to use Octavianus against Antonius and discard him in the end, if he did not prove pliable. It was Cato’s fatal pla

ero made ample atonement for earlier failures and earlier desertions, if that were the question at issue. It is not: a nat

d a settlement based upon compromise were neither fools nor traitors. If they followed Cicero there was no telling where t

ctavianus, or for peace. The new consuls had a policy of their own, if only they were strong enough to achieve it. Pub

s of a landed aristocracy earned wealth was sordid and degrading. But if the enterprise and the profits are large enough,

Phil. 2, 99. 2 lb. 11, 9. 3 De officiis I, 150 f. is instructive: if business men retire and buy land they become quit

en practised, however, a more subtle art of misrepresentation, which, if it could not deceive the hardened adept at the ga

interests of Italy as a whole. An aspiration rather than a programme. If the political literature of the period had been m

o the public good was supported by the profession of private virtues, if such they should NotesPage=>156 1 Ad Att.

cessary to save the State. Of that the Senate was supreme judge. What if it had not lent its sanction? Why, true patriots

that the constitution was being perversely invoked against them: what if the People should appear misguided in the use of

. This was called a consensus: the term coniuratio is more revealing. If it was thought inexpedient for the moment or even

a solemn and patriotic panegyric upon treason. 1 He demonstrated that if a private army was raised against Antonius, if hi

1 He demonstrated that if a private army was raised against Antonius, if his troops were mutinous and seditious, Antonius

r neutrals, the Senate was prone to inertia, a treacherous instrument if cajoled or coerced into action. It showed a lack

nd authority to fill the gaps. 3 This dearth explains the prominence, if not the primacy, that now at last fell to Cicero

nt te nimis servire temporibus. ’ PageBook=>166 Lepidus stood, if the word can be used of this flimsy character, wa

y he found so distasteful. But Pollio was to play his part for peace, if not for the Republic: his uncompromising honesty

validity of such grants was to raise a large question in itself, even if it were not coupled with the official sanction gi

seat of war and marched up the Flaminia to Ariminum but not to fight if he could avoid it. He might yet baffle both Cicer

public enemy was on the run. All that remained was to hound him down. If Lepidus and Plancus held firm in the West, the co

um. Caesar’s heir refused to take orders from Caesar’s assassin: nor, if he had, is it certain that the troops would have

il wars have witnessed stranger vicissitudes of alliance. 3 Yet, even if this did not happen, he might be caught between C

ns in the West and Republicans in the East, crushed and exterminated. If Brutus and Cassius came to Italy with their host

waited for D. Brutus to come over the pass of the Little St. Bernard. If Plancus had by now resolved to join Antonius, his

State, it was impossible to discover. For the judgement on these men, if judged they must be, it would be sufficient to de

It may well have been the ambiguous P. Servilius, for to this summer, if not earlier, belongs a significant political fact

plimentary to Plancus, he described Servilius as ‘homo furiosus’. 6 If a consul was required, what more deserving candid

3 Appian, BC 3, 82, 337 ft.; Dio 46, 42, 2; Plutarch, Cicero 45 f. If Plutarch is to be believed, Augustus admitted tha

non potero? ’3 The realization surpassed all memory and all fears. As if to give a measure of their ruthlessness, the Triu

lood-lust of Fulvia. It may be doubted whether contemporaries agreed. If they had the leisure and the taste to draw fine d

bt invented or enhanced by many astute individuals who owed security, if not enrichment, to the Caesarian party. NotesPa

7 Such respectable examples conferred sanction upon crime and murder, if any were needed, among the propertied classes of

r stood above parties. He did not champion one class against another. If he had begun a revolution, his next act was to st

as alleged, at the proscriptions which it was his duty to announce. 3 If the three dynasts be excluded, the surviving cons

