e that records the rise to power of Augustus and the establishment of his rule, embracing the years 44–23 B.C. (chapters vi

aid, however, not upon the personality and acts of Augustus, but upon his adherents and partisans. The composition of the o

expounded owes to the supreme example and guidance of Münzer: but for his work on Republican family-history, this book coul

cause there is so much in the present volume that will make him raise his eyebrows. Its imperfections are patent and flagra

STORY PageBook=>001 THE greatest of the Roman historians began his Annals with the accession to the Principate of Ti

pate of Tiberius, stepson and son by adoption of Augustus, consort in his powers. Not until that day was the funeral of the

rmanent. Outlasting the friends, the enemies and even the memory of his earlier days, Augustus the Princeps, who was born

born in the year of Cicero’s consulate, lived to see the grandson of his granddaughter and to utter a prophecy of empire c

ascension of Caesar’s heir had been a series of hazards and miracles: his constitutional reign as acknowledged head of the

retold that the frail youth would outlive, by a quarter of a century, his ally and contemporary, the robust Agrippa; no sch

Agrippa; no schemer could have counted in advance upon the deaths of his nephew Marcellus, of Drusus his beloved stepson,

counted in advance upon the deaths of his nephew Marcellus, of Drusus his beloved stepson, of the young princes Gaius and L

that statesman to suggest and demonstrate a sharp line of division in his career between two periods, the first of deplorab

nd authority tremendous and not to be defined. Auctoritas is the word his enemies would have called it potentia. They were

e predominance of one man, Caesar’s grand-nephew: for the security of his own position and the conduct of affairs the ruler

made atonement for the crime and NotesPage=>003 1 Tacitus, in his brief summary of the rise of Augustus {Ann, i, 2)

rs of biographies appear to imagine. PageBook=>004 violence of his earlier career is a question vain and irrelevant,

lutionary leader arose in civil strife, usurped power for himself and his faction, transformed a faction into a national pa

of Cicero, however, are one thing: quite different is the estimate of his political activity when he raised up Caesar’s hei

the Republic and the military adventurer who betrayed and proscribed his ally. The reason for such exceptional favour may

of Cicero survive in bulk, and Augustus is glorified in the poetry of his age. Apart from flagrant scandal and gossip, ther

adition, inescapable. The Roman and the senator could never surrender his prerogative of liberty or frankly acknowledge the

f Philippi, it was a long process, not a single act. Sallustius began his annalistic record with Sulla’s death and the rise

r the domination of that dynast was established (60 B.C.). Tacitus in his Histories told of a great civil war, the foundati

foundation of a new dynasty, and its degeneration into despotism; in his Annals he sought to demonstrate that the Principa

on either side. Compelled for safety to a decision, he chose Caesar, his personal friend; and with Caesar he went through

en he followed Antonius for five years. Loyal to Caesar, and proud of his loyalty, Pollio at the same time professed his at

o Caesar, and proud of his loyalty, Pollio at the same time professed his attachment to NotesPage=>005 1 As Pollio h

low, p. 9. PageBook=>006 free institutions, an assertion which his ferocious and proverbial independence of speech a

a plain, hard style. It is much to be regretted that he did not carry his History of the Civil Wars through the period of t

llio chose to write no further will readily be understood. As it was, his path was hazardous. The lava was still molten und

n from political life soon after 40 B.C., and he jealously maintained his independence. To tell the truth would have been i

the truth would have been inexpedient; and adulation was repugnant to his character. Another eminent historian was also con

he period of the Triumvirate when he observed that he could not treat his subject with freedom and with veracity. It was no

he uncritical may discover in this design a depreciation of Augustus: his ability and greatness will all the more sharply b

the rule of Augustus was the rule of a party, and in certain aspects his Principate was a syndicate. In truth, the one ter

led, of the personality, actions and influence of the principal among his partisans. In all ages, whatever the form and nam

eld office at Rome. Pompeius fought against it; but Pompeius, for all his power, had to come to terms. Nor could Caesar hav

imperial history in the spirit and categories of the Republic, begins his Annals with the words ‘urbem Romam’. 2 Plutarch

of the nobility:4 he was less assertive in the Senate, more candid to his intimate friends. There was no breach in the wall

of mind had not ambition and vanity blinded him to the true causes of his own elevation. 5 The political life of the Roma

icero (the Commentariolum petitionis) reveals much of the truth about his candidature. PageBook=>012 Romani’, was a

tor, great or small. But money was scarce and he did not wish to sell his estates: yet he required ready cash at every turn

: yet he required ready cash at every turn, to support the dignity of his station, to flatter the populace with magnificenc

nobody should be called rich who was not able to maintain an army on his income. 2 Crassus should have known. The compet

n of notorious malefactors. The nobilis, however, would take pride in his feuds. 1 Yet he had ever to be on the alert, jeal

in his feuds. 1 Yet he had ever to be on the alert, jealous to guard his dignitas, that is, rank, prestige and honour, aga

dignitas, that is, rank, prestige and honour, against the attacks of his personal enemies. 2 The plea of security and self

utional action. The dynast required allies and supporters, not from his own class only. The sovran people of a free repub

refore essential. It was possessed in abundance both by Caesar and by his bitter enemy, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. To win a f

enator’s life. Cicero, a knight’s son from a small town, succumbed to his talents and his ambition. Not so T. Pomponius Att

icero, a knight’s son from a small town, succumbed to his talents and his ambition. Not so T. Pomponius Atticus, the great

ve procured a seat in the Senate. 4 But Atticus did not wish to waste his money on senseless luxury or electoral corruption

tissimi’ and never let them down: they were in the habit of requiting his services by loans or legacies. 3 The gains of f

held authority from the State or not, he could thus raise an army on his own initiative and resources. The soldiers, now

ry commands in the provinces. The general had to be a politician, for his legionaries were a host of clients, looking to th

n their campaigns were over. But not veterans only were attached to his cause from his provincial commands the dynast won

ns were over. But not veterans only were attached to his cause from his provincial commands the dynast won to his allegia

attached to his cause from his provincial commands the dynast won to his allegiance and personal following (clientela) tow

army-commanders and their political agents. It took shape at first in his consulate as concordia ordinum between Senate and

e tribunate, and curbed the consuls. But even Sulla could not abolish his own example and preclude a successor to his domin

n Sulla could not abolish his own example and preclude a successor to his domination. Sulla resigned power after a brief

ranches. Sulla the Dictator, himself a patrician and a Cornelius, did his best to restore the patriciate, sadly reduced in

ian nobility. But neither Valerii nor Fabii stand in the forefront of his oligarchy. The predominance of the Valerii had pa

ry but could show a Claudius intolerably arrogant towards the nobiles his rivals, or grasping personal power under cover of

in, not ‘pro consule’ but ‘pro consulibus’ (Cicero, Phil. II, 18). On his high repute as a wit, cf. Cicero, Brutus 173; as

vities did so much to precipitate the Bellum Italicum, left no son of his blood. His sister was twice married, to a Notes

vilius’ mother was a sister of Balearicus, and Ap. Pulcher’s wife was his daughter. The table in Münzer, RA, 304, shows the

s, dominant in law-courts and Senate, flaunted pomp and decoration in his life as in his oratory. Luxurious without taste o

law-courts and Senate, flaunted pomp and decoration in his life as in his oratory. Luxurious without taste or measure, the

, the advocate got a name for high living and dishonest earnings, for his cellar, his game-park and his fish-ponds. 3 Of

te got a name for high living and dishonest earnings, for his cellar, his game-park and his fish-ponds. 3 Of the Senate’s

high living and dishonest earnings, for his cellar, his game-park and his fish-ponds. 3 Of the Senate’s generals, Metellu

tii Ahenobarbi and the Servilii, P-W XIII, 2073 f. 3 For details of his opulence and villas, P-W VIII, 2475. Fish-ponds,

zoological garden, ib. 3, 13, 2; ten thousand barrels of wine left to his heir, Pliny, NH 14, 96. 4 L. Licinius Lucullus

to his heir, Pliny, NH 14, 96. 4 L. Licinius Lucullus (cos. 74) and his brother Marcus (cos. 73), who was adopted by a M.

nsuls with birth but no weight. NotesPage=>022 1 The family of his wife Tertulla is not known. But his elder son, M.

tesPage=>022 1 The family of his wife Tertulla is not known. But his elder son, M. Crassus, married Caecilia Metella,

inert, came to shun the duties of their estate. The vain Hortensius, his primacy passing, was loath to contemplate the ora

al triumphs of a younger rival; and L. Licinius Lucullus, thwarted of his triumph for years by the machinations of his enem

us Lucullus, thwarted of his triumph for years by the machinations of his enemies, turned for consolation to the arts and g

intain the dignity of a family left in poverty and to provide for all his brothers and sisters; 3 the second was of little

recocious, derived only the most dubious examples from the conduct of his three sisters and exploited without scruple the i

was concentrated about the person of Cato; and Cato was dominated by his step-sister, a woman possessed of all the rapacio

, Q. Servilius, husband of Hortensius’ daughter, was cut off before his NotesPage=>023 1 Evidence of the wealth an

is time Cato married Marcia, the granddaughter of Philippus, and gave his own sister Porcia to L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the

nt. 2 Cato’s other investment showed smaller prospect of remuneration his daughter’s husband, M. Calpurnius Bibulus, an hon

refront by brilliance of oratory and industry as an advocate, pressed his candidature, championing all popular causes, but

d year, marked the acme of a man’s life and often changed the tone of his political professions. Short of the consulate, it

esPage=>024 1 Plutarch, Cato minor II (67 B.c.). The identity of his wife is inferred from the inscr. ILS 9460. 2 Hi

ure’ ‘in quo uno maxime nititur ambitio nostra’ (Ad Att. 1, 1, 4). On his huge estates and armies of coloni, Caesar, BC 1,

ula-tum erupit; hebes lingua, magis malus quam cailidus ingenio. ’ On his ‘iracundia’, Caesar, BC 3, 16, 3. 4 P. Clodius

gue to maintain the dignitas of the Julii and secure the consulate in his turn. 2 His aunt was the wife of Marius. Caesar,

r spoke for family loyalty and for a cause. But he did not compromise his future or commit his allegiance for all time. Cae

yalty and for a cause. But he did not compromise his future or commit his allegiance for all time. Caesar possessed close k

possessed close kin in certain houses of the moderate nobility; 3 and his second wife, Pompeia, doubly recalled the Sullan

of pontifex maximus. 5 The same year furnished an added testimony of his temper. When the Senate held debate concerning th

n, pretence or delusion. Upright and austere, a ferocious defender of his own class, a hard drinker and an astute politicia

be trusted. The elusive Crassus, who had supported Catilina as far as his candidature for the consulate, was a perpetual me

sted the financiers. He stood firm against Italians, hating them from his very infancy; 3 and he was ready to bribe the ple

uld oppose that alliance of stubborn spirit and political craft which his ancestor used to break the power of a monarchic p

of an oligarchy: in the contest against Cn. Pompeius Magnus, Cato and his kinsmen NotesPage=>026 1 This was notoriou

nimus in consulundo liber, neque delicto neque lubidini obnoxius. pro his nos habemus luxuriam atque avaritiam, publice ege

ivitias, sequimur inertiam. ’ 3 Plutarch, Cato minor 2 (anecdote of his recalcitrance towards Poppaedius the Marsian in h

or 2 (anecdote of his recalcitrance towards Poppaedius the Marsian in his uncle’s house). Further, his kinsman, L. Porcius

trance towards Poppaedius the Marsian in his uncle’s house). Further, his kinsman, L. Porcius Cato (cos. 89), was defeated

us Strabo, after shattering the Italian insurrection in Picenum, used his influence and his army for personal ends and play

hattering the Italian insurrection in Picenum, used his influence and his army for personal ends and played an ambiguous ga

hen he died of a natural but providential death the populace broke up his funeral. 3 Strabo was a sinister character, ‘hate

easons. 4 There were no words to describe Cn. Pompeius the son. After his father’s death, protected by influential politici

landed at Brundisium, the young man, now aged twenty-three, raised on his own initiative three legions from the tenants, cl

wn initiative three legions from the tenants, clients and veterans of his father, and led his army to liberate Rome from th

legions from the tenants, clients and veterans of his father, and led his army to liberate Rome from the domination of the

om the domination of the Marian faction for Sulla’s interests and for his own. 6 The career of Pompeius opened in fraud a

rian remnants and triumphed, though not a senator, adding ‘Magnus’ to his name. After supporting Lepidus to the consulate a

o his name. After supporting Lepidus to the consulate and encouraging his NotesPage=>028 1 Velleius 2, 29, I, &c

me or other, cf. J. Duchesne, Ant. cl. III (1934), 81 ff. 2 Namely, his own kinsman, Q. Pompeius Rufus, cos. 88 B.C., cf.

. ’ 5 Plutarch, Pompeius 6. Prosecuted for peculations committed by his father, he was saved by Philippus, Hortensius and

vindicavit. ’ PageBook=>029 subversive designs, he turned upon his ally and saved the government. Then, coming back

erranean (the Lex Gabinia). No province of the Empire was immune from his control. Four years before, Pompeius had not even

e politics of Rome, sending home from the East, as before from Spain, his lieutenants to stand for magistracies and intrigu

from Spain, his lieutenants to stand for magistracies and intrigue in his interest. His name dominated elections and legisl

them turned against the People when elected consul and the other lent his services to Crassus. But alliance with Crassus ne

lliance with Crassus need not alienate Pompeius utterly. Crassus used his patronage to demonstrate that he was still a forc

thout provoking flagrant disorder. 3 Generous in financial subsidy to his allies and tireless in the law-courts, he might y

H IX, 349. This was presumably the conception set forth by Sallust in his Histories. 2 Comm. pet. 5, cf. 51. Compare also

misunderstood. PageBook=>030 and resources of all the East at his back, he disbanded his army. Much to his annoyanc

ook=>030 and resources of all the East at his back, he disbanded his army. Much to his annoyance, the government had p

resources of all the East at his back, he disbanded his army. Much to his annoyance, the government had proved stronger tha

al enemy. It was the habit of Pompeius to boast of the magnitude of his clientela, to advertise monarchs and nations boun

agnitude of his clientela, to advertise monarchs and nations bound to his personal allegiance. 1 Like the Macedonian Alexan

ersing the kings of the East, displaying power and founding cities in his name. From Thrace to the Caucasus and down to Egy

race to the Caucasus and down to Egypt the eastern lands acknowledged his predominance. The worship of power, which ages ag

Not so menacing to outward show, but no less real and pervasive, was his influence in the West Africa and Mauretania, all

on p. 252. Hirrus was a great landowner. Varro (RR 2, 1, 2) refers to his ‘nobiles pecuariae’ in Bruttium inherited, as Cic

riae’ in Bruttium inherited, as Cichorius suggests, from the poet. On his fish- ponds, Varro, RR 3, 17, 3; Pliny, NH 9, 171

us 5, 23, 14. Against Mithridates: Plutarch, Pompeius 34, &c. For his origin note the dedication nr. Cupra Maritima (IL

XXVIII (1938), 113 ff. About Gabinius’ origin, nothing is known. But his wife Lollia (Suetonius, Divus Julius 50, 1) may w

untry (cf. Pliny, NH 22, 11). PageBook=>032 abruptly divorcing his own wife, took Metella’s daughter, Aemilia. 1 Whe

ellus Celer was praetor. 4 The activities of the tribune Labienus and his associates on Pompeius’ behalf were more open and

ies. 5 In December Metellus Nepos, sent home by Pompeius, inaugurated his tribunate with alarming proposals: Pompeius shoul

f the Republic. 7 Abetted by the praetor Caesar, Nepos went on with his proposals in the next year, causing bitter opposi

he Senate proclaimed a state of emergency, suspended the tribune from his functions, and even threatened to depose him. 8 N

that the consular elections be postponed to permit the candidature of his legate, M. Pupius Piso, the request was granted.

9; Dio 37, 43, 3. 9 Dio 37, 44, 3. PageBook=>033 Pompeius on his return, lacking valid excuse for armed usurpation

return, lacking valid excuse for armed usurpation, tried to reinforce his predominance by the peaceful means of a new dynas

s of a new dynastic alliance. He saw the way at once. Having divorced his wife, the half-sister of Celer and Nepos, a woman

dius Pulcher, a mild scandal touching the religion of the State which his enemies exploited and converted into a political

gh a witty man and an orator as well as a soldier. 5 Pompeius set all his hopes on the next year. By scandalous bribery he

port from Pompeius, stifled for the moment an insult to the honour of his family. 6 Everything went wrong. The consul Cel

consul Celer turned against Pompeius, and Afranius was a catastrophe, his only talent for civil life being the art of danci

gh spirits and fatal confidence. At variance with the Metelli through his clash with Nepos, he had broken with the Claudii

to gathered a great fund to carry by bribery the election of Bibulus, his daughter’s husband. 6 He should have made certain

He should have made certain of both consuls. Caesar, returning from his command in Spain, asked for a triumph. Cato block

demagogue, might be captured by the government at a certain stage in his career, with no discredit to either. Caesar’s cho

zer (RA, 338 f.) argues that this is no other than Brutus, adopted by his maternal uncle Q. Servilius Caepio (who died in 6

ernal uncle Q. Servilius Caepio (who died in 67 B.C.) and bearing, as his official name, ‘Q. Caepio Brutus’ (Cicero, Phil.

Caesar was no mere adherent of Pompeius: by holding aloof he enhanced his price. Now, in the summer of the year, Caesar sto

t friend of Pompeius. 4 Caesar was elected. Pompeius, threatened in his dignitas, with his acta needing ratification and

s. 4 Caesar was elected. Pompeius, threatened in his dignitas, with his acta needing ratification and loyal veterans clam

the domination of Pompeius Magnus was openly revealed. It rested upon his own auctoritas, the wealth and influence of Crass

us Nepos. 3 C. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 67), cf. Sallust, BC 49, 2. On his reiterated opposition to Pompeius, cf. Dio 36, 24

ius 51 (= p. 58 Clark), &c. 4 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 19, 1. On his influence with Pompeius (at a later date), compar

Rome. Certain armies were already secured. But Pompeius required for his ally more than an ordinary proconsulate. To this

nd the convenience of the dynasts, the tribune proceeded to reinforce his own influence, his prospect of praetorship and co

of the dynasts, the tribune proceeded to reinforce his own influence, his prospect of praetorship and consulate. To that en

s and harried Pompeius, in which activities he got encouragement from his brother Appius, from his kinsmen the Metelli, and

n which activities he got encouragement from his brother Appius, from his kinsmen the Metelli, and from Crassus, a combinat

consuls of 57 (Caesar, BC 1, 22, 4), and plausibly to be inferred for his colleague Nepos: Nepos got the province of Hispan

is colleague Nepos: Nepos got the province of Hispania Citerior after his consulate (Plutarch, Caesar 21; Dio 39, 54, 1). T

ippus had recently married Caesar’s niece Atia, widow of C. Octavius ( his daughter Marcia, however, was the wife of Cato);

3 750). 3 Crassus was in alliance with the Metelli not only through his elder son (ILS 881). The younger, P. Crassus, was

ol corn for the city. The powers were wide, but perhaps fell short of his designs. 1 Then arose a question of foreign polic

on seemed likely to collapse. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus came forth with his candidature and loud threats that he would depriv

vented by Crassus, their potential ally. Now he would have an army of his own in Spain to support his predominance at Rome.

ential ally. Now he would have an army of his own in Spain to support his predominance at Rome. The enemies of the dynast

for their confidence or their illusions. Ahenobarbus was robbed of his consulate, and Cicero was compelled to give priva

nger an agent and minister but a rival, the conqueror of Gaul filched his laurels, his prestige and his partisans. With the

and minister but a rival, the conqueror of Gaul filched his laurels, his prestige and his partisans. With the death of Jul

a rival, the conqueror of Gaul filched his laurels, his prestige and his partisans. With the death of Julia, and the disap

the Parthians (53 B.C.), the danger of a breach between Pompeius and his ally might appear imminent. It was not so in real

cessors for money. 2 Pompeius caused the scandal to be shown up. Then his cousin C. Lucilius Hirrus announced a proposal th

ok=>039 he be made dictator. 1 Pompeius, openly disavowing, kept his own counsel and deceived nobody. Corruption rei

e populace of Rome, in grief for their patron and champion, displayed his body in the Forum, burned it on a pyre in the Cur

cial mandate to heal and repair the Commonwealth. 6 With armed men at his back Pompeius established order again and secured

s it at all likely that the dynast would abide by letter or spirit of his own legislation. NotesPage=>039 1 The prop

lished until 53, when Hirrus was tribune. Cato nearly deprived him of his office (Plutarch, Pompeius 54). But there were st

cf. Ad Q. fratrem 3, 8, 4. 2 Milo was a Papius by birth, adopted by his maternal grandfather T. Annius of Lanuvium (Ascon

lo had been condemned and exiled, likewise P. Plautius Hypsaeus, once his own adherent but now coolly sacrificed. The third

, vaunting an unmatched pedigree, yet ignorant as well as unworthy of his ancestors, corrupt and debauched in the way of hi

ell as unworthy of his ancestors, corrupt and debauched in the way of his life. 1 Pompeius took in marriage his daughter, C

upt and debauched in the way of his life. 1 Pompeius took in marriage his daughter, Cornelia, the widow of P. Crassus, resc

dynast’s attitude towards Caesar and towards Cato. Pompeius prolonged his own possession of Spain for five years more and s

e tardy and questionable amends. The dynast was not yet ready to drop his ally. He needed Caesar for counterbalance against

f going to Spain, but forced by the Optimates, not altogether against his will, to demand a legion from Caesar. The pretext

rash but unstable, other consuls timid or NotesPage=>040 1 On his ancestry, cf. Cicero, Brutus 212 f.; his ignoranc

r NotesPage=>040 1 On his ancestry, cf. Cicero, Brutus 212 f.; his ignorance about a detail of family history, Ad At

family history, Ad Att. 6, 1, 17. His morals (Val. Max. 9, 1, 8) and his capacity (Caesar, BC 1, 4, 3; 3, 31, 1) were pret

ator, began the year as a champion of the government, but soon showed his colours, blocking the long-awaited discussion on

ace and in war, and now Caesar had become a rival political leader in his own right. In every class of society the defeated

er, elected to the censorship, an office which was a patent rebuke to his own private conduct, worked for his party by ejec

fice which was a patent rebuke to his own private conduct, worked for his party by ejection of undesirable senators, and au

and stubborn censor, mindful, like Cato, of a great ancestor, turned his attack on the tribune Curio, but in vain, and on

o superior, Pompeius no rival. 1 Caesar had many enemies, provoked by his ruthless ambition, by his acts of arrogance towar

val. 1 Caesar had many enemies, provoked by his ruthless ambition, by his acts of arrogance towards other principes and by

ess ambition, by his acts of arrogance towards other principes and by his support, when consul and proconsul, of the domina

of Pompeius, who now, for supreme power, seemed likely to throw over his ally. On December 1st Curio’s proposal came up

rarchs, remembering their patron, were ready to bring their levies at his command. Magnus, it might seem, was strong enough

gnoble timidity. 4 But the dynast remained ambiguous and menacing. To his allies he expressed firm confidence, pointed to h

and menacing. To his allies he expressed firm confidence, pointed to his armed forces and spoke contemptuously of the proc

Caesar was rejected and he was declared contumacious: six days later his province was taken from him. The Caesarian tribun

d in senatu Pompeius paulo ante dixisset, ad quos legati mitterentur, his auctoritatem attribui timoremque eorum qui mitter

lder son of the dynast Crassus. Further, a Scipio, almost the last of his line, himself the grandson of a Metella, had pass

is was Q. Metellus Scipio, father-in-law and colleague of Pompeius in his third consulate. The compact with Metelli and S

us (cos. 80), who died in 64, Creticus (69) c. 54, L. Metellus(68) in his consulate, Celer (60) the year after his, Nepos (

9) c. 54, L. Metellus(68) in his consulate, Celer (60) the year after his , Nepos (57) c. 54. 3 L. Cornelius Scipio Asiage

. 3 With these four families was now joined the faction of Cato. Of his allies and relatives, Lucullus and Hortensius wer

d Hortensius were dead, but the group was still formidable, including his nephew M. Junius Brutus and the husbands of his s

formidable, including his nephew M. Junius Brutus and the husbands of his sister and daughter, namely L. Domitius Ahenobarb

and treacherous fashion. Ahenobarbus was a great political dynast in his own right, born to power. The Pact of Luca blocke

st in his own right, born to power. The Pact of Luca blocked him from his consulate, but only for a year. He had another gr

array is impressive and instructive. In the first place, Pompeius and his decorative father-in-law, Q. Metellus Scipio, two

igmatic Appius Claudius Pulcher, proud, corrupt and superstitious, in his person the symbol and link of the whole coalition

new Pompeius: but they fancied that Pompeius, weakened by the loss of his ally and of popular support, would be in their po

be termed neutrals (P-W 111, 2762; IV A, 853 f.). Rufus actually sent his son to join Caesar, Ad Att. 9, 18, 2. The laudato

ictatorship, though anxiously shunning the name. Cato’s confidence in his own rectitude and insight derived secret strength

;047 SULLA was the first Roman to lead an army against Rome. Not of his own choosing his enemies had won control of the

e first Roman to lead an army against Rome. Not of his own choosing his enemies had won control of the government and dep

n he landed in Italy after an absence of nearly five years, force was his only defence against the party that had attacked

the East. Sulla had all the ambition of a Roman noble: but it was not his ambition to seize power through civil strife and

repaired. With the nominal primacy of Pompeius recognized, Caesar and his adherents would capture the government and perhap

be dismissed as mere manoeuvres for position or for time to bring up his armies. 2 Caesar knew how small was the party wil

ue in Caesar’s claim to stand for the consulate in absence and retain his province until the end of the year 49 B.C. are st

quity. The nature of the political crisis is less obscure. Caesar and his associates in power had thwarted or suspended the

legal and moral rights to preferential treatment. In the last resort his rank, prestige and honour, summed up in the Latin

he Latin word dignitas, were all at stake: to Caesar, as he claimed, ‘ his dignitas had ever been dearer than life itself. ’

led to arms. A constitutional pretext was provided by the violence of his adversaries: Caesar stood in defence of the right

le. But that was not the plea which Caesar himself valued most it was his personal honour. His enemies appeared to have t

ning to Rome a private citizen, Caesar would at once be prosecuted by his enemies for extortion or treason. They would secu

ture of that university city. 3 Caesar was constrained to appeal to his army for protection. NotesPage=>048 1 What

ian of the day: he was declared a public enemy if he did not lay down his command before a certain day. By invoking constit

on in a struggle which was not their own. 2 Pompeius might stamp with his foot in the land of Italy, as he had rashly boast

the land of Italy, as he had rashly boasted. No armed legions rose at his call. Even Picenum, his own barony, went over to

had rashly boasted. No armed legions rose at his call. Even Picenum, his own barony, went over to the enemy without a blow

complete the military miscalculation: the imperator did not answer to his repute as a soldier. Insecurity and the feeling o

of guilt, added to inadequate preparation for war, may have impaired his decision. 3 Yet his plan was no mere makeshift, a

inadequate preparation for war, may have impaired his decision. 3 Yet his plan was no mere makeshift, as it appeared to his

his decision. 3 Yet his plan was no mere makeshift, as it appeared to his allies, but subtle and grandiose to evacuate Ital

power. 4 Caesar, it is true, had only a legion to hand: the bulk of his army was still far away. But he swept down the

of the crossing of the Rubicon he was master of Italy. Pompeius made his escape across the Adriatic carrying with him seve

rsalus, the odds lay heavily against Caesar. Fortune, the devotion of his veteran legionaries and the divided counsels of h

, the devotion of his veteran legionaries and the divided counsels of his adversaries secured the crowning victory. But thr

heated Caesar of the true glory of a Roman aristocrat to contend with his peers for primacy, not to destroy them. His enemi

fought and fell at Pharsalus, and Q. Metellus Scipio ended worthy of his ancestors; 2 while Cato chose to fall by his own

s Scipio ended worthy of his ancestors; 2 while Cato chose to fall by his own hand rather than witness the domination of Ca

of the Civil War. 3 Pompeius had been little better, if at all, than his younger and more active rival, a spurious and dis

ave been assassinated in the Senate by honourable men, at the foot of his own statue. That was not the point. The cause o

rs, some of whom Caesar won to sympathy, if not to active support, by his studious moderation. To the survivors of the defe

e behaved with public and ostentatious clemency. They were members of his own class: he had not wished to make war upon the

a Gracchus but lacking a revolutionary programme, Caesar established his Dictatorship. His rule began as the triumph of a

. His rule began as the triumph of a faction in civil war: he made it his task to transcend faction, and in so doing wrough

ar: he made it his task to transcend faction, and in so doing wrought his own destruction. A champion of the People, he had

tent. The Dictator’s task might well demand several years. In 46 B.C. his powers were prolonged to a tenure of ten years, a

of the Senate ordained that an oath of allegiance should be taken in his name. 2 Was this the measure of his ordering of t

of allegiance should be taken in his name. 2 Was this the measure of his ordering of the Roman State? Was this a res publi

nd promote social regeneration. For that there was sore need, as both his adherents and his former adversaries pointed out.

regeneration. For that there was sore need, as both his adherents and his former adversaries pointed out. From Pompeius, fr

nary. He soon disappointed the rapacity or the idealism of certain of his partisans who had hoped for an assault upon the m

rontier of the Empire. At Rome he was hampered: abroad he might enjoy his conscious mastery of men and events, as before in

igns there can be opinion, but no certainty. The acts and projects of his Dictatorship do not reveal them. For the rest, th

Augustus he was exploited in two ways. The avenging of Caesar fell to his adopted son who assumed the title of Divi filius

careful sharply to discriminate between Dictator and Princeps. Under his rule Caesar the Dictator was either suppressed ou

about tyranny (Cicero, De off, 3, 82). PageBook=>054 State in his ambition and the modest magistrate who restored t

the conqueror of the East and of every continent, did not exploit for his own vanity the resemblance to Alexander in warlik

rcopino, Histoire romaine 11, 597. 4 As W. Warde Fowler points out, his Roman contemporaries do not seem to have taken mu

omination of Sulla and the arbitrary power exercised by Cicero during his consulate for the new man from Arpinum was deride

for which no provision was made by Caesar. The heir to Caesar’s name, his grand-nephew, attracted little attention at the t

r’s name, his grand-nephew, attracted little attention at the time of his first appearance in Rome. The young man had to bu

in Rome. The young man had to build up a faction for himself and make his own way along the road to power, beginning as a m

esar must be judged, it is by facts and not by alleged intentions. As his acts and his writings reveal him, Caesar stands o

judged, it is by facts and not by alleged intentions. As his acts and his writings reveal him, Caesar stands out as a reali

esar stands out as a realist and an opportunist. In the short time at his disposal he can hardly have made plans for a long

arbitrary fashion. Caesar made plans and decisions in the company of his intimates and secretaries: the Senate voted but d

udations of dead Cato. That he was unpopular he well knew. 1 ‘For all his genius, Caesar could not see a way out’, as one o

ew. 1 ‘For all his genius, Caesar could not see a way out’, as one of his friends was subsequently to remark. 2 And there w

years or in renown. ’ The words were remembered. The most eloquent of his contemporaries did not disdain to plagiarize them

perious and arrogant temper was noted by contemporaries, who recalled his behaviour towards certain of the principes of the

sset, proinde ex eo insultaturum omnium capitibus. ’ For awareness of his unpopularity cf. Ad Att. 14, 1, 2 (Caesar’s words

nts planned and carried out the assassination of the Dictator. That his removal would be no remedy but a source of greate

hanced in importance through Cato’s martyr-death and posthumous fame, his studies in Greek philosophy were already an objec

es in Greek philosophy were already an object of misrepresentation to his contemporaries (Cicero, Pro Murena 61 ff.; cf. Ad

(P-W X, 1005f.), with examples of Brutus’ devotion to the welfare of his clients. Brutus wrote a book with the title De of

efused to abide by the rules, to respect ‘liberty and the laws’. To his contemporaries, Marcus Brutus, firm in spirit, up

a simple personality but passionate, intense and repressed. 1 Nor was his political conduct wholly to be predicted. Brutus

in 44 B.C. Yet Cato, no sooner dead, asserted the old domination over his nephew more powerfully than ever in life. Brutus

phew more powerfully than ever in life. Brutus came to feel shame for his own disloyalty: he composed a pamphlet in honour

: he composed a pamphlet in honour of the Republican who died true to his principles and to his class. Then he strengthened

et in honour of the Republican who died true to his principles and to his class. Then he strengthened the family tie and ob

d the family tie and obligation of vengeance yet further by divorcing his Claudia and marrying his cousin Porcia, Bibulus’

gation of vengeance yet further by divorcing his Claudia and marrying his cousin Porcia, Bibulus’ widow. No mistake about t

seemed that Caesar, avid for splendour, glory and power, ready to use his birth and station to subvert his own class, was a

ndour, glory and power, ready to use his birth and station to subvert his own class, was an ominous type, the monarchic ari

Plutarch, Brutus 4, cf. Pompeius 64). PageBook=>059 Brutus and his allies might invoke philosophy or an ancestor who

are more august and more complex. Caesar and Brutus each had right on his side. The new party of the Liberators was not h

the leader or principal agent of a faction goes beyond the wishes of his allies and emancipates himself from control, he m

d into illegal courses. The political dynast Crassus used Catilina as his agent. Catilina could not, or would not, understa

, understand that reform or revolution had no place in the designs of his employer. Crassus drew back, and Catilina went on

designs of his employer. Crassus drew back, and Catilina went on, to his ruin. When Caesar took the Dictatorship for lif

and personal rule. For this reason, certain of the most prominent of his adherents combined with Republicans and Pompeians

tore it in pieces again, but ultimately, after conquering the last of his rivals, converted the old Caesarian party into a

ff. Ch. V THE CAESARIAN PARTY PageBook=>061 CAESAR, who took his stand on honour and prestige, asserted that Pompe

tegral truth: a Sullan partisan before turning popularis, Pompeius by his latest change of front came back to earlier allia

nsels of Pompeius,4 and strengthening Caesar’s hands for action, gave his rule as party-leader a personal and monarchic cha

artem illo adfinitatis tempore iniunxerat Caesari. ’ Compare also, in his letter to Oppius and Balbus (Ad Att. 9, 7 c, 2),

nding armies, namely Cn. Domitius Calvinus, and he was no better than his colleague Messalla or his illustrious predecessor

omitius Calvinus, and he was no better than his colleague Messalla or his illustrious predecessors, for all four had been i

ful at last of a marriage-connexion with the family of Caesar, abated his ardour, deserted his cousins and remained in Ital

iage-connexion with the family of Caesar, abated his ardour, deserted his cousins and remained in Italy, scorned by the Pom

tween Caesar and Pompeius; and during the Civil Wars he did not abate his sincere efforts in the cause of concord. So muc

a politician whose boast and reputation it was that he never let down his friends. Where Pompeius lost supporters through i

but that was not the only incentive, for Clodius’ widow, Fulvia, was his wife, Antonius his friend, Ap. Pulcher his enemy.

he only incentive, for Clodius’ widow, Fulvia, was his wife, Antonius his friend, Ap. Pulcher his enemy. 2 Caelius, the fas

lodius’ widow, Fulvia, was his wife, Antonius his friend, Ap. Pulcher his enemy. 2 Caelius, the fashionable and extravagant

monious banker, came over from a calculation of success, by reason of his debts and perhaps from sincere aspirations to ref

at became a classic in the administration of the Empire. 3 Like Curio his friend, Caelius had contracted a feud with Ap. Pu

ere spirited and eloquent, especially Curio, who had already, despite his youth, won rank by vigour and acerbity among the

s at all. The most varied motives, ideals and loyalties combined in his party. Some played for gain and a place on the wi

family: he married a step-daughter of Catilina (Ad fam. 8, 7, 2). On his career, P-W IV, 1624 ff. Q. Hortensius Hortalus (

d with Ahenobarbus (Ad fam’. 8, 14, 1). His feud with Ap. Pulcher and his friendship with Curio determined his allegiance ’

). His feud with Ap. Pulcher and his friendship with Curio determined his allegiance ’C. Curio, quoius amicitia me paulatim

us; the younger son was dead, the elder followed Caesar, for all that his wife was a Caecilia Metella. 6 NotesPage=>06

Albinus, a distant relation, had been a legate of Caesar in Gaul. For his pedigree, showing connexions with the Postumii, w

369 ff. 3 L. Julius Caesar (cos. 64) was a legate (BC 1, 8, 2), but his son fought for the Republic in Africa and was kil

t;065 Though astute and elusive, Caesar yet seemed as consistent in his politics as in his friendships. His earliest ties

te and elusive, Caesar yet seemed as consistent in his politics as in his friendships. His earliest ties were not forgotten

tics as in his friendships. His earliest ties were not forgotten; and his ascension revived the party of Marius and the bat

y the order he had established. Pompeius’ repute was evil enough with his own class; when he formed an alliance with the Me

an alliance with the Metelli he placed deadly weapons in the hand of his rival, namely the appeal to the People against ol

le to deter posterity from raising dissension at Rome, Sulla outlawed his adversaries, confiscated their property and depri

once been a popularis, using tribunes and the advocacy of reform for his personal ambition. Like his father before him, Po

g tribunes and the advocacy of reform for his personal ambition. Like his father before him, Pompeius could not be describe

good or for evil. Caesar the proconsul was faithful to the cause. In his company emerge ex-tribunes noted for past legisla

osition to the Senate, a steady source of recruitment to the ranks of his legates NotesPage=>065 1 Lucan, Pharsalia

took heart again. It was evident that Caesar would restore and reward his friends and partisans, old allies in intrigue and

on the verge of another coup d’état, Pompeius had only one censor on his side, Ap. Claudius, who strove to expel Curio fro

onem 3. 3 Caesar, BC 3, 89, 3. Caesar also stole Venus victrix from his adversaries, Appian, BC 2, 68, 281. 4 Cn. Lentu

, Mithr. 95), perhaps earlier in Spain as well. 5 Dio 40, 63, 4. On his activities in 52 B.C., Asconius 33 = p. 37 Clark,

ius 33 = p. 37 Clark, &c. PageBook=>067 testimony, that of his enemies, so convincingly reveals: he had delivere

could surely have saved him, had he cared. 2 But Gabinius had served his turn now. The extended commands of Pompeius in

e been the nucleus of a formidable faction. 3 Some of them he lent to his ally, Caesar the proconsul, and some he lost. 4 C

d some he lost. 4 Caesar profited by the example and by the errors of his predecessor. He recruited his legates of the Gall

ted by the example and by the errors of his predecessor. He recruited his legates of the Gallic Wars (ten in number from 56

Gallic Wars (ten in number from 56 B.C. onwards) from the company of his relatives, friends and political associates, vary

(Asconius 63 = p. 72 Clark). 2 Pompeius spoke publicly in favour of his agent and constrained Cicero to undertake his def

e publicly in favour of his agent and constrained Cicero to undertake his defence: with how much sincerity, another questio

ue emphasis on the non-senatorial or even anti-senatorial elements in his party and in his policy. The majority of the lead

e non-senatorial or even anti-senatorial elements in his party and in his policy. The majority of the leading consulars was

a, was a patrician and proud of it. He boasted before the people that his house was descended from the immortal gods and fr

dignitary. In the traditional way of the patricians, Caesar exploited his family and the state religion for politics and fo

l. A Fabius Maximus followed Caesar and brought back the consulate to his family. 1 Ap. Claudius, the most prominent member

lius Dolabella, a sinister and disquieting figure, whom the choice of his wife and daughter imposed. 2 The Aemilii and th

Isauricus. 4 Lepidus could recall a family feud against Pompeius; and his consular brother had been won to Caesar by a larg

consulate, had captured them both perhaps with connivance and help of his friend and former mistress, the formidable and fa

tbreak of the Civil War. Her son Brutus followed Virtus and Libertas, his uncle Cato and Pompeius his father’s murderer.

son Brutus followed Virtus and Libertas, his uncle Cato and Pompeius his father’s murderer. The patricians were loyal to

nd family. The NotesPage=>069 1 Q. Fabius Maximus, who died in his consulate (45 B.C.). 2 Cicero would have prefer

(45 B.C.). 2 Cicero would have preferred Nero (Ad Att. 6, 6, 1). On his service under Caesar Bell. Al. 25, 3; Suetonius,

ghter of Decimus. 5 Appian, BC 2, 26, 102. (Curio was a relative of his , Dio 40, 63, 5.) PageBook=>070 constitutio

man Republic. It was the ambition of the Roman aristocrat to maintain his dignitas, pursue gloria and display magnitudo ani

to maintain his dignitas, pursue gloria and display magnitudo animi, his sacred duty to protect his friends and clients an

pursue gloria and display magnitudo animi, his sacred duty to protect his friends and clients and secure their advancement,

f he had called upon the services of thugs and brigands in defence of his own dignitas, he would have requited them. ’2 No

i. The novus homo at Rome was all too anxiously engaged in forgetting his origin, improving his prospects and ingratiating

ome was all too anxiously engaged in forgetting his origin, improving his prospects and ingratiating himself with the nobil

tation he had himself so arduously attained. For protection against his enemies Caesar appealed to the legions, devoted a

le-cry of Caesar’s dignitas and the liberty of the Roman People. 5 In his dispatches Caesar duly requited the valour and lo

erment made military service remunerative. Caesar borrowed funds from his centurions before the crossing of the Rubicon.

in Gaul and in the Civil Wars. 1 There were other representatives of his class, excellent men. Many knights were to be f

rt manager of supplies and transport. 3 Among Caesar’s friends were his secretaries, counsellors and political agents, ma

the record of the Bellum Alexandrinum, with the intention of carrying his narrative down to the death of Caesar; and he pro

h of Caesar; and he produced less unobtrusive works of propaganda for his friend and patron, attacking the memory of Cato.

e upon horticulture and domesticated a new species of apple that bore his name. 6 Tireless and inseparable, Oppius and Ba

dius is supplied by Gellius 15, 4; Dio 43, 51, 4 f. On the problem of his identification with the muleteer Sabinus in Virgi

oned as an army commander in the Gallic campaigns; and some find that his style is not very military. 5 Ad fam. 9, 20, 2.

l, to win over influential neutrals, to detach, deceive or intimidate his enemies. Through these agents repeated assaults w

of Balbus. 3 His unpopularity is attested by the elaborate excuses of his advocate. At the beginning of the year 56 B.C. th

moment an unknown agent was instigated to prosecute Balbus, impugning his title to the Roman citizenship. The pact of Luca

and the role of Cicero would have been very different. Balbus ruled his native Gades like a monarch: in Rome the alien mi

and face the future with equanimity. It is much to be regretted that his letters to apprehensive clients have not been pre

tails confirm the paradox among Roman financiers. More is known about his son, a banker whose business had wide ramificatio

s lent large sums of money to the King of Egypt, who, unable to repay his benefactor in hard cash, did what he could and ap

cient families, young men of eager talent and far- sighted bankers as his adherents, Caesar easily won Rome and Italy. No

notorious Rabirius Postumus, so named after testamentary adoption by his maternal uncle, the alleged slayer of Saturninus,

s decided in the provinces. In earlier days the Roman noble augmented his power and influence through attaching the aristoc

his power and influence through attaching the aristocracy of Italy to his friendship, the poor to his clientela. The practi

ugh attaching the aristocracy of Italy to his friendship, the poor to his clientela. The practice spread to the provinces.

inherited and personal preponderance of the dynast passed rapidly to his younger and more energetic rival. Caesar the proc

to his younger and more energetic rival. Caesar the proconsul won to his person the towns of Gallia Cisalpina and the trib

s and friends of Pompeius; 3 and it will not have been forgotten that his father had secured Latin rights for the Transpada

person of substance, was the friend and host of the proconsul:4 among his officers were knights from the aristocracy of the

ed), there was a chieftain of the Vocontii who had led the cavalry of his tribe for Pompeius against Sertorius, receiving a

peius against Sertorius, receiving as a reward the Roman citizenship; his brother likewise served in the war against Mithri

ry in the world. Caesar bestowed the franchise upon the chieftains, his allies or his former adversaries, of a frank and

d. Caesar bestowed the franchise upon the chieftains, his allies or his former adversaries, of a frank and generous race.

ed loyal during the Civil War. Pompeius Magnus counted all Spain in his clientela. Suitably adopting a Scipionic policy o

Suitably adopting a Scipionic policy of exploiting help from Spain to his own advantage, Cn. Pompeius Strabo had granted th

both made himself known there and in absence conferred benefits upon his old province, as he reminded the ungrateful men o

filched the Balbi, the dynasts of Gades, from Pompeius’ following to his own. He may also have inherited the Spanish conne

owing to his own. He may also have inherited the Spanish connexion of his old associate Crassus, who had once raised a priv

, 65, 2. 2 Ad fam. 10, 32, 5, where it is stated that Gallus has in his possession a dramatic poem written by the younger

tood loyal to Pompeius as representative of Rome, but only so long as his power subsisted. Enemies and rivals were waiting

ytilene was in the clientela of Pompeius: Theophanes of that city was his friend, domestic historian and political agent. 2

riend, domestic historian and political agent. 2 But Caesar, too, had his partisans in the cities of Hellas, augmented by t

ons in Egypt under the charge of a certain Rufinus, the son of one of his freedmen. 5 Such in brief was the following of

ted an accession of wealth, dignity and power. Had not Sulla enriched his partisans, from senators down to soldiers and fre

Caesar acquired the right to sell, grant or divide up the estates of his adversaries. Land was seized for his veteran colo

rant or divide up the estates of his adversaries. Land was seized for his veteran colonies, in Italy and abroad. At auction

on, ib. 22, 4 f. 2 SIG3 751 ff. As for Theophanes, Cicero speaks of his auctoritas with Pompeius (Ad Att. 5, 11, 3); cf.