Degrassi in Inscr. It. XIII, part 1); and perhaps Q. Marcius Crispus, if he be the Marcius who also was cos. suff. in that

and avoid battle. They commanded both the Ionian Sea and the Aegean. If they were able to prolong the campaign into the w

the popular name of M. Antonius and professions of pietas. 2 Fulvia, if anybody, knew the character of her husband: he ne

ledges of alliance to Octavianus. She must force him by discrediting, if not by destroying, the rival Caesarian leader, an

anius produced or invented a letter from M. Antonius sanctioning war, if in defence of his dignitas. 2 The consul marche

arching to Spain with six legions to take charge of that region. Even if Salvidienus returned in time and their combined a

bus threatened Italy from the east, Pompeius from the south and west. If this were not enough, all his provinces were assa

rties had plenty to excuse or disguise after the event; and Antonius, if adequately informed, may still have preferred to

s with the armies of all Gaul was in negotiation and ready to desert. If anybody, Salvidienus should have known how the od

arthians. 4 Pollio may have departed to Macedonia about the same time if he came to Rome to assume the insignia of his con

nteius Capito and a troupe of rising poets. 1 Pollio was not present. If invited, he refused, from disgust of politics.

y of Pompeius without reluctance; and few Republicans could preserve, if they had ever acquired, sufficient faith in the p

e. His brother-in-law the consular P. Servilius carried little weight if still alive. 1 Lepidus, married to a half-sister

n. ép., 1937, 62. 6 Appian, BC 5, 54, 229, cf. Groag, PIR2, C 1331. If or when he was consul is uncertain, for Velleius

d even respectable or rather, he already gave signs of becoming equal if not superior in power to Antonius. These aristocr

e-server as well: the prospect of a consulate in ten or twenty years, if the system endured, invited young men of talent o

native tribes up to the line of the Dinaric Alps, but not beyond it. If war came, he would secure Italy in the north-east

housand members a preponderance of Caesarians owed status and office, if not wealth as well, to the Triumvirs; and a mass

d passionate chapters of Thucydides. He could not have chosen better, if choice there was, for he, too, was witness of a p

pride and monopoly of the senator that it was held a matter of note, if not of scandal, when an inferior person presumed

it the treasures of erudition that Varro had consigned to public use; if not the national antiquities, then perhaps the la

return and triumph, in a tone and manner that would have been fitting if the whole collection were being dedicated to him

ander’s successors, the most coherent and durable of them all: a loss if destroyed, a risk to annex, a problem to govern.

, 287ff.; W. W. Tarn, CAH 1, 34; 66 ff.; 80. The province of Cilicia, if not earlier fused with Syria, certainly ended in

as Crassus had done, there to be harried by cavalry and arrows. Even if a NotesPage=>263 1 On the notion of concor

r the Dictator. Of the company of the assassins in will and sympathy, if not in the deed, he fought at Philippi. Then, ref

l mythology. Of the facts, there is and was no authentic record; even if there were, it would be necessary further to spec

of administration would impose a severe strain upon the Roman People. If the Roman oligarchy was to survive as a governing

nce: it must remain an ally or an appanage of the ruler of Rome. Even if the old dynasty lapsed, the monarchy would subsis

e first man in Rome, when controlling the East, could not evade, even if he wished, the rank and attributes of a king or a

nce and his ideas swerved from Rome under the influence of Cleopatra? If Antonius be denied a complete monarchic policy of

by her beauty or dominated by her intellect. His position was awkward if he did not placate the Queen of Egypt he would ha

ingdom at the expense of Judaea. There is no sign of infatuation here if infatuation there was at all. Antonius the enslav

um id volumen evomuit. ’ Cf. M. P. Charlesworth, CQ XXVII (1933), 172 if . 4 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 52, 2. 5 Pliny, NH

to Cleopatra and her children, a vulnerable point for hostile attack if the Senate decided to discuss the acta of Antoniu

packed with the timid and the time-serving, ready to turn against him if they dared: it was a bad sign that more than thre

red to give up his powers, as he had two years before. 4 Furthermore, if the law and the constitution still mattered, Anto