3); cf. also Caesar, BC 3, 18, 3 (Libo, Lucceius and Theophanes). Of his influence and his intrigues there is abundant evi

ar, BC 3, 18, 3 (Libo, Lucceius and Theophanes). Of his influence and his intrigues there is abundant evidence, cf. P-W V A

. On these people cf. further below, p. 262 f. 4 P-W IV, 2802 f. On his wealth, power and ostentation, cf. Plutarch, Pomp

s diverse as Servilia and P. Sulla1 who had acquired an evil name for his acquisitions thirty years before. Balbus was noto

irty years before. Balbus was notorious already, envied and hated for his princely pleasure-gardens in Rome, his villa at T

already, envied and hated for his princely pleasure-gardens in Rome, his villa at Tusculum. The Dictatorship found him bui

(cos. suff. 39) came from Cremona. As for Helvius Cinna, cf. fr. 1 of his poems; for Helvii at Brixia, CIL v, 4237; 4425 f.

hard to understand the composition and character of the Senate before his Dictatorship NotesPage=>080 1 Caesar, BC 1

Caesar defended (Tacitus, Dial. 21, 6, cf. Pro Cluentio 161)? 2 For his services to Caesar, Velleius 2, 51, 3. Balbus was

abirius, who inherited the generous virtues and unimpaired fortune of his parent these admirable men and others now adorned

vexing Cicero: he commanded them. 2 Above all, Caesar recruited for his new Senate the propertied classes of the Italian

solicited by Roman politicians. Not only could he sway the policy of his city or influence a whole region of Italy3 he mig

tus. ’ Rabirius even hoped for the consulate (Ad Att. 12, 49, 2). For his service in taking troops to Africa, Bell. Afr. 8,

Some said that Cicero’s father was a dyer of clothes: others carried his lineage back to Attius Tullus, a king of the Vols

asiae, with ancient monuments of the Vespasii, attested the repute of his maternal grandfather from Nursia. 5 Attempts were

Servilii. Out of the Sabine land came Attus Clausus with the army of his clients and settled at Rome, the ancestor of the

-Roman family of municipal aristocracy; 6 and the first Pompeius owed his consulate to the backing of the Scipiones. The in

ethnography and Italian dialects. 3 As the Paelignian poet said of his own tribe (Ovid, Amores 3, 15, 9): ‘quam sua libe

thousand veterans, settled on the lands of Sulla’s enemies, supported his domination, promoted the Romanization of Italy an

my conspicuous on Sulla’s side at the capture of the town of Pompeii: his two sons became praetors at Rome. 1 A certain Sta

their political careers he may have encouraged or defended certain of his personal friends like M. Caelius Rufus and Cn. Pl

ory of Cato and of Marius but it was for himself, as though they were his own ancestors. 3 He desired that the sentiment an

entation, though indirect, was to be adequate and of the best, namely his own person. Italy was held to be firm for conse

surrections of Lepidus and Catilina. It is not merely that so many of his soldiers and centurions were recruited from the i

m, had crushed the Gauls, the traditional enemies of Italy. Caesar in his invasion pressed swiftly through Picenum towards

m towards Corfinium, gathering in the strongholds and the recruits of his adversaries, with little resistance. Cingulum owe

t it would be intolerable to refuse admittance to the proconsul after his great exploits in Gaul. 3 The power and wealth of

of the neighbouring city of Corfinium. Pompeius knew better than did his allies the oligarchs the true condition of Italy:

better than did his allies the oligarchs the true condition of Italy: his decision to evacuate the peninsula was taken long

break of the Civil War, though no previous affiliations or service in his army can be detected. Others, failing contradicto

ish or lapse altogether into poverty or obscurity. C. Asinius Pollio, his grandson, a man of taste and talent, won early fa

τῆς ‘Іταλίας έξέβαλ∊. 7 ILS 885, nr. Sulmo of the Paeligni, but not his home, for the first Paelignian senator comes late

eral of the insurgents in Picenum; and a Picene Herennius, presumably his grandson, turns up as a senator and consul in the

terity knows Ventidius as a muleteer. 3 His career was laborious, but his origin may have been reputable. History has recor

at Auximum, enemies of the Pompeii. 4 When the young Pompeius raised his private army, he had to expel the Ventidii from t

Caesar is evident and important no occasion, therefore, to exaggerate his work, in motive or in effects. That he was aware

he was aware of the need to unify Italy will perhaps be inferred from his municipal legislation. 6 Whoever succeeded to pow

ortant person. The powerful enemies to whom Pollio makes reference in his letter cannot be identified. 2 T. Herennius (Eu

S 5391, Cupra Maritima). Now Caesar’s legate L. Minucius Basilus owed his name to his maternal uncle, a wealthy man (P-W XV

a Maritima). Now Caesar’s legate L. Minucius Basilus owed his name to his maternal uncle, a wealthy man (P-W XV, 1947): by

the true motive of Caesar’s augmentation of the Senate. He brought in his own partisans, men of substance or the newly enri

ion for merit. Yet there is nothing revolutionary about the choice of his candidates for the consulate the same principle h

e of his candidates for the consulate the same principle holds as for his legates in the Gallic campaigns. 5 Nine consuls t

traction: and three of the plebeians were Claudii Marcelli. 5 Among his legates is found no man with a name ending in ‘-i

tor. 7 Brutus, indeed, an especial friend and favourite, was named in his will among the heirs by default. 8 Brutus was a

esar did not come in the main from the noble or patrician elements in his party: Antonius from loyalty and Lepidus from N

successful candidate for 49 B.C. (BG 8, 50, 4). 6 Dio 43, 47, 5. On his deserved and unedifying end, Appian, BC 3, 98, 40

f.; on Trebonius, ib. 2274 ff. 8 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 83, 2. For his connexions, above, p. 64, n. 2 PageBook=>096

ces of the Liberators. The Dictator left, and could leave, no heir to his personal rule. But Antonius was both a leading ma

t in an anomalous and advantageous position. Lepidus had troops under his command, with results at once apparent. At dawn o

Ad Att. 15, 1a, 2: ‘scripsissem ardentius. ’ 3 Compare the tone of his letter to M. Brutus and to Cassius, Ad fam. 11, 1

honourable and patriotic citizens, the acta of the Dictator and even his last projects, as yet unpublished were to have th

the Dictator’s will, granting a public funeral. Antonius had played his hand with cool skill. The Liberators and their fr

anifesto of the Caesarian party; and the results may have outstripped his designs. In form, the speech was brief and modera

P-W II, 230), but is suspect. It is by no means clear that it suited his plans to make a violent demonstration against the

et infidelissima. ’ PageBook=>099 the benefactions bestowed by his will upon the people of Rome, the crowd broke loo

s the real calamity. 1 Both the acts and the party of Caesar survived his removal. Of necessity, given the principles and n

2. Cicero, speaking in the presence of Brutus, studiously suppresses his favourite topic, the failure to assassinate Anton

rest, the aged, the timid and the untrustworthy. Cicero, who had lent his eloquence to all political causes in turn, was si

mable value after a revolution had succeeded. Thus did Brutus lift up his bloodstained dagger, crying the name of Cicero wi

the need of bribery, to save the Republic and secure the election of his own kinsman Bibulus. 3 Debauched by demagogues

d games. The plebs had acclaimed Caesar, the popular politician, with his public boast of the Julian house, descended from

cended from the kings of Rome and from the immortal gods; they buried his daughter Julia with the honours of a princess; th

the triumphs of the Dictator. In Caesar’s defiance of the Senate and his triumph over noble adversaries, they too had a sh

k=>101 in the last months of Caesar’s life, artfully fomented by his enemies; and Caesar, who had taken up arms in def

or, in defence of whose station and dignity they took up arms against his enemies, had been treacherously slain by those wh

ella, though not impervious to flattery, was fortified by distrust of his father-in-law and by financial subsidies from Ant

law and by financial subsidies from Antonius, while Hirtius expressed his firm disapproval. 3 Antonius was apprised. When h

could be recovered in the provinces, as Pompeius knew and as some of his allies did not. The price was civil war. Even had

was necessary. At the time of Caesar’s death, the armies were held by his partisans, save that certain arrangements were st

. A nobilis, born of an illustrious but impoverished plebeian family ( his grandfather was a great orator, his father a good

but impoverished plebeian family (his grandfather was a great orator, his father a good-natured but careless person), the y

was delicate, and Caesar may not have been altogether satisfied with his deputy. Yet there is no proof of any serious estr

was no match in statecraft for the astute politicians who undermined his predominance, stole his partisans, and contrived

aft for the astute politicians who undermined his predominance, stole his partisans, and contrived against him the last cou

multiple and irreparable. The policy which he adopted in the East and his association with the Queen of Egypt were vulnerab

een of Egypt were vulnerable to the moral and patriotic propaganda of his rival. Most of that will be coolly discounted. Fr

icipate in the African and Spanish campaigns, will not be put down to his cowardice or to Caesar’s distrust. Dolabella had

h the private conduct of a statesman cannot entirely be divorced from his public policy and performance, Roman aristocratic

a fair estimate of the acts and intentions of Antonius in the year of his consulate, it will be necessary to forget both th

7th to terms of compromise even to a spirit of concord. The degree of his responsibility for the turn which events took at

which events took at the funeral will be debated: it was certainly in his interest to alarm the Senate and reinforce the ar

8), Otho, who governed Lusitania with integrity (ib. 13, 46) and took his own life rather than prolong a civil war (Hist. 2

language of conciliation,1 and it was long before he abandoned it. On his lips the profession of respect for Brutus was som

and understanding for Brutus, a Roman noble embodying the virtues of his order and class, and bound to him by ties of pers

Liberators providing they did not interfere with the first object of his ambition, which was to seize and maintain primacy

s were certainly a problem; yet Antonius was amicable, not exploiting his position unduly. In these April days fortune se

egions might invade Italy to avenge the Imperator. Unable to restrain his grief, Caesar’s faithful friend Matius took a gri

nt Caesar’s Balkan army, six of the best of the Roman legions. From his possession of the State papers and private fortun

ample reserves of patronage. Their employment in the first place for his own political interests calls neither for surpris

and chief man in the Caesarian faction: power and patronage rested in his hands. Antonius restored an exile but only Note

ut Cicero himself hoped to profit, tirelessly urging the interests of his friend Atticus in a matter concerning lands in Ep

empted to take of the ulterior ambitions of Antonius. In the light of his subsequent Caesarian policy and final contest for

ste, and perhaps the faculty, for long designs: the earlier months of his guidance of Roman politics do not provide convinc

s guidance of Roman politics do not provide convincing evidence. From his career and station, from the authority of the off

predominance of Antonius was a given and inescapable fact. Certain of his acts that lend colour to the charge of tyranny ma

sted in the consulate in times of crisis and by the need to safeguard his position and his person, especially when attacked

late in times of crisis and by the need to safeguard his position and his person, especially when attacked, later in the ye

ition and his person, especially when attacked, later in the year, by his enemies in a manner which on any theory of legali

wer. There were surely alternatives to Caesar’s autocracy. Chance and his own resolution had given Antonius the position of

e quam quicquam mali cogitare. ’ The convivial habits of Antonius and his parade of the grand and guileless manner deceived

ius and his parade of the grand and guileless manner deceived some of his contemporaries and almost all posterity into a fa

his contemporaries and almost all posterity into a false estimate of his political capacity. We are left with slander or r

vancing steadily. To what end? Primacy in the Caesarian party was now his : but he might have to fight to retain it. More

, with A. Hirtius and C. Vibius Pansa as consuls, Antonius would have his province of Macedonia. But the proconsul was vuln

upport for the settlement of March 17th and the legislation passed in his consulate. For the sake of peace, the predominanc

estor; 1 he also sought to attach that ambiguous person by betrothing his daughter to Lepidus’ son. Moreover, Antonius coul

ter to Lepidus’ son. Moreover, Antonius could induce him to depart to his province. Lepidus, through his family connexion w

Antonius could induce him to depart to his province. Lepidus, through his family connexion with Brutus, might prove a bond

rians and the Liberators; and not Lepidus only there was P. Servilius his brother-in-law, soon to return from the governors

orship of Asia. 2 The alternative to the primacy of Antonius during his consulate was the free working of Republican inst

Antonius was ready to parry that danger he would take that region for his own consular province and with it an army adequat

ular province and with it an army adequate to defy any enterprises of his enemies. Late in March he had received Macedonia.

ns: Plancus took Gallia Comata, while Lepidus had already gone off to his command of the two provinces of Gallia Narbonensi

ceeded Sallustius. Q. Cornificius held Africa Vetus, without legions; his predecessor had been C. Calvisius Sabinus. Page

P. Sulpicius Rufus, while Sallustius reposed upon the satisfaction of his recovered dignity and the profits of a proconsula

hese auspices Antonius departed from Rome (about April 21st) and made his way to Campania. The veterans of Caesar had to be

III A, 2137. Crispus, proconsul of Bithynia in 45, took away with him his army of three legions to be used against Bassus,

1556. Ch. VIII CAESAR’S HEIR PageBook=>112 BY the terms of his will Caesar appointed as heir to his name and for

geBook=>112 BY the terms of his will Caesar appointed as heir to his name and fortune a certain C. Octavius, the gra

his name and fortune a certain C. Octavius, the grandson of one of his sisters. On the paternal side the youth came of a

nal side the youth came of a respectable family that lacked nobility: his grandfather, a rich banker established at the sma

f Macedonia, and the sure prospect of a consulate. 4 Death frustrated his intended candidature, but the Caesarian alliance

the consulate of 56 B.C. Octavius left three children, an Octavia by his first wife, by Atia another Octavia and a son, C.

e aspirant to Caesar’s power preferred to drop the name that betrayed his origin, and be styled ‘C. Julius Caesar’. Further

nd be styled ‘C. Julius Caesar’. Further, the official deification of his adoptive parent soon provided the title of ‘Divi

irrelevant information about the senatorial gens Octavia. Augustus in his Autobiography saw no occasion to misrepresent the

in qua primus senator pater suus fuerit’ (ib. 2, 3). For a tessera of his grandfather the banker, see Münzer, Hermes LXXI (

sar in 45 B.C., was enrolled among the patricians; and Caesar drew up his will, naming the heir, on September 13th (Suetoni

ion, will here be maintained, though it is dubious and misleading. As his enemies bitterly observed, the name of Caesar was

age. The personality of Octavianus will best be left to emerge from his actions. One thing at least is clear. From the be

ge from his actions. One thing at least is clear. From the beginning, his sense for realities was unerring, his ambition im

t is clear. From the beginning, his sense for realities was unerring, his ambition implacable. In that the young man was a

cquire the power and the glory along with the name of Caesar. Whether his insistence that Caesar be avenged and the murdere

se of the solidarity of the family, or resentment at the thwarting of his own legitimate aspirations is a question that con

ctavianus. A sceptic about all else, Caesar the Dictator had faith in his own star. The fortune of Caesar survived his fall

he Dictator had faith in his own star. The fortune of Caesar survived his fall. On no rational forecast of events would his

of Caesar survived his fall. On no rational forecast of events would his adopted son have succeeded in playing off the Rep

ill, he conceived high hopes, refusing to be deterred by letters from his mother and step-father, both of whom counselled r

h of whom counselled refusal of the perilous inheritance. But he kept his head, neither dazzled by good fortune nor spurred

ence and had surveyed the political situation. By the middle of April his presence was signalled in Campania, where he was

ril his presence was signalled in Campania, where he was staying with his step-father, the consular Philippus. 1 More impor

nly in the neighbourhood. 3 But the youth was too astute to confine his attentions to one party. Cicero was living at Cum

attention. 4 Which member of Caesar’s family inherited the remnant of his private fortune mattered little for the power res

Hitherto Antonius had neglected the avenging of Caesar and prevented his cult; he had professed conciliation towards the a

s, Antonius was forced into a policy that alarmed the Senate and gave his enemies a pretext for action. Thus he was to find

provincial command. Further, alarmed by the intrigues current during his absence in Campania, he now made up his mind that

the intrigues current during his absence in Campania, he now made up his mind that Brutus and Cassius should leave Italy.

e Senate on June 1st was sparsely attended. But Antonius chose to get his command from the People. The tenure of the consul

to give up Macedonia, while retaining the Balkan army, and receive as his consular province Gallia Cisalpina and Gallia Com

e, acquired a mastery of the demagogic arts that must have reinforced his native distrust and Roman scorn for the mob. The

and at the expense of Brutus, the urban praetor, on July 7th. At last his chance arrived. Certain friends of Caesar supplie

Certain friends of Caesar supplied abundant funds,1 which along with his own money he expended lavishly at the Ludi Victor

made a god. Octavianus accepted the sign with secret confidence in his destiny and with public exploitation. 2 He caused

Rome reported at Rhegium an expectation that Antonius might surrender his provincial command, that Brutus and Cassius would

r the Ides of March, Caesar’s ghost, as all men know, drove Brutus to his doom on the field of Philippi. The same phantom b

trigue against the consul had been brought to nought. Antonius, for his part, had been constrained to an unwelcome decisi

en constrained to an unwelcome decision. In no mood to be thwarted in his ambitions, he still hoped to avoid an open breach

lic and private, had hitherto been couched in a vein of conciliation; his recent speech was held to be distinctly amicable.

hat we know. Yet Antonius may have spoken as he did in order to force his enemies to come out into the open. Nor was it lik

t into the open. Nor was it likely that he would consent to surrender his command, hardly even a part of it, the Cisalpina,

our: they told Antonius that they valued their own libertas more than his amicitia and bade him take warning from the fate

at was too long and too slow. He would have to wait until middle age: his laurels would repose on grey hairs or none remain

Balkans. They did not forget him, nor did he neglect opportunities on his journey from Brundisium to Rome. As the months pa

ed by the dissemination of propaganda, of promises, of bribes. With his years, his name and his ambition, Octavianus had

issemination of propaganda, of promises, of bribes. With his years, his name and his ambition, Octavianus had nothing to

of propaganda, of promises, of bribes. With his years, his name and his ambition, Octavianus had nothing to gain from con

he veterans, he possessed the means to split the Caesarian party. For his first designs he needed funds and a faction. As m

erment, were loyal to Antonius or to settled government, he must turn his hopes and his efforts towards the more obscure of

oyal to Antonius or to settled government, he must turn his hopes and his efforts towards the more obscure of the Caesarian

the towns of Italy. Once a compact and devoted following was won, and his power revealed, he could build up a new Caesarian

n, and his power revealed, he could build up a new Caesarian party of his own. It was the aim of Octavianus to seduce the

raising a private army, securing official recognition and betraying his allies. Caesar, more consistent in his politics,

al recognition and betraying his allies. Caesar, more consistent in his politics, had to wait longer for distinction and

ion and power. The sentiments which the young man entertained towards his adoptive parent were never revealed. The whole ca

great Pompeius had been forced at the last into a fatal alliance with his enemies the oligarchs. Caesar had been saved beca

political principle. The devotion which Caesar’s memory evoked among his friends was attested by impressive examples; 1 an

iends of the dead autocrat at once lent their support and devotion to his son and heir. Loyalty could only be won by loyalt

be won by loyalty in return. Caesar never let down a friend, whatever his character and station. Antonius imitated his lead

down a friend, whatever his character and station. Antonius imitated his leader which came easy to his open nature: Octavi

haracter and station. Antonius imitated his leader which came easy to his open nature: Octavianus also, though less easily

open nature: Octavianus also, though less easily perhaps. Only two of his associates, so it was recorded, were ever thrown

d the example of Caesar taught him to run risks gaily, to insist upon his prestige, his honour, the rights due to his name

of Caesar taught him to run risks gaily, to insist upon his prestige, his honour, the rights due to his name and station. B

sks gaily, to insist upon his prestige, his honour, the rights due to his name and station. But not to excess: Octavianus t

ώνιoν, ἔπ∊ιтα ĸἀĸ∊ȋνov ĸαтαλȗσαι ὲπ∊χί⍴ησαν (45, 11, 3). Compare also his valuable observations on the War of Mutina (46, 3

prove. Neither trusted the other. To counter that danger and outbid his rival the consul went farther with his Caesarian

counter that danger and outbid his rival the consul went farther with his Caesarian and popular policy. In the Senate on

a did not see him again for more than three months. The importance of his speech is difficult to estimate: but the stand ma

kind, was certainly a check to Antonius, revealing the insecurity of his position. The blow was to fall from the other s

rom the plebs, from the veterans and from Octavianus. In pursuance of his Caesarian policy, Antonius caused to be set up in

3, 1. PageBook=>124 later, a dark episode Antonius arrested at his house certain of the veteran soldiers of his body

ode Antonius arrested at his house certain of the veteran soldiers of his bodyguard, alleging that they had been suborned b

been suborned by Octavianus to assassinate him. Octavianus protested his innocence. The truth of the matter naturally el

. Rome was becoming untenable. If he lingered until the expiration of his consular year, he was lost. His enemies might win

as probably at this point that Dolabella, without awaiting the end of his consulate, set out for the East to secure the pro

lpina and cutting off Antonius from the precarious support of Lepidus his ally, from the even less dependable Plancus and f

pendable Plancus and from the pessimistic Pollio. When Brutus entered his province in April he found only two legions there

e found only two legions there. He proceeded to raise several more on his own initiative and resources, training them in wa

his was serious. Antonius therefore resolved to take over one part of his consular province, the Cisalpina, at once. Then P

no difficulties about Comata. Antonius summoned D. Brutus to yield up his command. The threat of force would be necessary.

urned, armed revolution had broken out in Italy. Octavianus solicited his father’s veterans. A tour in Campania was organiz

ns. A tour in Campania was organized. With the young man went five of his intimate friends, many soldiers and centurions an

eting of the Senate and public support from senior statesmen. In vain his backers were timid or absent. He had to be conten

us speech attacking Antonius, praising Caesar and asserting upon oath his invincible resolve to win the honours and station

ng upon oath his invincible resolve to win the honours and station of his parent. 3 The coup failed. Antonius was approac

se for a brief autumnal escapade. With weakened forces and despair in his heart, Octavianus made his way northwards to try

apade. With weakened forces and despair in his heart, Octavianus made his way northwards to try his chances in the colonies

s and despair in his heart, Octavianus made his way northwards to try his chances in the colonies of Etruria and the region

ds Ravenna. He now established a base at Arretium, the town of one of his chief partisans. 4 At Brundisium angry and sedi

ounced as a public enemy. The rash youth appeared to have played into his hands. Of the legal point, no question: Octavianu

layed into his hands. Of the legal point, no question: Octavianus and his friends were guilty of high treason. NotesPage=

ook=>126 It would surely be easy to incriminate or to intimidate his secret accomplices. Might and right were on the s

Nothing came of this perhaps the situation was too serious. Not only his soldiers but his partisans were being seduced a

this perhaps the situation was too serious. Not only his soldiers but his partisans were being seduced a report came that

nd a fresh rebuff. In haste Antonius proposed a vote complimentary to his ally Lepidus (who had brought Sex. Pompeius to te

e were taken from Brutus and Cassius, while Macedonia was assigned to his brother, the praetor C. Antonius. On the follow

, Philologus LI (1892), 198 ff. PageBook=>127 Caesarian leader his primacy was menaced. Senate, plebs and veterans w

not chosen to declare Octavianus a public enemy, nor did he now turn his military strength, superior for the moment, in th

ral vice with which the most blameless of Roman politicians, whatever his age or party, must expect to find himself assaile

dealing with D. Brutus, however, Antonius was impeded by no doubts of his own, by no disloyalty among his troops. Out of Ro

Antonius was impeded by no doubts of his own, by no disloyalty among his troops. Out of Rome and liberated from the snares

rom the snares of political intrigue, the Caesarian soldier recovered his confidence in the fresh air of the camp, in the e

he province of Cisalpine Gaul. Before the end of the year he disposed his forces around the city of Mutina and held Brutus

en months pass, and he has money, troops and a following. Whence came his adherents and his political funds? Family and k

d he has money, troops and a following. Whence came his adherents and his political funds? Family and kinsmen provide the

ars Philippus and Marcellus hardly reveal distinction or vigour. From his father Philippus inherited comfortable tastes, a

on towards political neutrality and a fair measure of guile. 1 During his consulate and ever since he had shunned dangerous

and ever since he had shunned dangerous prominence. The emergence of his stepson as Caesar’s heir put all his talents to t

ous prominence. The emergence of his stepson as Caesar’s heir put all his talents to the test. On that subject he preserved

irit of the young Caesar. 3 Though Philippus’ caution was congenital, his lack of open enthusiasm about Octavianus’ prospec

cts was perhaps only a mask. The young man was much in the company of his step-father: the profit in political counsel whic

ed for a quiet old age. So did Marcellus. But Marcellus, repenting of his ruinous actions for Pompeius and for the Republic

striven through intrigue to maintain the newly retrieved eminence of his illustrious house. Philippus and Marcellus were b

narius Scarpus were nephews of the Dictator: they received a share of his fortune through the will, which they are said to

he son was able to enjoy support from Pompeius and Caesar, as witness his proconsulate of Syria, marriage to Atia and consu

is proconsulate of Syria, marriage to Atia and consulate: yet he gave his daughter Marcia (by an earlier marriage) for wife

Studien xxxv (1913), 125. Philippus, however, appears to have helped his step-son to pay the legacies (Appian, BC 3, 23, 8

e helped his step-son to pay the legacies (Appian, BC 3, 23, 89): for his later services, attested or conjectural, below, p

at the end of 45 B.C. (CIL 12, p. 50): he is not heard of again until his consulate, August 43 B.C. Pinarius, otherwise unk

29. Of Another Relative Of Octavianus, Sex. Appuleius, the husband of his half- sister Octavia, only the name is known (ILS

tively. PageBook=>129 Octavianus turned for help to friends of his own, to loyal Caesarian adherents, to shady adven

o shady adventurers. Good fortune has preserved the names of three of his earliest associates, the foundation-members of th

of his earliest associates, the foundation-members of the faction. In his company at the camp of Apollonia were Q. Salvidie

stined for glory and for history. When Salvidienus tended flocks upon his native hills as a boy, a tongue of flame shot up

his native hills as a boy, a tongue of flame shot up and hovered over his head, a royal portent. 2 Of the origin and family

property, of suitable and conservative sentiments and ready to defend his interests against Roman tribunes. The family appe

ed of their ancestors Octavianus’ friend was of regal stock, deriving his descent on the maternal side from the Cilnii, a h

esig. ’ (BMC, R. Rep. 11, 407). No other authority gives ‘Salvius’ as his name: had he taken to latinizing the alien gentil

the same age to within a year as Octavianus, and is said to have been his schoolfellow (Nicolaus, Vita Caesaris 7, 16). The

hen Caesar went to war with the government, avid and desperate men in his party terrified the holders of property. But not

rivate fortune of Caesar the Dictator and the various state moneys at his disposal. Antonius is charged with refusing to ha

the plebs were paid after all by Octavianus, perhaps not wholly from his own fortune and the generous loans of his friends

us, perhaps not wholly from his own fortune and the generous loans of his friends. Further, Caesar’s freedmen were very wea

farther, a part at least of the reserves of money which he needed for his campaigns. It would be folly to leave a large tre

would be folly to leave a large treasure behind him, a temptation to his enemies. NotesPage=>130 1 Ad fam. 12, 23,

e duly dispatched these moneys to Rome, to the Treasury, holding that his own inheritance was sufficient. 3 His own patrimo

soon to invest ‘for the good of the Commonwealth’ and much more than his patrimony. The diversion of public funds was no

be approached in April was the millionaire Balbus. Balbus could keep his counsel,4 and time has respected his secrets. No

onaire Balbus. Balbus could keep his counsel,4 and time has respected his secrets. No record survives of his services to Ca

s counsel,4 and time has respected his secrets. No record survives of his services to Caesar’s heir. After November he slip

After November he slips out of history for four years: the manner of his return shows that he had not been inactive. 5 The

correct and correctly transmitted we might have here not Maecenas but his father (so Münzer, P-W xiv, 206). About the last

enus. PageBook=>132 Octavianus may already have numbered among his supporters certain obscure and perhaps unsavoury

names and origin of the adherents of Octavianus in the first years of his revolutionary career is deplorably scanty. For su

deplorably scanty. For sufficient reasons. History, intent to blacken his rival, has preserved instead the public invective

sinister, fraudulent and murderous Domitius the Apulian who poisoned his nephew, Annius Cimber, freedman’s son and fratric

on the side of the Republic precluded a full and revealing account of his associates, save honourable mention of three trib

r whom he had seduced from the consul. 3 These were the earliest of his senatorial associates and (except for C. Rabirius

, honouring him as praefectus classis; cf. Appian, BC 5, 102, 422. On his profiteering, Ad fam. 15, 17, 2; his father,ib. 1

; cf. Appian, BC 5, 102, 422. On his profiteering, Ad fam. 15, 17, 2; his father,ib. 13, 26, 2. 2 Phil. 11, 11 ff.; 13, 2

an knights in standing, Salvidienus, Agrippa and Maecenas: to the end his faction retained the mark of its origin. A long t

ts origin. A long time passes before any number of senators emerge on his side. When four years have elapsed and Octavianus

e Antonius, only eight men of senatorial rank can be discovered among his generals and they are not an impressive company.

arians, who were alienated by the pretensions of Antonius, alarmed at his power. In the first place, the consuls- designate

Friends of Caesar, to whom they owed all, they would surely not repel his heir. Yet these men, mere municipal aristocrats,

ide political support for Octavianus while enjoying the protection of his financial resources and his army. 3 Not all inven

tavianus while enjoying the protection of his financial resources and his army. 3 Not all invention, perhaps. The subtle in

nd Philippus’ policy was ambiguous. Even if stirred by the example of his father’s actions on behalf of the young Pompeius,

Antonius, for he hoped through Antonius to get an early consulate for his own son. 5 Nor was the devious Marcellus wholly t

Cassius out of the consulate of 41 B.C. and get one of the places for his son, praetor in 44. 6 His mother was a Junia (A

d and patron of Philodemus, the poet and scholar. 1 Though elegant in his tastes, Piso suited his way of living to his fami

us, the poet and scholar. 1 Though elegant in his tastes, Piso suited his way of living to his family tradition and to his

lar. 1 Though elegant in his tastes, Piso suited his way of living to his family tradition and to his fortune, which would

tastes, Piso suited his way of living to his family tradition and to his fortune, which would not have supported ostentati

ce and consequences of exile. Cicero remembered and attacked Piso for his conduct of the governorship of Macedonia, both be

tous. Piso, however, withdrew more and more from active politics. Yet his repute, or at least his influence, is sufficientl

hdrew more and more from active politics. Yet his repute, or at least his influence, is sufficiently demonstrated by his el

is repute, or at least his influence, is sufficiently demonstrated by his election, though reluctant, to the censorship in

hilodemus. 2 He lived in a hovel (‘gurgustium’, In Pisonem 13), and his entertainments were lacking in splendour (ib. 67)

ust conviction. Piso, a patriotic Roman, did not abandon all care for his country and lapse into timorous inactivity under

e degenerating into faction strife. 1 His character was vindicated by his conduct, his sagacity by the course of events: to

g into faction strife. 1 His character was vindicated by his conduct, his sagacity by the course of events: to few, indeed,

conduct, his sagacity by the course of events: to few, indeed, among his contemporaries was accorded that double and melan

auricus, the son of a conservative and highly respected parent, began his political career under the auspices of Cato. 2 Mo

ent, began his political career under the auspices of Cato. 2 Most of his friends, allies and relatives followed Cato and P

vilius, however, had been ensnared by Caesar, perhaps with a bribe to his ambition, the consulate of 48 B.C. Servilius may

ned the province of Asia for Caesar with some credit in 46-44 B.C. On his return to Rome late in the summer Servilius embar

e in the summer Servilius embarked upon a tortuous policy, to enhance his power and that of his clan. His family connexions

ius embarked upon a tortuous policy, to enhance his power and that of his clan. His family connexions would permit an indep

n Caesarians and Republicans. That prospect would certainly appeal to his mother-in-law Servilia. Whatever the motive, hi

ertainly appeal to his mother-in-law Servilia. Whatever the motive, his earliest acts caused discomfort to Antonius he cr

litician could compete with Cicero for versatility, as the attacks of his enemies and his own apologies attest. The sagacio

ompete with Cicero for versatility, as the attacks of his enemies and his own apologies attest. The sagacious and disintere

esarian party. Cicero claimed that he had always been consistent in his political ideal, though not in the means he adopt

ns he adopted to attain it. His defence can hardly cover the whole of his career. Yet it would be perverse and unjust to ra

ever been a revolutionary not even a reformer. In the years following his consulate he wavered between Pompeius and the ene

, through easy self-deception, he chose to blame Caesar, the agent of his misfortunes, rather than Pompeius with whom the l

Cicero came close to being a neutral in the Civil War. Returning from his province of Cilicia, he made what efforts he coul

s too late. He had few illusions about Pompeius, little sympathy with his allies. Yet he found himself, not unnaturally, on

ected war and when war came, even Cato seemed willing to go back upon his principles and make concessions to Caesar. 1 Ci

ing to follow him across the seas, perhaps from failure to comprehend his strategy. Then Caesar wooed him assiduously, thro

rew him into a deep depression. He shunned the Senate, the theatre of his old triumphs. With the passing of time, he might

old triumphs. With the passing of time, he might indeed have silenced his conscience and acquiesced in a large measure of a

ce. Cicero later claimed that from that day forward he never deserted his post. 1 Facts refute the assertion. Between March

Hirtius and Pansa were consuls. The legislation of June 1st deepened his dismay. Nor was any decision or hope to be discer

ece. He sailed from Pompeii on July 17th. Contrary weather buffeted his vessel in the Straits of Messina. At Leucopetra,

er (September 19th). Cicero thought it best not to turn up. He salved his dignity by the belief that he was in danger of hi

turn up. He salved his dignity by the belief that he was in danger of his life, and by the composition of a speech in reply

pect, advising him not to join Pompeius, but not placing obstacles in his way. 4 After Pharsalus, the same amicable attitud

he received from Octavianus. That is not surprising: the editor knew his business. A necessary veil was cast over the earl

came a fact and a force in politics. Events were moving swiftly. In his account of the reasons that moved him to return,

of a kind to influence the public policy of Antonius. When he made his decision to return, Cicero did not know that unit

l of distrust, suspecting the real designs of Octavianus and doubting his capacity to stand against Antonius. Octavianus fo

s and doubting his capacity to stand against Antonius. Octavianus for his part exerted every art to win the confidence of C

d veterans in Campania. He pestered Cicero for advice, sending to him his trusty agent Caecina of Volaterrae with demands f

at following; and he might win more respectable backing. ‘But look at his age, his name. ’6 Octavianus was but a youth, he

ing; and he might win more respectable backing. ‘But look at his age, his name. ’6 Octavianus was but a youth, he lacked au

tonius would be intolerable. ’9 Cicero was all too often deluded in his political judgements. No easy optimism this time,

scrupulous youth. Cicero was possessed by an overweening opinion of his own sagacity: it had ever been his hope to act as

essed by an overweening opinion of his own sagacity: it had ever been his hope to act as political mentor to one of the gen

o the arms of Rome, he received an alarming proposal of this kind: to his Scipio, Cicero was to play the Laelius. Again, on

f this kind: to his Scipio, Cicero was to play the Laelius. Again, on his return from exile, Cicero hoped that Pompeius cou

from exile, Cicero hoped that Pompeius could be induced to go back on his allies, drop Caesar, and become amenable to guida

menable to guidance: he was abruptly brought to heel by Pompeius, and his influence as a statesman was destroyed. The exper

of the non-party statesman was not invoked by Caesar the Dictator in his organization of the Roman Commonwealth. Nor was A

. Nor was Antonius more susceptible. Cicero was constrained to lavish his treasures upon an unworthy object in April of the

y of the adventurer,3 in private letters he vaunted the excellence of his own plan: it may be doubted whether at any time h

ia dulcius. ’ PageBook=>144 must have congratulated himself on his refusal to be lured into a premature championing

e Senate. But Octavianus and D. Brutus were insistent the former with his illicit army, perilously based on Etruria, Brutus

oic hour, in the long and varied public life of Cicero. Summoning all his oratory and all his energies for the struggle aga

g and varied public life of Cicero. Summoning all his oratory and all his energies for the struggle against Antonius, eager

natic intensity seems foreign to the character of Cicero, absent from his earlier career: there precisely lies the explanat

d Gabinius, by the Dictatorship of Caesar and the guilty knowledge of his own inadequacy. He knew how little he had achieve

adequacy. He knew how little he had achieved for the Republic despite his talent and his professions, how shamefully he had

ew how little he had achieved for the Republic despite his talent and his professions, how shamefully he had deserted his p

espite his talent and his professions, how shamefully he had deserted his post after March 17th when concord and ordered go

lations in literature and in theory: the ideal derived its shape from his own disappointments. In the Republic he set forth

as well as to birth; and the good statesman would not be deserted by his peers, coerced by military dynasts or harried by

After the Ides of March, however, came a new impulsion to demonstrate his conception of a well-ordered state and to corrobo

itate those military dynasts: but he needs fame and praise to sustain his efforts for the Commonwealth and he deserves to r

tticus took alarm and dissuaded him from action. In November he urged his friend to turn to the writing of history. 6 Cicer

6 to make history. Duty and glory inspired the veteran statesman in his last and courageous battle for what he believed t

on of special and irrelevant pleading. The private virtues of Cicero, his rank in the literature of Rome, and his place in

he private virtues of Cicero, his rank in the literature of Rome, and his place in the history of civilization tempt and ex

apologist, when he passes from the character of the orator to defend his policy. It is presumptuous to hold judgement over

st man and no detractor of Cicero, reckoned as the greatest Romans of his time. 1 Eager to maintain his dignitas as a consu

ero, reckoned as the greatest Romans of his time. 1 Eager to maintain his dignitas as a consular, to pursue gloria as an or

ic magnitudo animi that would have justified the exorbitant claims of his personal ambition. The Second Philippic, though

cero could not prevail over the doubts and misgivings of men who knew his character and NotesPage=>146 1 BC 53, 6, c

>146 1 BC 53, 6, cf. above, p. 25. PageBook=>147 recalled his career. His hostility towards Antonius was declar

d. When Republicans both distrusted the politician and disapproved of his methods, the attitude of the Caesarians could be

public possessed a fanatical and dangerous champion, boldly asserting his responsibility for the actions of Octavianus. 2 H

Att. 16, 8, 2: δ Brute, ubi es? quantam ∈ὐκαιρίαν amittis! ’ 4 For his views about the alliance between Cicero and Octav

reward, boasting loudly of ancestors or, failing that prerogative, of his own merits. Again, the law-courts were an avenue

fect monster murder and debauchery of every degree. Clodius inherited his policy and his character; and Clodia committed in

rder and debauchery of every degree. Clodius inherited his policy and his character; and Clodia committed incest with her b

e corrupt, compelled him to write indecent verses. 3 This at Rome: in his province lust was matched with cruelty. Virgins o

People, were foully done to death. 5 Piso’s colleague Gabinius curled his hair, gave exhibitions of dancing at fashionable

! 2 The supreme enormity Antonius, by demonstrative affection towards his own wife, made a mock of Roman decorum and decenc

n extraction, a baker or seller of perfumes at Aricia. 4 As for Piso, his grandfather did not come from the ancient colony

a ‘vir fortis’, a pillar of Rome’s empire and honour. 9 L. Piso, for his stand against Antonius, acquires the temporary la

meless and wicked lie! 1 A few months pass and Dolabella, by changing his politics, betrays his true colours, as detestable

1 A few months pass and Dolabella, by changing his politics, betrays his true colours, as detestable as Antonius. From you

ble as Antonius. From youth he had revelled in cruelty: such had been his lusts that no modest person could mention them. 2

time when it could do him no harm. 9 Nor was it Caesar’s enemies but his beloved soldiery who devised the appropriate song

the speeches of Cicero. On the surface, what could be more clear than his categories and his ‘values’ ‘good’ citizens and ‘

ero. On the surface, what could be more clear than his categories and his ‘values’ ‘good’ citizens and ‘bad’, libertas popu

in power, the popularis, were he Pompeius or were he Caesar, would do his best to curb the dangerous and anachronistic libe

retence: they strove for power only. 1 Sallustius soon went deeper in his pessimism. The root of the trouble lay a century

d Caesar the proconsul, trapped by Pompeius and the oligarchs, turned his arms against the government ‘in order to liberate

onary that the Republic has succumbed to tyranny or to anarchy, it is his ideal to bring back order again. The decisive act

ain:2 and the younger son of Pompeius took a cognomen that symbolized his undying devotion to the cause, calling himself ‘M

cause, calling himself ‘Magnus Pompeius Pius’. 3 Caesar’s son showed his pietas by pursuing the blood-feud and insisting o

s the disloyal Antonius was ready to compromise with the assassins of his leader and benefactor. Pietas and a state of publ

pt faith among themselves: the younger brother Lucius added Pietas to his name as the most convincing demonstration of poli

ὸν ∈ὐσέβ∈ιαν καὶ ἐπωνυμίαν ἑαντῷ Πί∈ταν ἐπέθ∈το. He struck coins with his brother’s head on the obverse, on the reverse the

before when he explained the noble motives that induced him to waive his hostility against the rulers of Rome, Pompeius, C

Rome, Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar. 1 The dynast Pompeius sacrificed his ally Caesar to the oligarchs out of sheer patriot

ion and power, was ready to pospone for the moment a sacred vendetta: his sincere love of country was loudly acclaimed. 3

o personal grounds of enmity would ever prevent him from allying with his bitterest enemy to save the State. 5 Plancus soon

dept. Years before in Caesar’s Civil War he had spontaneously offered his good offices to bring a Pompeian general to his s

spontaneously offered his good offices to bring a Pompeian general to his senses. 8 The soldiers were often more accessible

oking clemency, partly to discredit by contrast and memories of Sulla his Sullan enemies, partly to palliate the guilt of c

y into a solemn duty. Lepidus’ army compelled him, so he explained in his despatch to the Senate, to plead for the lives an

lubrious fashion: seven years later the plea of Lepidus recoiled upon his NotesPage=>159 1 Appian, BC 5, 17, 69: οὔτ

or proclaimed that he had killed no citizen who had asked for mercy:1 his clemency was published on numerous coins with the

need be hazardous. A proconsul in defence of honour, when trapped by his enemies, invokes the protection of his army. A yo

nce of honour, when trapped by his enemies, invokes the protection of his army. A youth inspired by heroism levies an army

dents for Caesar’s heir. When an adventurer raised troops in Italy on his own initiative, privato consilio, it was claimed

igour? Octavianus had the veterans, the plebs and the name of Caesar: his allies in the Senate would provide the rest. No

e demonstrated that if a private army was raised against Antonius, if his troops were mutinous and seditious, Antonius coul

utus might perhaps be defended: he was at least a magistrate and held his province through legal provisions, namely the act

aw may have permitted him to take over the province before the end of his consular year. Nothing extraordinary in that. Com

he prominence, if not the primacy, that now at last fell to Cicero in his old age, after twenty years from his famous consu

at now at last fell to Cicero in his old age, after twenty years from his famous consulate, after twenty years of humiliati

Wars, was the reverse of a bellicose character. A nice calculation of his own interests and an assiduous care for his own s

er. A nice calculation of his own interests and an assiduous care for his own safety carried him through well-timed treache

if the word can be used of this flimsy character, was with Antonius, his ally in the days following the Ides of March; and

or lack of the splendour, courage and ability that would have excused his ambitions. 1 The Aemilian name, his family connex

d ability that would have excused his ambitions. 1 The Aemilian name, his family connexions and the possession of a large a

for he had recently induced the adventurer Sex. Pompeius to lay down his arms and come to terms with the government in Rom

er Lepidus or Plancus was C. Asinius Pollio in Hispania Ulterior, but his province was distant, his power unequal. A schola

C. Asinius Pollio in Hispania Ulterior, but his province was distant, his power unequal. A scholar, a wit and an honest man

an, a friend of Caesar and of Antonius but a Republican, Pollio found his loyalties at variance or out of date: it is prett

rity of whose oratory he found so distasteful. But Pollio was to play his part for peace, if not for the Republic: his unco

. But Pollio was to play his part for peace, if not for the Republic: his uncompromising honesty was welcome in political n

completely stripped of its garrison. Antonius’ ally Dolabella was on his way eastwards: he had sent legates in advance, th

cal parallels for the honouring of youth, merit and patriotism, found his proposal outstripped by P. Servilius. The Senate

is’. While consul, Antonius was clearly unassailable; when proconsul, his position, though not so strong, was valid in this

, his position, though not so strong, was valid in this, that he held his extraordinary command in virtue of a plebiscite,

At the very least Antonius should be brought to trial, to answer for his alleged misdeeds. In the end the proposal of Q. F

Envoys were to be sent to Antonius; they were to urge him to withdraw his army from the province of Brutus, not to advance

2 Therefore it was legal until the legislation of Antonius (and of his agents) should have been declared null and void.

tina. Against that fait accompli nothing could be done, and Antonius, his rights and his prestige respected, might show him

hat fait accompli nothing could be done, and Antonius, his rights and his prestige respected, might show himself amenable t

m. Levies were held. Hirtius, though rising weak and emaciated from his bed of sickness, set out for the seat of war and

ent patriot, L. Visidius, who had watched over Cicero’s safety during his consulate, not NotesPage=>169 1 Phil. 6 an

6 and 7 2 Ib. 7, 3, cf. 5, 5 PageBook=>170 merely encouraged his neighbours to enlist but helped them with generou

asual or partisan question, he required guarantees: it was not merely his dignitas that he had to think of, but his salus.

arantees: it was not merely his dignitas that he had to think of, but his salus. The sole security for that was the possess

The sole security for that was the possession of an army. To give up his army and surrender at the discretion of a party t

t was folly and certain extinction. Considering the recent conduct of his enemies at Rome and in Italy, he had every reason

e had every reason to demand safeguards in return for compromising on his right to Gallia Cisalpina under a law passed by t

m. Antonius was not declared a public enemy. But Cicero did not abate his efforts. As a patriotic demonstration he proposed

and was seen at the lectures of philosophers. It may be presumed that his agents were at work in Macedonia and elsewhere. H

nsul of Macedonia, Hortensius, the son of the great orator and one of his own near relatives. 3 When all was ready, and the

e State, no doubt. By the end of the year almost all Macedonia was in his hands; and not only Macedonia Vatinius the gove

donia Vatinius the governor of Illyricum had been unable to prevent his legions from passing over. Such was the situation

igher legality. As for Cassius, there was as yet no authentic news of his successes: his usurpation in the East and seizure

As for Cassius, there was as yet no authentic news of his successes: his usurpation in the East and seizure of a dozen leg

which was being so gently prosecuted in the Cisalpina. Cicero pressed his advantage. Early in March came the news that Do

Early in March came the news that Dolabella, passing through Asia on his way to Syria and opposed by the proconsul Treboni

as probably high treason, justified by assistance which Trebonius and his quaestor had given to the enterprises of Brutus a

, Cicero, Piso, P. Servilius, and L. Caesar. Cicero, however, changed his mind and backed out. The embassy, he urged, would

mably with Antonius. Lepidus at least seems to have made no secret of his agreement with Antonius: Antonius suppressed, he

but spurning all thought of negotiation so long as Antonius retained his army. 2 Cicero had in his hands an open letter se

of negotiation so long as Antonius retained his army. 2 Cicero had in his hands an open letter sent by Antonius to Hirtius

an party, assured them that the generals stood by him, and reiterated his resolve to keep faith with Lepidus, with Plancus

lancus and with Dolabella. 3 Cicero could not resist the challenge to his talent. He quoted, mocked and refuted the Antonia

r does any patriotic citizen. ’5 Lepidus did not forget the insult to his dignitas. Such was the situation towards the en

sing Bononia, which Antonius was forced to abandon; but Antonius drew his lines closer around Mutina. Octavianus and Hirt

avianus and Hirtius avoided battle, waiting for Pansa to come up with his four legions of recruits. Pansa had left Rome abo

gions of recruits. Pansa had left Rome about March 19th. Antonius for his part planned to crush Pansa NotesPage=>173

retrieved the day, no soldier in repute or in ambition, but equal to his station and duty. The great Antonius extricated h

rapid of decision. On the day after the defeat he got the remnants of his army into order and set out along the Aemilia tow

highly dubious. At Rome the exultation was unbounded. Antonius and his followers were at last declared public enemies. F

e generals of the western provinces nor to the Liberators; Cicero and his friends had reckoned without the military resourc

nsult Pansa at Bononia, only to find that the consul had succumbed to his wounds; Antonius soon increased his lead, for his

that the consul had succumbed to his wounds; Antonius soon increased his lead, for his army was strong in cavalry. Brutus

ul had succumbed to his wounds; Antonius soon increased his lead, for his army was strong in cavalry. Brutus had none; and

cavalry. Brutus had none; and the exhilaration of a victory in which his legions had so small a share could not compensate

ear of the constitutional forces with three veteran legions raised in his native Picenum. Caesar’s heir refused to take ord