to win the favour of Cleopatra, pronounced her the winner in a famed if not fabulous wager with Antonius, and displayed h

their allegiance on a calculation of interest, or preferred to lapse, if they could, into a safe and inglorious neutrality

of Tibur (Cicero, Pro Balbo 53; ILS 3700) and hostile to Plancus. 3 If Dio is to be believed (50, 4, 2). The publication

tonius. An absurdity the Roman constitution was manifestly inadequate if it was the instrument of Rome’s enemy. And so Oct

nearly allied to them by the ties of family or business. 2 But what if the partition of the world was to be perpetuated?

table. In a restoration of liberty no man could believe any more. Yet if the coming struggle eliminated the last of the ri

;292 severed his amicitia, their feud was private and personal. But if Antonius stood by his ally, his conduct would pat

ian and authority on rhetoric, must have been a man of some substance if he could secure senatorial rank for two of his so

s were inferior to Italians, it is true, but by no means contemptible if they came from the virile and martial populations

ad achieved when they contended against invaders coming from Italy. If that was his plan, it failed. Antonius had a grea

s. 2 The chief author of treachery to Antonius in the naval battle ( if treachery there was), and avoidance of bloodshed

contest for power had intended that there should be a serious battle if they could help it. So it turned out. Actium was

nto anecdote and legend. To Octavianus the Queen was an embarrassment if she lived :5 but a Roman imperator could not No

not rule without the help of an oligarchy. His primacy was precarious if it did not accommodate itself to the wishes of th

ican leader was dead; but Messalla and Pollio carried some authority. If the young despot were not willing of his own acco

and was certainly not of consular standing. 3 NotesPage=>308 1 If he received tribunicia potestas for life in 30 B.

expired years before: in law the only power to which he could appeal if he wished to coerce a proconsul was the consular

than consular in rank; and no imperatorial salutations, no triumphs, if it could be helped. The nobilis and the consular,

tutional propriety might be constrained to concede their necessity. 1 If the grant of extended imperium in the past had th

still gave him the means to initiate and direct public policy at Rome if not to control through consular imperium the proc

in the New Republic of Caesar Augustus. 3 That would be comforting, if true. It only remains to elucidate NotesPage=&g

d ordered constitution that excited the admiration of Polybius:2 even if the primacy of one man in the State were admitted

he legates are uncertain; 2 none of the others had consular ancestors— if their parents were senatorial at all, they were o

law merely a matter for the lot, was no less happy and inspired than if they were legates of Augustus instead of proconsu

its sovran organs, the Senate and People, were impotent or dumb, even if the Princeps were an infant, an idiot or an absen

sily and more naturally. Time, oblivion and security were on his side if he removed an unpopular person and exorbitant pow

Rome. Some of these campaigns may have prepared the way for Augustus: if so, scant acknowledgement in history. 3 In 26 B

a high and sombre patriotism could prevail over political principle, if such existed, or private dislike. Yet even so, on

race. 1 The chief men of the Caesarian party had their own reasons. If Caesar’s heir perished by disease or by the dagge

tly stated by Dio, ought never to have been doubted and is confirmed, if that were needed, by the five edicts found at Cyr

racy in the capital might be suppressed without causing disturbances: if backed by a provincial army, it might mean civil

ad produced a government, the Principate assumed form and definition. If an exact date must at all costs be sought in what

st of the perils which this critical year revealed might be countered if Augustus silenced rumour and baffled conspiracy b

gry, imperious and resolute. There were grounds for the opinion that, if Augustus died, Agrippa would make short work of t

nk, in name at least. As soon as a census came they would forfeit it, if they had lost their fortunes. After Actium certai

eld the quaestorship). Ex-centurions would naturally not be excluded, if they had acquired the financial status of knights

ed that only one son of a municipal family chose to enter the Senate. If it was thus in colonies and municipia that had lo

e to cast their votes in absence for candidates at Roman elections. 2 If the experiment was ever made, it was quickly aban

them rank comparable to the consulate in the senatorial career. Two, if not three, provincials were Prefects of Egypt. 4

ch). 4 Not only Gallus. C. Turranius (c. 7-4 B.C.) came from Spain, if he is rightly to be identified with Turranius Gra

he consulate in 19 B.C. Saturninus blocked him, announcing that, even if elected by the people, Rufus should not become co

Principate, receiving the consulate at the earliest age permissible, if not with dispensations the young Ahenobarbus, Ti.