Before long Octavianus received news from Rome that amply justified his decision: he was to be discarded as soon as he ha

ate such a slight upon their leader, patron and friend. Octavianus, his forces augmented by the legions of Pansa, which h

to surrender to D. Brutus, resolved to stand firm, precarious though his own position was. Antonius might be destroyed hen

rutus and Cassius came to Italy with their host of seventeen legions, his ‘father’ Cicero would have no compunction about d

to be demonstrated by the advice which the Caesarian consul Pansa on his death-bed may or may not have given to Caesar’s h

cantis. ’ To call Cicero a ‘lanista’ was a fair and pointed retort to his favourite appellation for Antonius, ‘gladiator’.

us in one act. Nor was this all. Sextus Pompeius had already promised his aid to the Republic against Antonius. He was rewa

f Lepidus dispatched to Antonius during the War of Mutina remained in his company, another had studiously refrained from ba

e road to Narbonensis. 1 In March, Lepidus urged the Senate to accept his mediation; and Antonius publicly asseverated that

his mediation; and Antonius publicly asseverated that Lepidus was on his side. Their palpable community of interest, harde

bank of the river Apsus in Albania, Caesar’s general Vatinius essayed his vigorous oratory on the soldiers of Pompeius. 2 B

2 But not for long Labienus NotesPage=>164 M. Junius Silanus, his kinsman, had actually fought at Mutina (Ad fam. 1

). It was Q. Terentius Culleo who joined Antonius instead of opposing his invasion of Narbonensis. Lepidus alleged that he

once commanded by him, taking the lead. 1 Lepidus acquiesced. One of his lieutenants, a certain Juventius Laterensis, a Re

rtain Juventius Laterensis, a Republican and an honest man, fell upon his sword. Lepidus now penned a dispatch to the Senat

ate, explaining, in the elevated phrases now universally current, how his soldiers had been unwilling to take the lives of

th a pointed sentence, surely the reply to Cicero’s firm rejection of his earlier proposals for peace and concord. 2 It w

reckon with Plancus. In April the governor of Gallia Comata mustered his army and made a semblance of intervening in north

ter’s camp. Lepidus encouraged him. But Plancus feared a trap he knew his Lepidus; 3 and Laterensis warned him that both Le

e knew his Lepidus; 3 and Laterensis warned him that both Lepidus and his army were unreliable. So Plancus turned back and

Little St. Bernard. If Plancus had by now resolved to join Antonius, his design was subtle and grandiose to lure Brutus to

join Antonius, his design was subtle and grandiose to lure Brutus to his ruin without the necessity of battle. Despondent,

ted patiently for time, fear and propaganda to dissolve the forces of his adversaries. On July 28th Plancus composed his la

dissolve the forces of his adversaries. On July 28th Plancus composed his last NotesPage=>165 1 Appian, BC 3, 83, 34

its elegance: he protested good will and loyalty, explained how weak his forces were, and blamed upon the young Caesar the

ces were, and blamed upon the young Caesar the escape of Antonius and his union with Lepidus, reprobating his ambition in t

Caesar the escape of Antonius and his union with Lepidus, reprobating his ambition in the most violent of terms. 1 Now Po

marched to Italy against the will of the ambiguous Lepidus; further, his troops had been solicited by envoys of Antonius a

solicited by envoys of Antonius and Lepidus. 2 Pollio was bound by his personal friendship to Antonius; and he now recon

termed them. The unfortunate Brutus, duped by Plancus and betrayed by his troops, fled northwards, hoping to make his way t

y Plancus and betrayed by his troops, fled northwards, hoping to make his way through the Alpine lands by a wide circuit to

tesPage=>166 1 Ad fam. 10, 24. On Octavianus, ib. § 5 f. 2 Cf. his letters, Ad fam. 10, 31–3. 3 Plutarch, Brutus 1

. In Italy that coalition had already collapsed; Caesar’s heir turned his arms against his associates and was marching on R

oalition had already collapsed; Caesar’s heir turned his arms against his associates and was marching on Rome. Fate was for

e West. Men blamed the slowness and indecision of D. Brutus; who, for his part, advocated the summoning of Marcus Brutus fr

ote late in May, the Senate was a weapon that had broken to pieces in his hands. 4 The prime cause of disquiet was Cicero

e youth whom Providence had sent to save the State’. 5 Octavianus and his army grew daily more menacing. That young man had

moved; and the emphasis that open enemies and false friends laid upon his extreme youth was becoming more and more irksome.

f the most palpable evidence, he persisted in asserting the wisdom of his policy, and the value of the results thereby achi

f not earlier, belongs a significant political fact, the betrothal of his daughter to the young adventurer. 5 Cicero had al

trife of citizens than wreak savage vengeance on the vanquished. 6 To his firm character and Roman patriotism there was som

concur in the hounding down of the family of Lepidus, who had married his own half-sister. Family ties had prevailed agains

eached him, Brutus, in anticipation, wrote to Cicero, interceding for his relatives. Cicero answered with a rebuke. 4 Oct

e argument of the sombre and perspicacious Brutus. Two letters reveal his insight. 5 The one to Atticus ‘what is the point

vidienus. Men fear death, exile and poverty too much. Cicero, for all his principles, accommodates himself to servitude and

odates himself to servitude and seeks a propitious master. Brutus for his part will continue the fight against all powers t

induced to pardon the assassins of Caesar. ‘Better dead than alive by his leave:2 let Cicero live on in ignominy. ’3 Even

he ruinous failure of the alliance with Caesar’s heir. He asseverated his responsibility for that policy. But his words bel

Caesar’s heir. He asseverated his responsibility for that policy. But his words belied him he did not cease to urge Brutus

arian generals would have united at once to destroy him Octavianus in his true colours, openly on their side against Caesar

The designs of Octavianus upon the consulate were suspected in May, his intrigues were revealed in June. In July a strang

could be won to legitimate methods. Octavianus was not deflected from his march. And now for a moment a delusive ray of h

statesmen and from the party of the constitution. Now he was consul, his only danger the rival army commanders. For the

cted Cassius,1 a person called L. Cornificius marked down Brutus as his prey. 2 Of the jurors, though carefully selected,

as his prey. 2 Of the jurors, though carefully selected, one man gave his vote for absolution and remained unmolested until

ignant colleagues deposed the criminal from office, the mob plundered his house; the Senate, by a violent usurpation of aut

voyage. Pirates or shipwreck took the blame. 4 Octavianus had spent his patrimony for purposes of the State, and now the

eized the treasury, which, though depleted, could furnish for each of his soldiers the sum of two thousand five hundred den

and fortune shielded him once again. In the negotiations he now took his stand as an equal: but the apportionment of power

ad few partisans of merit or distinction; which is not surprising. Of his lieutenants, Laterensis in shame took his own lif

which is not surprising. Of his lieutenants, Laterensis in shame took his own life; P. Canidius Crassus and Rufrenus were f

us and Rufrenus were fervent Antonians; 1 M. Silanus, who had carried his messages to Antonius, soon fell away to the cause

ver, was to have a second consulate in the next year, with Plancus as his colleague. For 41 B.C. were designated P. Servili

arantee against dissension in the Caesarian party. Octavianus gave up his betrothed, the daughter of Servilius, and took Cl

from geographical position and armed strength: he seems to have left his partisan Pollio as proconsul of the Cisalpina, pe

as proconsul of the Cisalpina, perhaps to hold it for two years till his consulate (40 B.C.). 4 Lepidus retained his old c

old it for two years till his consulate (40 B.C.). 4 Lepidus retained his old command, Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Cite

2, Pollio not till 41. On January1st, 41 B.C. L. Antonius inaugurated his consulate by a triumph over Alpine tribes: Dio, h

on control, open or secret, of the organs of government. Pompeius and his allies did not claim to be the government or the

rivals should be thwarted and impotent. Caesar the Dictator pardoned his adversaries and facilitated their return to publi

ed that the ancient monarchy was returning and died upon the spot, of his own will. 2 The scene may have been impressive, b

ompassion and even excuse was found in later generations. He composed his own autobiography; other apologists artfully sugg

ul reluctance of Octavianus was overborne by the brutal insistence of his older and more hardened colleagues; and terrible

roconsul outlawed. For Octavianus there was none, and no merit beyond his name: ‘puer qui omnia nomini debes’, as Antonius

e common sentiments of humanity were revolted when Lepidus sacrificed his brother Paullus, Antonius his uncle, the elderly

y were revolted when Lepidus sacrificed his brother Paullus, Antonius his uncle, the elderly and blameless Republican L. Ju

blic enemy, thereby incurring blame in certain circles,3 but trusting his own judgement; and he had already secured a guara

e knight L. Julius NotesPage=>192 1 There are full accounts of his end in Livy (quoted by Seneca, Suasoriae 6, 17);

11, 4. PageBook=>193 Calidus, famed as a poet, but only among his contemporaries; 1 and the aged M. Terentius Varro

use of Calenus. 2 Foresight and good investments preserved Atticus: his wealth alone should have procured his doom. The C

investments preserved Atticus: his wealth alone should have procured his doom. The Caesarian party was fighting the Republ

io’s rivals among the Marrucini will likewise have been found there:6 his own father-in-law was also proscribed. 7 Such res

illed (Pliny, NH 13, 25). M. Titius, however, nephew of Plancus, made his escape (Dio 48, 30, 5) and later rose to resplend

ia had spent money on Cales. PageBook=>194 landowner, mustered his adherents and tenants, armed the slaves and fough

wner, mustered his adherents and tenants, armed the slaves and fought his way through Italy to the sea coasts. 1 Arruntiu

roperty in Italy. He maintained the grants of Sulla. Further, many of his colonies were established on provincial soil, spa

not champion one class against another. If he had begun a revolution, his next act was to stem its advance, to consolidate

ts advance, to consolidate the existing order. Nor would Antonius and his associates have behaved as they did, could securi

any other way. The consequences of compelling a general to appeal to his army in defence of life or honour were now appare

tates. 3 Likewise Lucilius Hirrus, the kinsman of Pompeius, noted for his fish-ponds. 4 Statius, the octogenarian Samnite,

ived the Bellum Italicum and became a Roman senator, now perished for his wealth; 5 so did M. Fidustius, who had been prosc

hough chronically in straits for ready money, was a very wealthy man: his villas in the country and the palatial town house

Nepos Vita Attici 12, 4. Antonius’ agent P. Volumnius Eutrapelus had his eye on it. 8 The town mansion, which had cost 3

abella had fallen in war, and the consul Q. Pedius succumbed early in his tenure of office, stricken by shame and horror, i

y shame and horror, it was alleged, at the proscriptions which it was his duty to announce. 3 If the three dynasts be exclu

ue and ambition a second consulate from the Triumvirs (41 B.C.), like his first from Caesar: after that he is not heard of

s Brutus. When Brutus left Italy, he was accompanied or followed by his relatives Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus and M. Liciniu

ucullus,3 by political adherents like the inseparable Favonius and by his own personal friends and agents of equestrian ran

here pursuing the higher education, sons of senators like L. Bibulus, his own stepson, and M. Cicero,5 along with men of lo

ebonius the proconsul of Asia had been put to death by Dolabella; but his quaestor P. Lentulus, the son of Spinther, was ac

Plancus remain. The Dictator’s provincial governors and commanders in his civil wars naturally fare better; 3 but two of th

st of the new, senators nominated by the Dictator or introduced after his death, most of them absent from historical record

d belong to him (below, p. 221) but CIL ix, 414 (Canusium) perhaps to his son or his grandson. PageBook=>200 from ea

him (below, p. 221) but CIL ix, 414 (Canusium) perhaps to his son or his grandson. PageBook=>200 from earlier posts

7 About L. Caninius Gallus (cos. 37 B.C.) nothing is known, save that his father married a first cousin of M. Antonius (Val

pa and Salvidienus Rufus. Octavianus himself had only recently passed his twentieth birthday: Agrippa’s age was the same to

age was the same to a year. Salvidienus, the earliest and greatest of his marshals, of origin no more distinguished than Ag

st of his marshals, of origin no more distinguished than Agrippa, was his senior in years and military experience. His exam

of Rome and Italy. The real control rested with Antonius, for one of his partisans, Calenus, seems to have commanded two l

tle and besieged him at Laodicaea in Syria. In despair Dolabella took his own life: Trebonius was avenged. Except for Egypt

would the legions stand against the name and fortune of Caesar? From his war-chest Cassius paid the men fifteen hundred de

the north against mountains, to the south on a marsh. Brutus pitched his camp on the right wing, Cassius on the left. They

re to unite and fortify their front. Then Antonius arrived. Working his way through the marsh to the south around the fla

the camp of Octavianus, who was not there. A certain mystery envelops his movements: on his own account he obeyed a warning

anus, who was not there. A certain mystery envelops his movements: on his own account he obeyed a warning dream which had v

ments: on his own account he obeyed a warning dream which had visited his favourite doctor. 2 The other wing of the Notes

ans, led by Antonius, broke through the front of Cassius and pillaged his camp. Cassius despaired too soon. Unaware of the

ight wing, deceived perhaps, as one account runs, through a defect of his eyesight1 and believing that all was lost, Cassiu

t of his eyesight1 and believing that all was lost, Cassius fell upon his sword. Such was the first Battle of Philippi (Oct

PageBook=>206 Livius Drusus. 1 Brutus, their own leader, took his own life. Virtus had proved to be an empty word.

had proved to be an empty word. 2 The victor Antonius stripped off his purple cloak and cast it over the body of Brutus.

ends. As Antonius gazed in sorrow upon the Roman dead, the tragedy of his own life may have risen to his thoughts. Brutus h

ow upon the Roman dead, the tragedy of his own life may have risen to his thoughts. Brutus had divined it Antonius, he sa

assius: he had surrendered himself to Octavianus and he would pay for his folly in the end. 4 When the chief men survivin

ation they made an honourable capitulation to Antonius, some entering his service. One of the friends of Brutus, the faithf

As for Africa, should Lepidus make complaint, he might have that for his share. These engagements were duly recorded in wr

spute. Antonius now departed to the provinces of the East, leaving to his young colleague the arduous and unpopular task of

lingered at Brundisium, too weak to proceed. 2 Rumour spoke freely of his death. The rejoicing was premature: Senate and Pe

ct save to excite the suspicions of the soldiery. Riots broke out and his life was in danger. Rome and all Italy was in c

ulla shattered their strength and broke their spirit. From Lepidus, his triumviral colleague, and from the consul P. Serv

ed by the faithful and imperious Fulvia, the wife of M. Antonius, and his agent Manius, sought to exploit the confusion in

his agent Manius, sought to exploit the confusion in the interests of his absent brother. 1 They played a double game. Befo

the character of her husband: he neither would nor could go back upon his pledges of alliance to Octavianus. She must force

rred up against Antonius nearly three years earlier. In alarm he sent his confidential agent, Caecina of Volaterrae, and L.

ound to Octavianus where their interests clearly lay. Octavianus, for his part, divorced his unwelcome and untouched bride,

where their interests clearly lay. Octavianus, for his part, divorced his unwelcome and untouched bride, the daughter of Fu

invented a letter from M. Antonius sanctioning war, if in defence of his dignitas. 2 The consul marched on Rome, easily

y the Senate with a sincere fervour such as can have attended none of his more recent predecessors when they had liberated

ed northward in the hope of effecting a junction with the generals of his brother who held all the Gallic provinces. Octa

ther who held all the Gallic provinces. Octavianus, with Agrippa in his company, had retired to southern Etruria. His sit

uthern Etruria. His situation was precarious. He had already recalled his marshal Salvidienus, who was marching to Spain wi

d armies succeeded in dealing with L. Antonius, that was the least of his difficulties. He might easily be overwhelmed by t

9, 112: πολϵμϵ ν άv τις αὑτο τὴν ξίωσιν καθαιρ . PageBook=>210 his way to Spain; 1 and now he might bar the return o

iatic, Murcus now with Sex. Pompeius. Pompeius seems to have let slip his opportunity not the only time. A concerted effort

us. But there was neither unity of command nor unity of purpose among his motley adversaries. Antonius’ generals in Italy

the western provinces, lacking instructions, doubted the veracity of his brother and his wife. Salvidienus made his way

vinces, lacking instructions, doubted the veracity of his brother and his wife. Salvidienus made his way back from Spain

doubted the veracity of his brother and his wife. Salvidienus made his way back from Spain through the Cisalpina; Pollio

h the Cisalpina; Pollio and Ventidius followed, slow but menacing, in his rear. The war had already broken out in Italy. 3

lancus marched northwards and took up a waiting position, as befitted his character, at Spoletium. NotesPage=>210 1

In Perusia the consul professed that he was fighting in the cause of his brother, and his soldiers inscribed the name of M

onsul professed that he was fighting in the cause of his brother, and his soldiers inscribed the name of Marcus Antonius as

he absent Antonius (not omitting a Cappadocian mistress) and insulted his wife Fulvia. 3 Further, he composed poems of trad

n (late in February?). Octavianus received with honour the brother of his colleague and sent him away to be his governor in

ived with honour the brother of his colleague and sent him away to be his governor in Spain, where he shortly died. 6 The c

onius dispersed. Along with Fulvia, Plancus fled to Greece, deserting his army. Ventidius and Pollio turned back and made f

can admiral Ahenobarbus, whose fleet controlled the Adriatic, and won his support for Antonius. 5 The partnership in arms

upport for Antonius. 5 The partnership in arms of the young Caesar, his coeval Agrippa and Salvidienus Rufus their senior

ear of Pollio had begun. Yet Octavianus was in no way at the end of his difficulties. He was master of Italy, a land of f

east, Pompeius from the south and west. If this were not enough, all his provinces were assailed at once. Pompeius drove o

crushed at last. That way all odds pointed and most men’s hopes. In his emergency Octavianus sought aid where he could, a

He sent Maecenas on a diplomatic mission to Sicily and gave pledge of his sentiments by taking to wife Scribonia,4 who was

Once again the young Caesar was saved by the fortune that clung to his name. In Gaul Calenus opportunely died. His son,

he placed Salvidienus in charge of Gaul, confident in the loyalty of his friend. When Octavianus returned towards the en

gs or deposed them. 1 So did he spend the winter after Philippi. Then his peregrinations brought him to the city of Tarsus,

peregrinations brought him to the city of Tarsus, in Cilicia. Through his envoy, the versatile Q. Dellius, he summoned an i

soon learned that a new and alarming civil war had broken out between his own adherents and the Caesarian leader. 5 The p

Antonius went from Syria to Egypt and lurked in Egypt, while in Italy his wife and his brother not NotesPage=>214 1

from Syria to Egypt and lurked in Egypt, while in Italy his wife and his brother not NotesPage=>214 1 Appian, BC 5,

na. 5 Appian, BC 5, 52, 216. PageBook=>215 merely championed his cause and won Republican support, but even raised

y of Alexandria and the proverbial charms of an alien queen,1 or else his complicity in the designs of his brother was comp

l charms of an alien queen,1 or else his complicity in the designs of his brother was complete but unavowed. The alternativ

aps do less than justice to the loyal and open character of Antonius, his position as the colleague of Octavianus and the s

y were jointly responsible. The victor of Philippi could not forswear his promises and his soldiers. His own share was the

sponsible. The victor of Philippi could not forswear his promises and his soldiers. His own share was the gathering of fund

he arrived at Tyre in February of the year 40, but learned only after his departure, when sailing to Cyprus and to Athens.

the mother of Antonius, who had fled to Sicily. Ti. Claudius Nero and his wife also came to Greece about this time. PageB

upon them. Antonius drove on: Plancus was afraid. Ahenobarbus struck his flag and joined Antonius. 1 He had already been s

admit Antonius. He laid siege to the city. Then Sex. Pompeius showed his hand. He had already expelled from Sardinia M. Lu

ican help against the domination of Antonius, deserted and proscribed his associates before a year had passed; again, at Pe

der sentence of death for alleged complicity in the murder of Caesar; his open ally was Pompeius, in whose company stood a

f Philippi, of Perusia. With this moral support Antonius confronted his Caesarian rival. For war, his prospects were bett

this moral support Antonius confronted his Caesarian rival. For war, his prospects were better than he could have hoped; a

cts were better than he could have hoped; and he at once demonstrated his old generalship by the sudden and complete rout o

the true Caesarian by standing for the interests of the legions. But his errors were not fatal Octavianus had great diffic

t, to be governor of Bithynia, and he instructed Pompeius to call off his fleets. Serious conferences began. They were cond

, had recently died in Greece. Antonius took in wedlock the sister of his partner, the fair and virtuous Octavia, left a wi

s and the desolation of Italy, with a victor certain to be worse than his defeated adversary and destined to follow him bef

at the poet Virgil composed the most famous and the most enigmatic of his pastoral poems. The Fourth Eclogue hails the appr

the approach of a new era, not merely to begin with the consulate of his patron Pollio but very precisely to be inaugurate

3 Cf. A. Alföldi, Hermes LXV. (1930), 369. PageBook=>219 to his son, and a Roman matron. 1 The identification of

further, there is no reason to imagine that Pollio expected a son of his to rule the world, no indication in the poem that

himself, it is true, had contracted a marriage with Scribonia; Julia, his only daughter, was born in the following year.

truth have ruled over a world that had been pacified by the valour of his father pacatumque reget patriis virtutibus orbe

Asia; 3 and immediately upon the conclusion of the pact Antonius sent his best general Ventidius to disperse the Parthians.

onia about the same time if he came to Rome to assume the insignia of his consulate, it was not to wear them for long, for

redit for making peace when the fortune of war had been manifestly on his side. The complacency of the dynasts and the nu

rdinia, which he was trying to recapture for Octavianus,2 and resumed his blockade of the coasts of Italy. The plebs clamou

land. A rope cut, and Pompeius would have the masters of the world in his power a topic fertile in anecdote. The Peace of

lly in the West of much more value than Lepidus to check the power of his ambitious rival for the leadership of the Caesari

Calvisius Sabinus: clearly, therefore, the consul of 39 B.C., and not his son, as commonly held (e.g. PIR2, C 353). 2 App

uestrian orders, the primacy of Antonius seemed firm enough governing his provinces were the most prominent and most able m

ld have disdained to associate with the young adventurer who had made his way by treachery and who, by the virtue of the na

, Lepidus to Africa. Antonius departed for the eastern provinces with his young and beautiful bride and spent the winter of

wo years (39-37). Save for two journeys to the coast of Italy to meet his triumviral colleague and one to the bank of the E

cedonia; 3 and on the first day of the year 39 Censorinus inaugurated his consulship with a triumph. 4 Later in the year

ison in the Balkans, perhaps seven legions. 2 The western frontier of his dominions was the sea. He maintained a large flee

eloponnesus. One of its stations was the island of Zacynthus, held by his admiral C. Sosius. 3 But the Balkan peninsula w

t once dispatched Ventidius against the enemy. With Ventidius went as his legate or quaestor the Marsian Poppaedius Silo. 6

2 B.C. is a complete blank. 3 Coins of Sosius, ranging in date from his quaestorship (40 or 39) to his consulate (32), we

Coins of Sosius, ranging in date from his quaestorship (40 or 39) to his consulate (32), were struck at Zacynthus, BMC, R.

captive by Pompeius Strabo fifty-one years before, celebrated in Rome his paradoxical triumph. 1 Ventidius is not heard o

again save for the ultimate honour of a public funeral. 2 Sosius took his place as governor of Syria,3 and, accompanied by

s. After Samosata, Antonius left legions in the north; and in 37 B.C. his marshal Canidius pacified Armenia and embarked on

ominance of Antonius was secured and reinforced; but the execution of his policy was already being hampered by the claims a

on of his policy was already being hampered by the claims and acts of his young colleague, who, as in his revolutionary déb

ng hampered by the claims and acts of his young colleague, who, as in his revolutionary début, had everything to gain by st

pring of the year 38. Antonius arrived at Brundisium, but not finding his colleague there, and being refused admittance to

sending Maecenas on a mission to Greece. Antonius, who wished to have his hands free of western entanglements and needed It

ands free of western entanglements and needed Italian legionaries for his own campaigns, agreed to meet his colleague. No

and needed Italian legionaries for his own campaigns, agreed to meet his colleague. NotesPage=>224 1 CIL I2, p. 50,

ong period in a revolutionary epoch. Octavianus felt that time was on his side. For the present, his colleague was constrai

ry epoch. Octavianus felt that time was on his side. For the present, his colleague was constrained to support the war agai

s colleague was constrained to support the war against Pompeius. From his fleet Antonius resigned one hundred and twenty sh

on him that he had been thwarted and deceived. He may have hoped that his military genius as well as his ships would Note

d and deceived. He may have hoped that his military genius as well as his ships would NotesPage=>225 1 Horace, Sat.

mpeius. But Octavianus would have none of that. Further, from duty to his ally and to the Caesarian party, Antonius had los

ing ambition, interest and power. Of an appeal to arms, no thought in his mind the chance to suppress Caesar’s heir had bee

ienus. Antonius had rejected those offers. As yet, however, neither his predominance nor his prestige were gravely menace

ejected those offers. As yet, however, neither his predominance nor his prestige were gravely menaced and there was work

him of her brother must have been highly distasteful. His future and his fate lay in the East, with another woman. But tha

by the name, the fortune and the veterans of Caesar, the diplomacy of his friends and his own cool resolution. Not to menti

fortune and the veterans of Caesar, the diplomacy of his friends and his own cool resolution. Not to mention chance and th

is own cool resolution. Not to mention chance and the incompetence of his enemies, the accidental death of Fufius Calenus a

n provinces. He at once dispatched to Gaul and Spain the ablest among his partisans, the trusty and plebeian Agrippa, now o

praetorian standing, and the aristocrat Domitius Calvinus, fresh from his second consulate, with long experience of warfare

77, 4. PageBook=>228 Labienus. Yet Pompeius still retained in his following persons of distinction, relatives, frie

following persons of distinction, relatives, friends or adherents of his family. 1 Scaurus his step-brother was with him,

distinction, relatives, friends or adherents of his family. 1 Scaurus his step-brother was with him, and Libo his wife’s fa

ents of his family. 1 Scaurus his step-brother was with him, and Libo his wife’s father. 2 Likewise an odd Republican or tw

o return to Rome. But the young Pompeius was despotic and dynastic in his management of affairs, like his father trusting m

Pompeius was despotic and dynastic in his management of affairs, like his father trusting much to alien or domestic adheren

or from necessity, he came to rely more and more upon the services of his Greek freedmen; in the subsequent campaigns in Si

e subsequent campaigns in Sicily only two Romans held high command on his side: Tisienus Gallus, the refugee from Sabine an

elonged to an earlier age. Pietas was not enough. Greek freedmen were his counsellors, his agents and his admirals, while f

lier age. Pietas was not enough. Greek freedmen were his counsellors, his agents and his admirals, while freed slaves manne

s was not enough. Greek freedmen were his counsellors, his agents and his admirals, while freed slaves manned his ships and

s counsellors, his agents and his admirals, while freed slaves manned his ships and filled his motley legions. Pompeius m

ents and his admirals, while freed slaves manned his ships and filled his motley legions. Pompeius might sweep the seas,

ng in the favour and name of Neptune; 4 the Roman plebs might riot in his honour it was only from hatred of Caesar’s heir.

ts or feuds. NotesPage=>228 1 Appian (BC 5, 139, 579) names as his last companions in Asia (35 B.C.) Cassius of Parm

ibo conducted Julia, the mother of Antonius, to Greece in 40 B.C., or his son, C. Sentius Saturninus (cos. 19 B.C.), a bett

and 48, 5; Appian, BC 5, 100, 416; BMC, R. Rep. 11, 564 f. (coins of his admiral Q. Nasidius, honouring at the same time P

anum. ’. PageBook=>229 Octavianus abruptly divorced Scribonia, his senior by many years and a tiresome character. 1

atisfied head, heart and senses, and endured unimpaired to the day of his death. For once in his life he surrendered to emo

d senses, and endured unimpaired to the day of his death. For once in his life he surrendered to emotion: it was with polit

er and a grandfather, not hastening to declare himself too openly for his step-brother Octavianus: his father, through dipl

tening to declare himself too openly for his step-brother Octavianus: his father, through diplomacy, hoped to get him an ea

oped to get him an early consulate. 6 His ambition was now satisfied, his allegiance beyond question. Whether the discarded

onia, before 40 B.C. PageBook=>230 Octavianus now had a war on his hands earlier perhaps than he had planned. His be

blicans now in the alliance of Antonius, above all Ahenobarbus; 2 and his own son was betrothed to a daughter of Antonius.

erence, gave him no help. Antonius disapproved, and Sex. Pompeius for his part believed that Antonius would not support his

d Sex. Pompeius for his part believed that Antonius would not support his colleague. The young man went on with his war,

ntonius would not support his colleague. The young man went on with his war, encouraged by an initial advantage one of th

of Sardinia, a war-fleet and an army of three legions. Octavianus or his admirals L. Cornificius and C. Calvisius Sabinus

ng Sicily. The result was disastrous. Pompeius attacked Octavianus as his ships, coming from Tarentum, were passing through

ng from Tarentum, were passing through the Straits of Messana to join his other fleet from the Bay of Naples. Pompeius won

tered the remnant of the Caesarian fleet. Pompeius rendered thanks to his protecting deity: in Rome the mob rioted against

alliances. It is not known whom Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus married; but his grand-daughter, child of L. Domitius and Antonia,

ited. The military glory of Antonius was revived in the triumph which his partisan Ventidius now celebrated over the Parthi

e Parthians. Agrippa, returning from Gaul with useful achievements to his credit and the consulate for the next year as his

ful achievements to his credit and the consulate for the next year as his reward, did not choose to hold the triumph that w

ippa decided the battle of Naulochus (September 3rd). Pompeius made his escape and, trusting to the fame of his father in

ptember 3rd). Pompeius made his escape and, trusting to the fame of his father in the eastern lands, raised a private arm

esence of Atratinus in western waters is likewise to be inferred from his coins, some struck in Sicily (BMC, R. Rep. 11, 51

the Galatian prince Amyntas. Pompeius refused an accommodation; then his friends and associates, even his father-in-law Li

peius refused an accommodation; then his friends and associates, even his father-in-law Libo, deserted the brigand’s cause

erted the brigand’s cause and made peace with Antonius, some entering his service. 1 At last Titius captured Pompeius and p

e. 1 At last Titius captured Pompeius and put him to death, either on his own initiative or at the instigation of his uncle

t him to death, either on his own initiative or at the instigation of his uncle Plancus, the governor of Syria. 2 The Roman

oung Caesar had conquered the island of Sicily. Chance delivered into his hands a richer prey. A strange delusion now urged

us, overriding Agrippa, who was present, accepted the capitulation in his own person. Octavianus objected: Lepidus, with tw

own person. Octavianus objected: Lepidus, with twenty-two legions at his back, ordered Octavianus to depart from Sicily. B

r nothing. He entered the camp of Lepidus, with the name of Caesar as his sole protection: it was enough. 4 The soldiers ha

e had already usurped the practice of putting a military title before his own name, calling himself ‘Imperator Caesar’. 8

t the Free State would soon be re-established. 2 It only remained for his triumviral partner to perform his share and subdu

established. 2 It only remained for his triumviral partner to perform his share and subdue the Parthians, when there would

The young military leader awoke to a new confidence in himself. Of his victories the more considerable part, it is true,

ictories the more considerable part, it is true, had been the work of his lieutenants. His health was frail, scanty indeed

been the work of his lieutenants. His health was frail, scanty indeed his military skill. But craft and diplomacy, high cou

y in Rome and throughout the whole of Italy. How desperate had been his plight at the time of the War of Perusia has alre

usia has already been described. He was saved in war and diplomacy by his daring and by the services of three friends. Agri

Maecenas and Salvidienus were not even senators. Again, at Brundisium his position was critical. Caesar’s heir had the army

3 The noble Calvinus is a solitary and mysterious figure. It was from his house that Caesar set forth on the Ides of March;

culum (ib. 5, 112, 469). 4 Val. Max. 8, 11, 2. PageBook=>235 his deputy in the Dictatorship, magister equitum. 1 A

equitum. 1 After that, no word or hint of this eminent consular until his attempt to bring legions across the Ionian Sea fo

l he becomes consul for the second time in 40 B.C., with no record of his activity, and governor of all Spain for Octavianu

otherwise unknown, became suffect consul in 35 B.C.5 For the rest, his earliest marshals, in so far as definitely attest

says that he came from Cremona. Virgil dedicated to him the sixth of his Eclogues: hence, in the Virgilian Lives and in th

: the young leader was short of partisans. The compact with Antonius, his presence in Italy, the advantageous alliance and

e advantageous alliance and the regular control of patronage improved his prospects. Another four years, from the Pact of B

ved his prospects. Another four years, from the Pact of Brundisium to his triumph in the Sicilian War, and the new party ha

wo terms were sometimes synonymous) has already advanced a stage; and his following already reveals in clear outline the tw

accidentally preserved, such as the admiral M. Mindius Marcellus from his own town of Velitrae:1 to say nothing of aliens a

mpaigns reveals on the side of Caesar’s heir for the first time among his generals or active associates seven men who had h

ons (Syria xv (1934), 33 ff.), may have been sent by Antonius to help his ally and may have passed before long into the ser

(Phil. 3, 26). There is no evidence how soon he joined Octavianus. On his origin, cf. above, p. 199 and p. 221. PageBook=

x Pedia. 1 Of the family of Q. Laronius (cos. suff. 33) and indeed of his subsequent history nothing at all is known. 2 Des

cond only to Agrippa was T. Statilius Taurus (cos. suff. 37); he owed his advancement to the patronage of Calvisius, like h

ike himself of non-Latin stock. 3 The name of Statilius recalled, and his family may have continued, an ancient line of the

how long. 5 The young Lepidus went with Caesar’s heir from hatred of his triumviral uncle (who had proscribed his father)

Caesar’s heir from hatred of his triumviral uncle (who had proscribed his father) or from a motive of family insurance no

and NotesPage=>237 1 Plutarch, Brutus 27. Nothing is known of his family or attachments: there is no evidence that

ius. 2 Apart from the narrative of the Sicilian War and the fact of his consulate, the only clear testimony about Q. Laro

is a tile from Vibo in Bruttium (CIL X, 804118), which was presumably his home, cf. ILS 6463. 3 In whose company he is fi

3 In whose company he is first mentioned, in 43, perhaps as one of his legates (Ad fam. 12, 25, 1: ‘Minotauri, id est Ca

5, 1: ‘Minotauri, id est Calvisi et Tauri’): after that, nothing till his consulate and service as an admiral. Presumably o

e is not attested with Octavianus before 36 B.C. The reason given for his change of allegiance was naturally disapproval of

But Cornificius received or usurped the privilege of an elephant for his conveyance when he returned home from banquets, a

engrossed two of the more decorative of such offices: Taurus followed his unholy example. 4 Most of the colleges had alread

er Messalla was created an augur extraordinary. 5 Octavianus enriched his friends by granting war-booty or private subsidy

Philippi and of Perusia were more amicably disposed to Antonius; and his Republican following, already considerable, was a

e, was augmented when the last adherents of Sex. Pompeius passed into his service. None the less, the young Caesar was acqu

rms of patronage rested in the hands of the Triumvirs, Octavianus, by his presence at Rome, was in a position of distinct a

utelage of Antonius; and Octavia had given Antonius no son to inherit his leadership of the Caesarian party and monarchy ov

ion. PageBook=>240 vigour and resource. To this end he devoted his energies in the years 35 and 34 B.C. Antonius mig

ies of Antonius paled with distance or might be artfully depreciated; his own achievements would be visible and tangible.

y of the long Principate of Augustus. But Octavianus’ time was short, his aims were restricted. In the first campaign he co

Not only this. A general secure of the loyalty and the affection of his troops does not need to show his person in the fr

of the loyalty and the affection of his troops does not need to show his person in the front of battle. Octavianus in the

the front of battle. Octavianus in the campaigns in Illyricum risked his person with ostentation and received honourable w

ved honourable wounds. Antonius must not be allowed to presume upon his Caesarian qualities or retain the monopoly of mar

winning him adherents from every class and every party. He redoubled his efforts, and Rome witnessed a contest of display

e advantage in the next few years with cheap and frequent honours for his proconsuls from Spain and Africa. Tradition conse

Paullus Aemilius to complete the Basilica Aemilia, left unfinished by his father; and L. Marcius Philippus after his Spanis

emilia, left unfinished by his father; and L. Marcius Philippus after his Spanish triumph (33) repaired a temple of Hercule

s also there (Panegyricus Messallae 108 ff.); and Taurus, coming from his African triumph (June 30th, 34 B.C.) to Illyricum

trength. In 33 B.C. Octavianus became consul for the second time, and his influence, not total but at least preponderating,

: it contains seven other names. Hitherto he had promoted in the main his marshals, with a few patricians, his new allies f

erto he had promoted in the main his marshals, with a few patricians, his new allies from the families of the Claudii, the

f influence in the towns of Italy: in both he advertised and extended his power. L. Vinicius was one of the new consuls: he

ter Maecenas had been working more quietly and to set purpose. It was his task to guide opinion gently into acceptance of t

actual or in prospect: after the Sicilian War Octavianus accorded to his centurions on discharge the rank of town-councill

back from the East, should Antonius demand lands for the veterans of his legions, should the dynasts, fulfilling a solemn

monious style of Cicero, recognized as ultimate and classical even in his own day. But not without rivals: a different conc

cquire fame as a jurist (Gellius 7, 5, 1), that was not the reason of his promotion. PageBook=>246 the best all bo

plain and open manner was no affectation but the honest expression of his sentiments. 2 Neither Brutus nor Calvus found Cic

rsion to Asianism, or by the rise of a new romanticism. Pollio, after his triumph abandoning public life, returned to the h

Messalla were reckoned the greatest orators of the new age. Messalla, his rival, displayed a cultivated harmony and a gentl

r a brief interval of loyal service to Pompeius in Spain, and devoted his energies to scholarship, taking as his subject al

Pompeius in Spain, and devoted his energies to scholarship, taking as his subject all antiquities, human and divine. 1 Caes

s his subject all antiquities, human and divine. 1 Caesar had invoked his help for the creation of public libraries. 2 Esca

he creation of public libraries. 2 Escaping from proscription, though his own stores of learned books were plundered, the i

he age of eighty, discovering, as he said, that it was time to gather his baggage for the last journey,3 he proceeded to co

umvirate Sallustius turned aside with disgust. 4 Ambition had spurred his youth to imprudent NotesPage=>247 1 His gr

a province. 1 The end of Caesar abated the ambition of Sallustius and his belief in reform and progress. He had once compos

should replace the narrow and corrupt oligarchy of the nobiles. 2 In his disillusionment, now that Rome had relapsed under

of Sulla onwards. Though Sallustius was no blind partisan of Caesar, his aim, it may be inferred, was to demonstrate how r

ortal rapidity of narrative. 5 He had certainly forged a style all of his own, shunning the harmonies of formal rhetoric an

, with brief broken sentences, reflecting perhaps some discordance in his own character. The archaisms were borrowed, men s

rom Cato; not less so the grave moral tone, flagrant in contrast with his earlier life. No matter: Sallustius at once set t

of Senate and People in earlier days. 2 There was no idealization in his account of a more recent period he knew it too we

ator became a subject of literary warfare, for a time at least, until his heir discountenanced an uncomfortable theme. Oppi

memory of their friend and patron. 1 Nor was Sallustius unmindful of his own political career and arguments of defence or

dful of his own political career and arguments of defence or apology: his testimony to the peculiar but contrasted greatnes

xander the Macedonian, the long contests for power among the generals his successors, the breaking of his empire into separ

contests for power among the generals his successors, the breaking of his empire into separate kingdoms; and they could set

ife (Gellius 17, 18); and Lenaeus, the freedman of Pompeius, defended his dead patron by bitter personal invective (Suetoni

e governing class: the retired politician might with propriety occupy his leisure in recording momentous events, himself no

precincts: a freedman, the tutor of Pompeius Magnus, was the first of his class. 1 So popular had history become. On the wr

na. That Brixia was the home of Cinna has been inferred from fr. 1 of his poems; and Helvii are not unknown on inscriptions

ny of them had attacked in lampoon and invective the dynast Pompeius, his ally Caesar and their creature Vatinius. With Cae

ties with the new poets, survived to write verses himself and extend his patronage to others. Under the rule of the Triumv

timate and enduring credit. 5 Gallus, losing to a rival the lady of his passion and ostensible source of his inspiration

s, losing to a rival the lady of his passion and ostensible source of his inspiration (he had inherited her from another),6

vidence at all. Virgil, however, persevered with poetry, completing his Eclogues while Pollio governed Macedonia for Anto

irgil passed into the company and friendship of Maecenas. Before long his poems were made public (38 or 37 B.C.). Maecenas

in Greece. 2 In Ecl. 8, 6-13 Virgil addresses Pollio, anticipating his return and triumph, in a tone and manner that wou

scovery of Maecenas. Virgil with short delay had introduced Horace to his new patron. In the company of statesmen, diplomat

ublic but not from Republican convictions: it was but the accident of his presence at a university city, at an impressionab

scribe, with leisure, however, and scope for literary occupations, in his earliest verses showing the bitterness of his lot

iterary occupations, in his earliest verses showing the bitterness of his lot, until a balanced and resilient temperament r

in the traditional manner of Lucilius. His subject was ordinary life, his treatment not harsh and truculent, but humane and

atment not harsh and truculent, but humane and tolerant: which suited his own temperament. Nor would the times now permit p

became prevalent: the retainers of an owner of land, once enlisted in his defence, might escape from control, terrorize the

een reluctant to admit the claims of foreign peoples: with insecurity his pride turned, under the goad of fear, into a fana

no longer derive confidence from the language, habits and religion of his own people. It was much more than the rule of the

but the banker and man of affairs survived and prospered. Atticus by his accommodating manners won the friendship of Caesa

ished. 1 T. Pomponius Atticus died in 32 B.C., aged seventy-seven: at his bedside stood old Balbus and Marcus Agrippa, the

. It was great, indeed, not so much by contrast with Antonius as with his earlier situation. Octavianus was no longer the t

as invoked in the struggle, whatever name the victor chose to give to his rule, because it was for monarchy that the rival

k=>259 AFTER Brundisium the prestige of Antonius stood high, and his predominance was confirmed by the renewal of the

f Philippi should have driven the Parthians out of Asia. When at last his hands were free he departed to Syria, summoning t

ossession of all Galatia, murdering a tetrarch and a tetrarch’s wife, his own daughter. 3 But Deiotarus died in the year of

f.; 79; 88; 91 f.; 131. PageBook=>261 She coveted the whole of his kingdom, to form a continuous territory northward

the Egyptian alliance Antonius hoped to derive money and supplies for his military enterprises. Egypt, the most valuable of

d upon the ties of personal allegiance. Pompeius Magnus, binding to his clientela all the kings, dynasts and cities of th

s of mercantile operations, dynastic in their own right. Caesar did his best to equal or usurp the following of Pompeius,

of the king of Pontus, raised troops for Caesar and won a kingdom for his reward; 2 and Antipater the Idumaean, who had len

Polemo, the orator’s son from Laodicea, with a great kingdom: he gave his own daughter Antonia in marriage to Pythodorus of

ion of saviour and benefactor not only to Pompeius Magnus but also to his client Theophanes. 2 The example was nothing nove

nkind. 3 Antonius advertised the favour he enjoyed from Dionysus; and his own race was fabled to descend from Heracles. Bot

nt patron of poets and orators, actors and philosophers. The style of his oratory was ornate and pompous, veritably Asianic

his oratory was ornate and pompous, veritably Asianic, the fashion of his life regal and lavish ’Antonius the great and ini

ore heavily on the support of eastern allies. Antonius set out upon his great campaign, leaving Syria in the spring of 36

es beyond Armenia towards the Caucasus, and Canidius was waiting with his legions. In the neighbourhood of Erzerum the grea

ve all the Armenian horse of Artavasdes, for this was essential. Of his Roman partisans Antonius took with him Titius, Ah

s had been governor of Bithynia since the Pact of Brundisium: who was his successor in that province, and who held Macedoni

ve enough legions. Thus Artavasdes, given impunity, could desert with his cavalry at a critical moment. The Parthians and M

iness of the veterans. As in the retreat from Mutina, Antonius showed his best qualities in adversity. From Armenia he marc

ier, in 40-39 B.C. PageBook=>265 at not less than a quarter of his whole army. 1 Higher estimates can be discovered

sband told her to go back to Rome, unchivalrous for the first time in his life. He was dealing with Octavianus: but he lear

Octavianus, however, was no more ready yet to exploit the affront to his family than the affront to Rome arising from Anto

countenancing sentimentality. PageBook=>266 Antonius betrothed his son Alexander Helios to Iotape, the daughter of t

1 Then in the early spring of 33 B.C Antonius, alert for the care of his dominions and allies, marched out again and confe

d secure enough. Only a few months passed, however, and the crisis in his relations with Octavianus became so acute that An

e legions passed the winter of 33-32 B.C. In the year 33 B.C., with his frontiers in order and Asia at peace, recovering

a new era of prosperity, with legions, cavalry, ships and treasure at his command, Antonius appeared the preponderant partn

k Sea coasts. Nor was the preponderance of Antonius less evident in his following of Roman senators his provincial govern

onderance of Antonius less evident in his following of Roman senators his provincial governors, generals, admirals and dipl

tors his provincial governors, generals, admirals and diplomats. 3 Of his earlier Caesarian associates, the marshals Ventid

he period. PageBook=>267 It was later remarked that certain of his most intimate friends had once been Antonians. 1

acy in the party after Antonius. 3 Titius, proscribed and a pirate on his own account before joining Sex. Pompeius, shared

his own account before joining Sex. Pompeius, shared the fortunes of his uncle as an admiral and governor of provinces, al

e contriving of a new cult, that was Octavianus’ policy and work, not his . The contrast did not escape the Republicans. Par

e. The young Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, beyond all doubt the best of his family, refused to accept amnesty from Caesar the

lliance with Pompeius (whose whole family he hated), Ahenobarbus with his fleet as an autonomous admiral dominated the Adri

rved Antonius well. The alliance was firm with promise for the future his son was betrothed to the elder daughter of Antoni

can coalition. Another kinsman of Cato was to be found with Antonius, his grandson L. Calpurnius Bibulus, also an admiral;

to have lapsed from politics. The young nobiles M. Aemilius Scaurus, his half-brother, and Cn. Cornelius Cinna, his nephew

biles M. Aemilius Scaurus, his half-brother, and Cn. Cornelius Cinna, his nephew, remained with Antonius to the end; 2 like

there was also a reminder in the person of the young Curio, loyal to his father’s friend, his step-father Antonius. 5 Othe

inder in the person of the young Curio, loyal to his father’s friend, his step-father Antonius. 5 Other youthful nobiles am

admiral Atratinus served in Sicily in 36 B.C., sent by Antonius; for his coins, BMC, R. Rep. ii, 501; 515 f.; above, p. 23

1). He was a Calpurnius Bestia by birth. It is not quite certain that his adoptive parent was descended from noble Semproni