But the consulate did not matter so much. Enemies were dangerous only if they had armies and even then they would hardly b

ho fell to Gallus, Pollio’s ambitious son. What would have happened if Augustus like that great politician, the censor A

d the treasure of the Ptolemies, the nobility could not compete. Even if lucky enough to have retained their ancestral est

osal of a province could be resigned by the Senate to the Princeps. 1 If appointed by lot at all, certain of the military

4.2 But Tiberius was not the only force in high politics; and even if Taurus could not retain under the new dispensatio

atronage which he could exert would have been formidable enough, even if he had not been Prefect of the Guard and chief fa

nd wife, Livia Ocellina, from a distant branch of Livia’s own family. If not exactly seductive, Galba himself was certainl

phus, AJ 17, 355, cf. 18, 1, &c; ILS 2683. Cf. also St. Luke 2, 1 If .; Acts 5, 37. Attempts to discover an earlier gov

nni, had built up a powerful dominion, was isolated on west and east. If they could with accuracy and completeness be reco

hese services received was the duty of the aediles and of the censors if and when censors were appointed. NotesPage=>

here by Dio under the year 1 B.C. (55, 10a, 3): possibly Saturninus, if an earlier command than that of A.D. 4-6 could be

ted in 3/2 B.C., ILS 8895 (Bracara), cf. CIL II 2581 (Lucus Augusti). If it could be proved that he was legate of Citerior

riumphs of senators; and in any case Augustus would have wished, even if he had not been forced, to substitute regular adm

own clients it was treason to tamper with them. Hence constant alarm if generals by good arts or bad acquired popularity

debate: they were now decided in secret by a few men. 1 He is right. If Augustus wished his rule to retain the semblance

re. The rationarium imperii was kept by Augustus, to be divulged only if and when he handed in his accounts to the State.

had been shaped in private before being sponsored by eminent senators if possible by such as had a reputation for independ

s colleague, ib. 1, 24. 3 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 58, 2. 4 That is, if the magister fratrum Arvalium on the fragment of

n well versed in eastern affairs, former governors and procurators. 3 If not themselves absent on provincial commands, men

hough a certain lull prevailed now on the northern frontiers, natural if not necessary after the great wars of conquest, t

onspiracy Augustus quietly pointed out the folly of the attempt. Even if he succeeded, the nobiles would not put up with C

hed Antonius more amiable than her grim husband. But all is uncertain if Augustus struck down Julia and Antonius, it was n

ompanied by M. Lollius as his guide and counsellor1 it would never do if an ambitious and inexperienced youth embroiled th

neglect of the head of the Claudian house. 5 Tiberius, who honoured, if ever a Republican noble did, the sacred claims of

says Velleius, a contemporary witness and a flatterer of Tiberius. 1 If many knew the truth of the whole episode, they we

, was still averted by the continuous miracle of Augustus’ longevity. If his death occurred in the midst of the frontier t

called, but finally exiled when she proved incorrigible in her vices. If this could be taken as quite reliable, the conspi

sea to visit Agrippa Postumus in secret. 3 More instructive, perhaps, if no more authentic, was the report of one of his l

ever the truth of that contention, he could not go back upon it, even if he had wished. The mandate was not exhausted when

ew State but different ‘mores’ needed to be professed and inculcated, if not adopted. It is not enough to acquire power an

e qualities had to be eradicated from the principes of the New State. If anything of them remained in the Commonwealth, it