. (Caesar, JSC 3, 5, 3, &c). The mysterious Metellus was saved by his son after Actium (Appian, BC 4, 42, 175 ff). L. P

sinister intentions thence deduced and made public by Octavianus and his band of unscrupulous and clear-headed patriots. T

now Antonius’ acts and dispositions were not immediately exploited by his enemies at Rome. The time was not quite ripe. T

pedient and salutary belief. Octavianus was in reality the aggressor, his war was preceded by a coup d’état: Antonius had t

spare Antonius. PageBook=>271 consuls and the constitution on his side. 1 It was therefore necessary to demonstrate

Roman control and resigned it to the kingdom of Egypt. 1 Antonius in his consulate decreed the liberation of Crete; 2 and

t. 1 Antonius in his consulate decreed the liberation of Crete; 2 and his grant of the Roman franchise to the whole of Sici

ious rival, save that in Egypt he changed the dynasty and substituted his own person for the Ptolemies. Caesar Augustus was

a king in Egypt. But that does not prove the substantial identity of his policy with that of Antonius. There was Cleopatra

Queen, the father of her children who were crowned kings and queens, his dual role as Roman proconsul and Hellenistic dyna

vulnerable. Credence might be given to the most alarming accounts of his ulterior ambitions. Was it the design of Marcus

stern lands instead of the western fallen by partition to Octavianus, his policy would hardly have differed from that of An

nk and attributes of a king or a god. Years before, in the company of his Roman wife, Antonius had been hailed as the god D

arther in this direction. He had not been in Rome for six years : had his allegiance and his ideas swerved from Rome under

ction. He had not been in Rome for six years : had his allegiance and his ideas swerved from Rome under the influence of Cl

ce of Cleopatra? If Antonius be denied a complete monarchic policy of his own, it does not follow that he was merely a tool

as well as by the necessities of war. Like Caesar, he never deserted his friends or his allies. Nobler qualities, not the

the necessities of war. Like Caesar, he never deserted his friends or his allies. Nobler qualities, not the basest, were hi

ted his friends or his allies. Nobler qualities, not the basest, were his ruin. Rome, it has been claimed, feared Cleopat

r in the policy of Caesar the Dictator, but merely a brief chapter in his amours, comparable to Eunoe the wife of the princ

station of eastern monarchs and prejudice against the alien allies of his rival the low-born Amyntas, the brutal Herod and

of Antonius in the East. 1 Antonius replied with a manifesto. He took his stand upon legality and upon the plighted word of

lained that he had been excluded from raising recruits in Italy; that his own men had been passed over in the allotment of

ring a topic with moral and emotional appeal, he turned the weight of his attack upon Antonius’ alliance with the Queen of

s for the armies of the East. 4 Antonius consigned the statement of his acta and the demand for their ratification to a d

ear to the consuls designate, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus and C. Sosius, his trusted adherents. The contents of this missive m

orted it was nothing new, but had begun nine years ago: Cleopatra was his wife. As for Octavianus, what about Salvia Titise

agent Oppius to disprove paternity. 4 The Republican Messalla turned his eloquence to political advantage; 5 he was soon t

come to an end, legally at least. PageBook=>278 steps to have his position legalized. He respected the constitution

that they were afraid to divulge its contents. Antonius asked to have his acta confirmed. Among them was the conquest of Ar

nfirmed. Among them was the conquest of Armenia, a strong argument in his favour. But Armenia was outweighed by the donatio

ta of Antonius one by one, as when Pompeius requested confirmation of his ordering of the provinces and kingdoms of the Eas

rans, personal adherents and their armed bands. Returning to Rome, on his own initiative he summoned the Senate. He had dis

rs and adherents in the garb of peace, with concealed weapons. Taking his place between the two consuls, he spoke in defenc

ons. Taking his place between the two consuls, he spoke in defence of his own policy, accusing Sosius and Antonius. None da

y. 1 To prevent and coerce consuls was inexpedient, the retirement of his enemies not unwelcome. Even now, the Senate and P

, who, more honest, still employed the name, again offered to give up his powers, as he had two years before. 4 Furthermore

of Pompeia, daughter of Pompeius Magnus: but the consul of 32 may be his son by an earlier marriage (PIR2, C 1338). CN. Po

hter of Sulla. 4 Dio 50, 7, I. PageBook=>280 consuls were on his side. Antonius stood on the defensive and therefo

defensive and therefore, it might be represented, for peace. For war his prestige and his power were enormous. It is in no

erefore, it might be represented, for peace. For war his prestige and his power were enormous. It is in no way evident that

enormous. It is in no way evident that the mishap in Media had ruined his reputation, while the material damage was compens

ould soon have to make a ruinous decision. Antonius was at Ephesus; his army had recently been raised to the imposing tot

Antonius formally divorced Octavia. That act, denoting the rupture of his amicitia with Octavianus, was the equivalent of a

arriage with a foreign woman. PageBook=>281 able to retain all his partisans or prevent their adhesion to Octavianus

n Ahenobarbus and the old Caesarian Plancus, each with a following of his own. Between them was no confidence, but bitter e

Republican principle, or rather family tradition and the prospects of his own son, made him insist that the party of Antoni

winner in a famed if not fabulous wager with Antonius, and displayed his versatile talents prominently at court masques in

Yet it was not Ahenobarbus who ran away, but Plancus. Accompanied by his nephew Titius, he deserted and fled to Rome. 4 Pl

, he deserted and fled to Rome. 4 Plancus had never yet been wrong in his estimate of a delicate political crisis. The effe

us, alike in Rome and in the camp of Antonius. Yet he still kept in his company men of principle, distinction and ability

patra’s portion of Cilicia Aspera, was founded, or at least named, in his honour: this conjecture is confirmed by the exist

nor the indignation fomented about the divorce of Octavia, had served his purpose adequately. Men could see that divorce, l

use Cleopatra was passing by in her litter, that he had bestowed upon his paramour the whole library of Pergamum, no less t

Antonius, many thought it atrocious that a man should be impugned in his lifetime for posthumous dispositions. Already a s

5 No Roman however degenerate could have descended to such treason in his right mind. It was therefore solemnly asseverated

asseverated that Antonius was the victim of sorcery. 6 Antonius for his part made no move yet. Not merely because Octavia

e Octavianus had picked the quarrel to invade Italy with Cleopatra in his company would alienate sympathy and confirm the w

company would alienate sympathy and confirm the worst allegations of his enemies. Otherwise the situation appeared favoura

vourable: he was blamed for not exploiting the given advantage before his enemy created by propaganda and intimidation a un

onius 58. PageBook=>284 was compelled to secure the loyalty of his legions by paying a donative. In desperate strait

terror and alarm Octavianus resolved to secure national sanction for his arbitrary power and a national mandate to save Ro

ich I won at Actium. ’4 So Augustus wrote in the majestic memorial of his own life and deeds. When an official document rec

with tribunes’ laws and the division of lands, Scipio Aemilianus and his friends, championing Italy against the plebs of R

, friend and patron of the leading men in the communities of Italy; 5 his allies took an oath of personal loyalty, and the

h of personal loyalty, and the towns of Italy offered public vows for his safety. 6 NotesPage=>285 1 Suetonius, Divu

us fell ill at Naples in 50 B.C. Italian towns offered up prayers for his safety and passed decrees, creating a false and f

ing everything to the name of Caesar, possessed strength and glory in his own right, and implacable ambition. From the ri

ledge given by the Senate to Caesar the Dictator in the last month of his life, or the oath taken at Tibur to the consul An

ce bound followers to a political leader in a private quarrel against his enemies, his inimici, not the enemies of the Stat

owers to a political leader in a private quarrel against his enemies, his inimici, not the enemies of the State (hostes); a

ublic title honoured, the last of the monarchic faction-leaders based his rule on personal allegiance. Dux partium became p

eterans had served under Antonius, they had received their lands from his rival, regarded Caesar’s heir as their patron and

aesar’s heir as their patron and defender and were firmly attached to his clientela. For the rest, local dynasts exerted th

conjectured that no opposition confronted Maecenas at Arretium, where his ancestors had ruled as kings, that the Appuleii (

0 Antonius, the Roman imperator, wishing to secure ratification for his ordering of the East, was in himself no menace to

n reply claimed that in mutual services Antonius had been the gainer: his own conscience was clear. 1 But he refused to sup

upport the national movement. Pollio cared for Rome, for the Italy of his fathers and for his own dignity but not for any p

movement. Pollio cared for Rome, for the Italy of his fathers and for his own dignity but not for any party, still less for

xcesses of patriotic idealism and mendacious propaganda revolted both his honesty and his intellect: he had no illusions ab

otic idealism and mendacious propaganda revolted both his honesty and his intellect: he had no illusions about Octavianus a

s honesty and his intellect: he had no illusions about Octavianus and his friends in the Caesarian party, old and new, abou

duct of a patriotic war. He proceeded to declare Antonius stripped of his powers and of the consulate for the next year. Th

hlet of Pollio contra maledicta Antonii. PageBook=>292 severed his amicitia, their feud was private and personal. Bu

icitia, their feud was private and personal. But if Antonius stood by his ally, his conduct would patently stamp him as a p

eir feud was private and personal. But if Antonius stood by his ally, his conduct would patently stamp him as a public enem

e found in provincial cities like Gades and Corduba. 2 Old Balbus and his nephew were all but monarchic in their native Gad

a man of some substance if he could secure senatorial rank for two of his sons. 4 CIL 12, p. 77. 5 CIL 12, p. 77. C. Ca

PageBook=>294 THE adversary spent the winter in Greece, ready in his preparations of army and fleet, but not perhaps a

ld be no turning back. Patrae at the mouth of the Gulf of Corinth was his head-quarters. His forces, fed by corn-ships from

us. The land army under the command of Canidius comprised nineteen of his legions: the other eleven made up the garrison of

tcome and destroying the Caesarians. Time, money and supplies were on his side: he might delay and fight a battle with litt

her the enemy could transport across the Adriatic a force superior to his own—still less feed them when they arrived. Fight

aise recruits in Italy. The retreat from Media had seriously depleted his army. 2 But he made up the losses by fresh levies

ften been over-estimated. PageBook=>295 augmented the total of his legions to thirty. The new recruits were inferior

ch he mustered in Epirus was composed in the main of the survivors of his veteran legions. 1 But would Roman soldiers fight

when they contended against invaders coming from Italy. If that was his plan, it failed. Antonius had a great fleet and g

is plan, it failed. Antonius had a great fleet and good admirals. But his ships and his officers lacked recent experience o

iled. Antonius had a great fleet and good admirals. But his ships and his officers lacked recent experience of naval warfar

Agrippa captured certain posts of Antonius in the south and destroyed his lines of communication. Antonius concentrated h

uth and destroyed his lines of communication. Antonius concentrated his forces in the neighbourhood. Then all is obscure.

mpt to cut off the camp of Octavianus on the landward side and invest his position proved a signal failure. The plan had be

him—he was now encompassed and shut in. Famine and disease threatened his forces. NotesPage=>295 1 As Tarn argues, C

of the vassal princes went over to the enemy, among them Amyntas with his Galatian cavalry. Romans too departed, M. Junius

t unparalleled. 1 The ex-Republican M. Licinius Crassus may have made his peace with Octavianus about the same time—on term

ven Ahenobarbus went, stealthily in a small boat: Antonius dispatched his belongings after him. 3 Plancus and Titius had de

ory or to escape from the blockade. 5 On the morning of September 2nd his ships rowed out, ready for action. Of his admiral

he morning of September 2nd his ships rowed out, ready for action. Of his admirals, the principal were Sosius and Poplicola

us 2, 84, 2). 2 Dio 51, 4, 3. There is no indication of the date of his desertion. He had previously been with Sex. Pompe

was at work in the land-army. Canidius the commander sought to induce his soldiers to march away through Macedonia, but in

he Senate and People of Rome, the star of the Julian house blazing on his head; in the air above, the gods of Rome, contend

haste to pursue the fugitives to Egypt. Octavianus had a huge army on his hands, with many legions to be paid, demobilized

at once by Maecenas. 2 The author was a son of the relegated Lepidus: his wife, Servilia, who had once been betrothed to Oc

eased their demands. 3 Warfare would provide occupation for some of his legions. Though no serious outbreak had disturbed

Pinarius Scarpus, Antonius’ lieutenant in the Cyrenaica, surrendered his four legions and passed into the service of the v

our legions and passed into the service of the victor. 4 Antonius and his consort spent nearly a year after the disaster in

eath. After brief resistance Antonius was defeated in battle. He took his own life. The army of the Roman People entered th

order the execution of a woman. After negotiations managed through his friends Gallus and Proculeius, he interviewed the

irtue of clemency to extenuate the guilt of civil war. 3 Likewise did his heir, when murder could serve no useful purpose :

hen murder could serve no useful purpose : he even claimed that after his victory he spared all Roman citizens who asked to

d all Roman citizens who asked to be spared. 4 dementia became one of his cardinal virtues; and the historian Velleius Pate

true son of a loyal and spirited father disdained to beg for mercy :8 his mother Fulvia would have approved. There were oth

ca, De clem. 1, 9, 11 (Cinna). 8 Dio 51, 2, 5. Aquillius Florus and his son were also killed. PageBook=>300 them t

s, also perished. Loyal to Antonius, he shared in the calumny against his leader and suffered a double detraction. They sai

ded the land to the Empire of the Roman People :4 he treated Egypt as his own private and dynastic possession and governed

the year 30 and the winter following the conqueror proceeded to make his dispositions in the East. The vassal princes, wel

city tyrants. The greater vassals, however, he was eager to attach to his own clientela. 6 As heir to the power of Antonius

e did not augment their territories. It had been an essential part of his propaganda to demonstrate that Antonius bestowed

, Octavianus naturally cancelled; for the rest, when he had completed his arrangements, the territory in Asia Minor and Syr

the alien menace, imposed on Caesar’s heir in Italy for the needs of his war and not safely to be discarded in peace, was

Actium—or less relevant to the history of those years. Octavianus had his own ideas. It might be inexpedient to defy, but i

he East. It was never a serious preoccupation to its conqueror during his long rule. The menace of Parthia, like the menace

menace of Parthia, like the menace of Egypt, was merely a pretext in his policy. There was a closer danger, his own equa

ypt, was merely a pretext in his policy. There was a closer danger, his own equals and rivals, the proconsuls of the mili

urus in Spain, Dio 51, 20, 5 (under the year 29 B.C.). Calvisius held his triumph on May 26th, 28 B.C. (CIL I 2, p. 77): no

held his triumph on May 26th, 28 B.C. (CIL I 2, p. 77): none the less his command in Spain may have preceded that of Taurus

an imperatorial salutation (ILS 895). The precise nature and date of his command is not certain (see Ritterling, Fasti des

Messalla. The proconsul of Macedonia, M. Licinius Crassus, held that his successes deserved special honour: he was not all

is successes deserved special honour: he was not allowed to celebrate his triumph till July, 27 B.C. When a party has tri

ence. The period 29–27 B.C. is attractive, but 27–25 not excluded. On his habits, Seneca, Suasoriae 7, 13; Pliny, NH 14, 14

y. After Actium, the victor who had seduced in turn the armies of all his adversaries found himself in the embarrassing pos

bete. 5 The poet Virgil had brought to completion the four books of his Georgics during the War of Actium and Octavianus’

Caesar of Trojan stock, destined himself for divinity, but not before his rule on earth has restored confidence between men

e inevitable flattery of eastern lands. Like Alexander, he had spread his conquest to the bounds of the world; and he was a

himself a royal mausoleum beside the Tiber; and public sacrifices for his safety had been celebrated by a Roman consul. 3 T

n celebrated by a Roman consul. 3 The avenging of Caesar, and with it his own divine descent, was advertised by the inaugur

our was done to the founder in the years after Actium. Caesar had set his own statue in the temple of Quirinus: Caesar’s he

royed the Sullan system; and when enlisted in an emergency, he turned his powers to selfish ends. The rule of Caesar and of

ordered government, in a word, to ‘normal conditions’. Octavianus in his sixth and seventh consulates carried out certain

ng in 28 B.C Octavianus was consul for the sixth time with Agrippa as his colleague. In the previous year he had augmented

the sixth and seventh consulates he transferred the Commonwealth from his own power to the discretion of the Senate and the

discretion of the Senate and the People. By what right had it been in his hand? He indicates that it was through general co

us if it did not accommodate itself to the wishes of the chief men in his party. For loyal service they had been heavily re

elevated into the patriciate. Octavianus could count upon certain of his NotesPage=>307 1 Res Gestae 34: ‘in consul

ollio carried some authority. If the young despot were not willing of his own accord to adopt—or at least publish— some tol

lia opima, for he had slain the chieftain of the enemy in battle with his own hand, a feat that had fallen to only two Roma

no valid claim to the spolia opima because he was not fighting under his own auspices. The relevance of the dispute to the

t Octavianus took the title of imperator from Crassus and added it to his own total (51, 25, 2). A premature Athenian inscr

ianus raised, perhaps at an untimely moment, the delicate question of his own standing in public law. Like his policy, his

moment, the delicate question of his own standing in public law. Like his policy, his powers were a direct continuation of

delicate question of his own standing in public law. Like his policy, his powers were a direct continuation of the Triumvir

in, eloquent and ambitious, succumbed to imprudence or the calumny of his enemies, who no doubt were numerous. Octavianus d

w courts the Senate passed a decree against the offender. Gallus took his own life (27 B.C.). 2 The offence of Gallus is va

proconsul of Africa is not known. 2 Jerome (Chron., p. 164 h) puts his death in 27 B.C. Dio narrates the prosecution and

dically and not in clear chronological order, under the year 26 B.C.: his account of the procedure (53, 23, 7) is also vagu

ok=>310 Octavianus could tolerate misdemeanour, crime or vice in his associates, providing that his own supremacy was

olerate misdemeanour, crime or vice in his associates, providing that his own supremacy was not assailed. The precise natur

es conjecture :1 it was hardly trivial or verbal, for Suetonius ranks his fall with that of Salvidienus. Octavianus praised

den rival to the new Romulus, who tried to engross and concentrate on his own person all prestige and success in war, as an

ept it, whatever the form of the constitution and legal definition of his powers. The term ‘dux’ was familiar from its appl

ial primacy of the new Romulus was not impaired by the public acts of his sixth and seventh consulates. NotesPage=>311

and unmilitary adjective, ‘dux bone! ’2 Even later Ovid, when writing his Fasti, discovered in the word ‘dux’ a convenience

he title of ‘princeps’ and eager for warlike glory was flattered when his poets called him ‘dux’ and ‘ductor’. 4 So much

, the governing classes and Italy. But even in Italy, the Princeps by his use of ‘imperator’ as a part of his name recalled

ut even in Italy, the Princeps by his use of ‘imperator’ as a part of his name recalled his Caesarian and military characte

the Princeps by his use of ‘imperator’ as a part of his name recalled his Caesarian and military character; and he ruled th

Klio XXXI (1938), 81 ff. Ch. XXII PRINCEPS PageBook=>313 IN his sixth and seventh consulates C. Julius Caesar Oct

voted that a wreath of laurel should be placed above the door-post of his dwelling, for he had saved the lives of Roman cit

oman citizens; that in the Senate should be hung a golden shield with his virtues inscribed thereon, clemency, valour, just

blood and himself killed by Roman senators, so one legend ran, before his assumption NotesPage=>313 1 Dio 53, 12 ff.

ustus exercised such a supervision there is no doubt—but in virtue of his auctoritas. Augustus’ own words (Res Gestae 6) te

ring these exemplary manifestations. The ruler had taken counsel with his friends and allies—and perhaps with neutral polit

e was merely the equal in public law of any other proconsul. In fact, his province was large and formidable, comprising the

d to the Senate the peaceful provinces (53, 12, 2, cf. 13, 1): yet in his list of such provinces occur Africa, Illyricum an

ry Strabo (p. 840) free of anachronism. He says that Augustus took as his portion ὅση στρατɩωτɩκῆς φρουφᾶς. ἔχєɩ χρєίαν See

ood as a guarantee against any recurrence of the anarchy out of which his domination had arisen. But Augustus was to be c

. 2 Augustus claimed to have exercised no more potestas than any of his colleagues in magistracy (Res Gestae 34). An enig

3 He did not need to. As it stood, the Roman constitution would serve his purpose well enough. It is, therefore, no paradox

e derived is another question. It will be doubted whether Augustus, his counsellors or his critics scanned the records of

r question. It will be doubted whether Augustus, his counsellors or his critics scanned the records of the past with so a

nted: it was simple and easily translated. Moreover, the chief men of his party were not jurists or theorists—they were dip

as to be damaging. Pompeius Magnus governed Spain in absence through his legates. At the same time he acquired a quasi-dic

acts at home, devised to subvert or suspend the constitution, down to his third consulate and the power he held by force

by Tiberius). PageBook=>317 and lost in war. 1 His murders and his treacheries were not forgotten. 2 It would not

eration of the Republic, which in politics is the Age of Pompeius. In his youth Caesar’s heir, the revolutionary adventurer

tionary adventurer, won Pompeian support by guile and coolly betrayed his allies, overthrowing the Republic and proscribing

allies, overthrowing the Republic and proscribing the Republicans: in his mature years the statesman stole their heroes and

urse? 4 Augustus twitted him with being a Pompeian. 5 The Emperor and his historian understood each other. The authentic Po

ato, usefully legislating among the blessed dead: secretosque pios, his dantem iura Catonem. 7 NotesPage=>317 1 Ta

ulus carnifex’ (Val. Max. 6, 2, 8, cf. above, p. 27). 3 Tacitus, in his history of legislation (Ann. 3, 28), passes at on

eBook=>318 Virgil did not need to say where Caesar belonged—with his revolutionary ally or with the venerable adversar

Cicero might be more remunerative for every purpose; and the blame of his proscription was profitably laid upon Antonius, d

was not long ago—the political activity of Cicero in the last year of his life. The smooth Plancus no doubt acquiesced, add

last year of his life. The smooth Plancus no doubt acquiesced, adding his voice to the chorus. Pollio, the other ex-Antonia

. Pollio, the other ex-Antonian and former public enemy, still nursed his resentment against Cicero’s character and Cicero’

memory and the oratory of Cicero was revived some fifteen years after his death has been maintained by scholars alert to in

y scholars alert to investigate the history of ideas and institutions— his whole conception of the Roman State triumphed aft

institutions—his whole conception of the Roman State triumphed after his death, receiving form and shape in the New Republ

tise, namely De re publica, in which Scipio Aemilianus and certain of his friends hold debate about the ‘optimus status civ

re, much of it, indeed, in no way peculiar to Cicero: the speeches of his peers and rivals have all perished. That being so

e Revolution had now been stabilized. Neither the Princeps nor any of his adherents desired change and disturbance. Well mi

herents desired change and disturbance. Well might he say, when asked his verdict on Cato, that anybody who does not wish t

at end Augustus laboured, to conserve the new order, announcing it as his dearest wish to be known as the ‘optimi status au

rom Dictatorship, Cicero would be honoured by Princeps and Senate for his eloquence, consulted for his advice on weighty ma

d be honoured by Princeps and Senate for his eloquence, consulted for his advice on weighty matters—and never tempted by am

ed from Cicero he had got long ago, in the War of Mutina. In politics his mentors had been Philippus and Balbus. To retain

had been Philippus and Balbus. To retain power, however, he must base his rule upon general consent, the support of men of

class. To that end, he modified the forms of the constitution to fit his policy, his policy to harmonize with Roman sentim

hat end, he modified the forms of the constitution to fit his policy, his policy to harmonize with Roman sentiment. The for

orbitant degree; and he was Divi filius, destined for consecration in his turn. The plebs of Rome was Caesar’s inherited cl

grateful people would unfailingly elect the candidates whom Caesar in his wisdom had chosen, with or without formal commend

ies of the Roman People, in fact though not in law, and provided from his own pocket the bounty for the legionaries when th

o no man; he coined in gold and silver in the provinces; and he spent his money with ostentation and for power. The militar

or power. The military colonies in Italy and abroad were a network of his armed and devoted garrisons. Towns in Italy and t

eir patron, kings, tetrarchs and dynasts over the wide empire were in his portion as allies and clients. A citizen and a ma

tain Roman writers echoed the official description. Not so Tacitus—in his brief account of Augustus’ feigned moderation and

operate unhampered—and that it did, at least in the earlier years of his presidency. 5 Augustus’ purpose was just the reve

ate in the party councils. Augustus took what he deemed necessary for his designs, the consulate and a group of military pr

en he pleased. One thing could never change, the source and origin of his domination. When a faction seized power at Rome

himself to be consul without intermission. During the next four years his colleagues were T. Statilius Taurus, M. Junius Si

this remarkable person are highly obscure (P-W V A, 706 ff.). Nor is his nomenclature constant. Yet it is pretty clear tha