class was left with the satisfaction of the less decorative virtues: if it lacked them, it must learn them. The spirit

ficacy of moral and sumptuary legislation there might well be doubts, if men reflected on human nature and past history. M

er Actium Augustus appears to have made a beginning. It was abortive: if promulgated, his law was at once withdrawn in the

k in the empire of all the world. Privilege should stand for service. If the citizen refused to fight, the city would peri

g to moral and military excellence the primacy over pecuniary profit. If the growing of corn brought no money to the peasa

niary profit. If the growing of corn brought no money to the peasant, if his life was stern and laborious, so much the bet

science or scepticism. He was capable of dissimulation and hypocrisy, if ever a statesman was. But his devotion to the anc

own day were perhaps imposed by a mysterious revolution of taste. 3 If Augustus was disappointed in the aristocracy, he

nensis; Spain had already supplied whole legions as well as recruits. If there were more evidence available concerning the

ng, the favourite of plebs and army, less acceptable to the Senate. If the later books of Livy with their record of rece

was for the Senate in 43 B.C., cf. Phil. 12, 10. PageBook=>465 If Livy, Horace and Virgil had private and material

en avenged by his son and heir. This dynastic monument is a reminder, if such be needed, that Dux was disguised but not di

ia surpasses decency in the thanks it renders to divine providence. 4 If such was the demeanour of citizens or free men, t

ceps. How far they deemed it safe or expedient to exert their rights, if such they were, is another question. The rule of

the new order. A government may invent conspiracies for its own ends: if it cannot entirely suppress the evidence of its o

io; and the very denial of Canidius’ constancy in the last emergency, if believed, would reveal one man at least who was k

have not been preserved. Of the style at least he will have approved, if it recalled the unpretentious simplicity of the P

ius. Cato’s son fell at Philippi and the Porcii lapsed into obscurity if not extinction. 1 No more consuls came of the Luc

salus. Whatever had been the vicissitudes of the subsequent struggle, if the Liberators had prevailed at Philippi or Anton

itas’ of the Domitii (2, 10, 2). 2 On the Junii Silani, PIR1, 1 541 if .; the stemma, ib. 550; cf. also Table IV at end.

against Claudius. 2 The Cornelii Lentuli grew smaller and smaller: if they went on long enough, they would disappear, s

his family connexions, Jahreshefte XXI–XXII (1924), Beiblatt 425 ff. If Groag is correct, the maternal uncle of Nerva mar

proconsulate of Asia or of Africa. For all else it was perilous. Even if the nobilis forgot his ancestors and his name, th

and aristocratic independence of temper was to die like a gentleman. If he wished to survive, the bearer of a great name

werless against Roman tradition. The banker Atticus was more typical, if a little narrow, in his conception of real histor

. The Valerii produced a scandalous and bloodthirsty proconsul; 3 and if more were known of the personality of Augustus’ i

ed at Philippi. Political liberty, it could be maintained, was doomed if not dead long before that. Pollio knew the bitter

power. 2 Tacitus does not even admit a restoration of the Free State if Brutus and Cassius had prevailed at Philippi. Suc

or safety. There could be great men still, even under bad emperors, if they abated their ambition, remembered their duty

Velleius 2, 131, 1. 3 Fasti 2, 60. 4 Odes 1, 2, 50. 5 Ib. 4, 5, if . 6 Ib. 4, 15, 16. 7 Ib. 4, 14, 43 f. On this

st, ita et huic capite. ’ PageBook=>521 His rule was personal, if ever rule was, and his position became ever more

apable of Empire. It might have been better for Tiberius and for Rome if Augustus had died earlier: the duration of his li

help to describe the Res Gestae as the title-deeds of his divinity. 1 If explained they must be, it is not with reference

.), 7, 9, 16 f., 47, 51 f., 53, 65, 287, 306, 442, 490; his party, 18 if .; marries a Metella, 20, 31; war against Marius,