9, 11 may be identified with the ‘Licinius’ of Odes 2, 10, 1. Perhaps his full name was A. Terentius Varro Licinius Murena.

parable in extent and power. The settlement of 27 B.C. gave him for his provincia Spain, Gaul and Syria (with Syria went

ain, it appears, had been under one governor, with several legates as his subordinates. 2 Provinces so large and so impor

ry provinces. But Augustus was not surrendering power. Very different his real purpose, disguised at the time and seldom su

inces in 27 B.C. Which is not at all likely. Strabo is even worse. In his account of the original division (p. 840), Gallia

he ruler proposed to divide up the different territories comprised in his provincia and to administer them through his lega

territories comprised in his provincia and to administer them through his legates, according to the needs of the region in

ed in the year 27 B.C.—Augustus’ men should be described as legati in his provincia rather than as governors of provinces.

cius, L. Autronius Paetus and Sex. Appuleius. PageBook=>328 in his old age, twenty years from his consulate. It was

ex. Appuleius. PageBook=>328 in his old age, twenty years from his consulate. It was Sex. Appuleius, a kinsman of th

8 B.C only two of these consulars serve as legates of the Princeps in his provincia; 2 and three only, so far as known, hol

the consulate under the new order. The position of the Princeps and his restored Republic was by no means as secure and u

ts and official history sought to demonstrate. He feared the nobiles, his enemies. Consulars with armies were rivals to the

in birth or consular in rank. Not a single nobilis can be found among his legates in the first dozen years, and hardly any

lic and admitted. In the background, all the overwhelming prestige of his auctoritas, and all the vast resources of persona

Silius Nerva (cos. 20) is known; as for L, Arruntius (cos. 22), only his command at Actium is attested. L. Tarius Rufus (c

cf., however, below, p. 362, n. 2); and Vinicius had a tribe named in his honour at Corinth (L’ann. ép., 1919, 2). XXIII.

s and unique eminence of Caesar’s heir, not merely a due guarantee of his dignitas and pledge of civil concord or vested in

e Princeps. The formula then devised would serve for the present, but his New State would require yet deeper foundations. T

e more easily and more naturally. Time, oblivion and security were on his side if he removed an unpopular person and exorbi

the blessings of order and the semblance of freedom: the chief men of his party were there, Agrippa, Taurus and Maecenas, t

nd of Britain, the island first revealed to Rome and first trodden by his divine parent. 1 The design of conquering either

sought healing from Pyrenean springs and solace in the composition of his autobiography, a work suitably dedicated to Agrip

autobiography, a work suitably dedicated to Agrippa and Maecenas. In his absence, the two legates in Spain (C. Antistius V

ng and fearing in secret. On the first day of January he entered upon his eleventh consulate with Murena, a prominent parti

red upon his eleventh consulate with Murena, a prominent partisan, as his colleague. Three events a state trial, a conspira

otorious and unbridled freedom of speech, he took no pains to conceal his opinion of the exercise of auctoritas. 5 Such old

ioned libertas was fatally out of place. Murena soon fell a victim to his indiscretion, or his ambition. A conspiracy was h

tally out of place. Murena soon fell a victim to his indiscretion, or his ambition. A conspiracy was hatched or at least di

Republican. Not so Murena. Long ago Salvidienus the marshal betrayed his leader and his friend. Since that catastrophe unt

t so Murena. Long ago Salvidienus the marshal betrayed his leader and his friend. Since that catastrophe until recently the

d openly deplored the fate of Gallus; 3 and Proculeius got credit for his efforts on behalf of Murena. 4 What friends or fo

of arbitrary power, offered the consulate. 1 Piso’s acceptance sealed his acquiescence in the new dispensation. Then Augu

en Augustus broke down: undermined in Spain and temporarily repaired, his health had grown steadily worse, passing into a d

ng into a dangerous illness. Close to death, he gave no indication of his last intentions he merely handed over certain sta

erely handed over certain state papers to the consul Piso, to Agrippa his signet-ring. 2 Under their direction the governme

usa. From that date the Princeps enjoyed a robust health that baffled his doctors and his enemies. On July 1st he resigned

ate the Princeps enjoyed a robust health that baffled his doctors and his enemies. On July 1st he resigned the consulate. I

is doctors and his enemies. On July 1st he resigned the consulate. In his place a certain L. Sestius took office another ex

re taken, in the name of Caesar Augustus. The constitutional basis of his authority was altered. More important than that,

than that, official standing was conferred upon the ablest man among his adherents, the principal of his marshals M. Vipsa

s conferred upon the ablest man among his adherents, the principal of his marshals M. Vipsanius Agrippa, thrice consul. Thi

n of legates of Augustus. As for Rome, Augustus was allowed to retain his military imperium within the gates of the city. T

of an extraordinary magistracy; from July 1st 23 B.C. Augustus dated his tenure of the tribunicia potestas and added the n

tus dated his tenure of the tribunicia potestas and added the name to his titulature. This was the ‘summi fastigii vocabulu

e (Dio 52, 42, 3). 4 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 56. PageBook=>337 With his keen taste for realities and inner scorn (but pub

and 27 B.C. embodied a clear definition and ostensible restriction of his powers in that sense a return to constitutional g

ers in that sense a return to constitutional government, in so far as his authority was legal. The new settlement liberated

sleading record of Augustus’ own life and honours. The two pillars of his rule, proconsular imperium and the tribunician po

or an encumbrance; and an absent consul was an impropriety. Moreover, his continued tenure debarred others. Active partisan

prerogative. Though the ruler shunned the holding of a magistracy, his powers in public law might be described as magist

ntation but for use that the Princeps took a partner and strengthened his powers when he appeared to divide them. Before th

Two years before, Amyntas, the ruler of Galatia, in the execution of his duty of pacifying the wild tribes of the Taurus h

less invasion of Arabia in 25 B.C. (Dio 53, 29 &c); P. Petronius, his successor in 25, operated in Ethiopia (Dio 54, 5,

n of the renewal of the Republic. As a testimony of the efficiency of his mandate and even of the sincerity of his intentio

stimony of the efficiency of his mandate and even of the sincerity of his intentions, the Princeps restored certain provinc

tratinus triumphed from Africa in 21 B.C., Balbus two years later for his raid into the land of the distant and proverbial

from ordinary mankind. He liked to fancy that there was something in his gaze that inspired awe in the beholder: men could

Augustus’ character remains elusive, despite the authentic details of his sayings and habits that have been preserved, desp

which he secured the credit were in the main the work of others, and his unique primacy must not obscure the reality from

all but fatal illness the secret struggle for influence and power in his entourage grew complicated, acute and menacing. T

been employed in her brother’s interest before and knew no policy but his . She had a son, C. Marcellus. On him the Princeps

policy but his. She had a son, C. Marcellus. On him the Princeps set his hopes of a line of succession that should be not

es of a line of succession that should be not merely dynastic, but in his own family and of his own blood. Two years earlie

sion that should be not merely dynastic, but in his own family and of his own blood. Two years earlier the marriage of his

is own family and of his own blood. Two years earlier the marriage of his nephew to his only daughter Julia had been solemn

and of his own blood. Two years earlier the marriage of his nephew to his only daughter Julia had been solemnized in Rome.

attered Princeps. Rumour and intrigue began to surround the youth. At his trial, M. Primus the proconsul of Macedonia alleg

it was disquieting. However, when Augustus in prospect of death made his last dispositions, yielding powers of discretion

llus. When Augustus recovered, he offered to read out the articles of his will in order to allay suspicion. 3 The Senate re

enate refused, as was politic and inevitable. Augustus could bequeath his name and his fortune to whomsoever he pleased, bu

, as was politic and inevitable. Augustus could bequeath his name and his fortune to whomsoever he pleased, but not his imp

d bequeath his name and his fortune to whomsoever he pleased, but not his imperium, for that was the grant of Senate and Pe

m, for that was the grant of Senate and People, nor the leadership of his party Agrippa and other party-magnates would have

d political successor of Caesar the Dictator, and Octavianus, who was his heir in name and blood. The sentiments of the C

ruscan kings who flaunted in public the luxury and the vices in which his tortured inconstant soul found refuge silks, gems

s, the peculiar glory of the equestrian order modestly abiding within his station; the people might acclaim him in the thea

uld not stand as a model and an ornament in the New State. The way of his life, like the fantastical conceits of his verse,

the New State. The way of his life, like the fantastical conceits of his verse, must have been highly distasteful to Augus

tasteful to Augustus as to Agrippa. Augustus bore with the vices of his minister for the memory of his services and the s

ppa. Augustus bore with the vices of his minister for the memory of his services and the sake of his counsel. Yet the pos

vices of his minister for the memory of his services and the sake of his counsel. Yet the position of Maecenas had been co

n one version, Agrippa retired in disgust and resentment,6 in another his residence in the East is described as a mild but

baffled conspiracy by openly designating a successor. He might adopt his nephew. Such was perhaps his secret wish, perhaps

designating a successor. He might adopt his nephew. Such was perhaps his secret wish, perhaps the intention avowed to his

ew. Such was perhaps his secret wish, perhaps the intention avowed to his counsellors. It was thwarted. Agrippa’s conceptio

be, by a powerful and domestic ally, triumphed over the Princeps and his nephew. Agrippa received for himself a share in t

h that the young man should become consul at the age of twenty-three: his adoption would be catastrophic. Not merely that i

secret debate which the historian Cassius Dio composed to illuminate his account of the settlement of 28 and 27 B.C he all

n the surface all was harmony, as ever, and Agrippa continued to play his characteristic role of the loyal and selfless adj

ochus and Actium declined honours and triumphs and went quietly about his work, his reward not applause or gratitude but th

Actium declined honours and triumphs and went quietly about his work, his reward not applause or gratitude but the sense of

s Agrippa was a better Republican than all the descendants of consuls his ideal of public utility was logical and intimidat

d earlier than they could have hoped. 4 Of Agrippa, scant honour in his lifetime or commemoration afterwards. There was n

Like the subtle Maecenas and the hard-headed Livia Drusilla, he kept his secret and never told his true opinion about the

and the hard-headed Livia Drusilla, he kept his secret and never told his true opinion about the leader whom they all suppo

of the State might be described as a ‘noble servitude’. For Agrippa, his subordination was burdensome. 6 Like Tiberius aft

s burdensome. 6 Like Tiberius after him, he was constrained to stifle his sentiments. What they thought of their common tas

iis sane imperandi cupidus. ’ Compare Suetonius, Divus Aug. 66, 3, on his short temper. 2 Velleius 2, 93, 1. 3 Pliny, N

Agrippa there was a republican virtue and an ideal of service akin to his own. There was another bond. Tiberius was betro

ar’s heir, a god’s son and saviour of Rome and the world, was unique, his own justification. Continuity, however, and desig

own arrangements, however, were careful devices to ensure an heir in his own family as well; he wished to provide for a dy

and with auctoritas beyond all others, he could invite to a share in his rule allies who would not be rivals. It was har

ion of the masses a popular figure-head was desirable. Augustus, with his name and his luck, was all that and more. PageN

sses a popular figure-head was desirable. Augustus, with his name and his luck, was all that and more. PageNote. 346 (N

gustus had neither the taste nor the talent for war: Agrippa might be his minister, the organizer of victory and warden of

f a single deputy-leader was not enough. Agrippa at once proceeded to his duties. Before long Marcellus, Tiberius and Drusu

ssary, behind the façade of the constitution, behind the Princeps and his family, to build up a syndicate of government. 1

ty as Caesar’s heir recruited followers and friends from the camps of his adversaries until in the end, by stripping Antoni

istinction. 1 Caesar the Dictator augmented the Senate by admitting his partisans. Neither the measure nor the men were a

reat plebeian marshals a number had perished Salvidienus a traitor to his friend and leader, Canidius for loyalty to Antoni

aesar’s assassination and augmented yet more by Octavianus to finance his war against Antonius. 2 The spoils of victory and

patron and their defender. 2 In the year 29 B.C., about the time of his triumph, Octavianus gave a donative in money to t

f his triumph, Octavianus gave a donative in money to the veterans in his colonies. 3 No fewer than one hundred and twenty

onaries with land, Italian or provincial, which he had purchased from his own funds. After that, he instituted a bounty, pa

individual legionary was to be isolated from politics, divorced from his general and personally attached to the head of th

o neglect. Augustus remembered, rewarded and promoted the humblest of his soldiers. He defended in person the veteran Scuta

taxation provoked their resistance. The freedman Isidorus declared in his will that he suffered severe financial losses dur

e of Augustus. 8 Above all, freedmen were employed by the Princeps as his personal agents and secretaries, especially in fi

r’s officer C. Volusenus Quadratus. 1 Moreover, a proconsul chose for his agent and chief officer of intendance and supply

f Roman business men to superintend the collection of the revenues of his provinces. They were drawn from the aristocracy o

o administrative posts in Rome created by Augustus towards the end of his Principate. The praefectus annonae had charge of

d L. Aelius Seianus as an upstart, with solemn rebuke of the princess his paramour for the disgrace she brought upon her fa

luginensis. 3 By birth, Seius already possessed powerful connexions his mother was sister to Maecenas’ Terentia and to an

inceps in earlier days. Augustus, they said, once thought of giving his daughter Julia in marriage to the knight Proculei

d the policy of Caesar and of the Triumvirs: ‘occultior, non melior’, his enemies would have said. Under the new regulation

Roman knight was willing to exchange the security and the profits of his own existence for the pomp, the extravagance and

very rational distaste both Augustus’ own equestrian grandfather and his friends Maecenas and Proculeius furnished palpabl

enclature. NotesPage=>360 1 Velleius 2, III, 2 (in A.D. 7). On his family, below, p. 383 f. 2 ILS 937 (Treia); 268

with no prospect of the consulate but safe votes for the Princeps in his restored and sovran assembly of all Italy. Name

P. Vitellius from Nuceria won distinction as procurator of Augustus: his four sons entered the Senate. 5 Vespasius Pollio,

ses of the Sabine land, served in the army as an equestrian officer:6 his son became a senator, his daughter married the ta

rved in the army as an equestrian officer:6 his son became a senator, his daughter married the tax-gatherer T. Flavius Sabi

361 1 P. Paquius Scaeva of Histonium (ILS 915) describes himself on his huge sarcophagus as ‘Scaevae et Flaviae filius, C

rtain Q. Varius Geminus acquired the distinction, proudly recorded on his tomb, of being the first senator from all the Pae

bate its rhythm without any danger of reaction. The greater number of his partisans had already been promoted and rewarded.

1938), 1 f. PageBook=>367 Caesar’s liberalism is inferred from his intentions, which cannot be known, and from his a

lism is inferred from his intentions, which cannot be known, and from his acts, which were liable to misrepresentation. Of

known, and from his acts, which were liable to misrepresentation. Of his acts, one of the most significant might appear to

entation. Of his acts, one of the most significant might appear to be his augmentation of the Senate by the promotion of ad

himself of a municipal family, was true in character and in habits to his origin; Roman knights were among his most intimat

ue in character and in habits to his origin; Roman knights were among his most intimate friends and earliest partisans. In

i homines under the Principate? That is to leave out the influence of his adherents. The Princeps was not altogether a fran

udian, knew their own class better and knew its failings. His name, his ambition and his acts had denied the revolutionar

own class better and knew its failings. His name, his ambition and his acts had denied the revolutionary leader the supp

cts had denied the revolutionary leader the support of the nobiles in his youth. Before his marriage to Livia, only one des

revolutionary leader the support of the nobiles in his youth. Before his marriage to Livia, only one descendant of a consu

y were slow to forgive the man of the proscriptions. The Princeps had his revenge. He did not care to exclude any large bod

nobiles from the Senate. But the master of patronage could attach to his cause even the most recalcitrant of the nobiles;

ing to make their peace with the military dynast. Augustus bent all his efforts to attaching these young nobiles to his p

. Augustus bent all his efforts to attaching these young nobiles to his person, to his family and to the new system, with

nt all his efforts to attaching these young nobiles to his person, to his family and to the new system, with no little succ

system, with no little success. But there must be no going back upon his earlier supporters the plebs, the veterans and th

XXV. THE WORKING OF PATRONAGE PageBook=>369 THE Princeps and his friends controlled access to all positions of hon

ally established, a man became eligible to assume the quaestorship in his twenty-fifth year, the consulate in his thirty-th

to assume the quaestorship in his twenty-fifth year, the consulate in his thirty-third with alleviations for favoured relat

enewed strength from the crisis of 23 B.C., the Princeps demonstrated his security by specious surrenders in certain provin

out on a tour of the eastern provinces (22-19 B.C.), while Agrippa in his turn passed westwards and went to Gaul and Spain

and without fear. 2 What name the enemies of the government found for his behaviour has escaped record. One of them was rem

certain Egnatius Rufus when aedile several years before had organized his private slaves and other suitable individuals int

on immense favour with the mob and was elected praetor. Encouraged by his success, Rufus put forward his candidature for th

and was elected praetor. Encouraged by his success, Rufus put forward his candidature for the consulate in 19 B.C. Saturnin

per omnia gladiatori quam senatori propior’ soon paid the penalty for his popularity and his temerity. Arrested with cert

i quam senatori propior’ soon paid the penalty for his popularity and his temerity. Arrested with certain accomplices on

ost looks as though, in each year, Augustus had filled one place with his own candidate, leaving the other for free electio

been a partisan of Augustus and a military man, the first to ennoble his family, namely L. Arruntius, M. Lollius, P. Siliu

power in 32 B.C. Octavianus has sole control of patronage, advancing his own partisans, in 31-29 four novi homines and fiv

f not with dispensations the young Ahenobarbus, Ti. Claudius Nero and his brother Nero Claudius Drusus, P. Cornelius Scipio

me magistracy of the Roman Republic. The Fasti in the middle years of his Principate recall the splendour of that last effu

of consuls grew to maturity, claiming honours as of right. Again, as his own provincia gradually developed into a series o

ee State. That was left to Augustus’ successor, no doubt in virtue of his final instructions. 1 The year A.D. 14 marks the

y year. It took the compact of Luca to rob L. Domitius Ahenobarbus of his consulate in 55 B.C.4 The Roman voter, free citiz

n voter, free citizen of a free community, might elect whom he would: his suffrage went to ancestry and personality, not to

etulit, non sine ratione. ’ The examples which Seneca adduces support his contention, namely Paullus Fabius Persicus, ‘cuiu

ce cost an honest, original and scholarly lawyer, M. Antistius Labeo, his consulate. 1 With peace and prosperity polite a

irth. 2 L. Calpurnius Piso acquired more favour as a patron than from his own productions. Of the younger generation of the

ff. 5 B.C.), the son of the consul of 33 B.C. Augustus disapproved of his assiduities towards Julia, cf. Suetonius, Divus A

centurion. 6 PIR1, V 169. Horace dedicated Odes 2, 9 to Valgius; on his botanical work, Pliny, NH 25, 4. PageBook=>3

Caesarian party continued to be the certain avenue of advancement. Of his political adherents, a number were unamiable, or

Titius, Tarius and Quirinius. That was no bar. Others were not merely his allies, bound by amicitia, but in a true sense hi

rs were not merely his allies, bound by amicitia, but in a true sense his intimates and friends the Princeps regaled himsel

on holidays by playing dice with M. Vinicius and P. Silius. 2 Without his favour, no novus homo could have reached the cons

ous ties. Some, such as Paullus Fabius Maximus, may even have enjoyed his confidence. 3 They were not all trusted: yet he c

ublic complaint when inferior Valerii sought to graft themselves upon his family tree. 3 Some frauds could perhaps evade de

Claudian connexion. Livia, however, gave him no children. But Julia, his daughter by Scribonia, was consigned in wedlock a

Tiberius in turn. To receive Julia, Tiberius was compelled to divorce his Vipsania, who fell to Gallus, Pollio’s ambitious

but by no means the only near relatives of the Princeps. C. Octavius his father and his mother Atia were each twice marrie

s the only near relatives of the Princeps. C. Octavius his father and his mother Atia were each twice married. Hence anothe

PIR2 C 1102 and 1103. The younger married Paullus after the death of his wife Cornelia in 16 B.C. He died soon after and h

in 16 B.C. He died soon after and her second husband Barbatus died in his consulate. PageBook=>379 As time went on,

lured by matrimony into the family and following of the Princeps. Of his allies among the young nobiles the most able, the

le, the most eminent and the most highly prized were the two Claudii, his stepsons, then L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, L. Calpur

Caesar the Dictator) and the accomplished Paullus Fabius Maximus. By his own match with Livia, the Princeps long ago had w

social parvenu and revolutionary adventurer made himself respectable, his adherents shared in his social ascension. Agrippa

utionary adventurer made himself respectable, his adherents shared in his social ascension. Agrippa’s first wife had been o

ster of the patrician Fabius Maximus. 3 As for the upstart Quirinius, his first wife was an Appia Claudia, daughter of one

f the earliest noble supporters of the faction. 4 Then he rose higher his second was an Aemilia Lepida in whose veins ran t

1 Taurus’ son, however, married the daughter of a Cornelius Sisenna, his grandson (cos. A.D. 11) a daughter of Valerius Me

ized all the prerogatives of the nobility. The youth who had invested his patrimony for the good of the State found himself

ion to gratify soldiers and plebs, to adorn the city and to subsidize his political allies. Corruption had been banished fr

4 he thus augmented the census of no fewer than eighty men. 1 Upon his own adherents the Princeps bestowed nobility thro

geous marriages and endowment in money on a princely scale. Egypt was his , the prize upon which politicians and financiers

emory of Caesar’s generosity and Caesar’s confiscations. Augustus and his partisans inherited the estates, the parks and th

an ever-growing palace. Cicero had acquired an imposing mansion from his profits as a political advocate money from P. Sul

d, twenty-five denarii a head. 1 But Balbus began as a millionaire in his own right. Agrippa rose out of nothing: he came t

dies. 6 Lollius, officially commended for integrity, left millions to his family, not the blameless possession of inherited

that she had borne him a son. 7 Pliny, NH 9, 117 (on the wealth of his grand-daughter): ‘nec dona prodigi principis fuer

cient colleges that had lapsed for centuries was not merely a sign of his pious care for the religion of Rome. The existing

8, 14, 1. 3 Augustus records that about one hundred and seventy of his adherents in the War of Actium were rewarded with

een drawn from a small and select list indeed. The Princeps appointed his own legates. Before long the more important of hi

Princeps appointed his own legates. Before long the more important of his provinces were held by consulars, who are the pri

personal following whatever the character of the Roman constitution: his influence, checked no doubt for a long time by Au

itics; and even if Taurus could not retain under the new dispensation his right to designate a praetor every year, that did

mong the municipal aristocracies of Campania and Samnium. One side of his family, Samnite local gentry, stood by Rome in th

um: a descendant was Prefect of Egypt under Augustus. 3 On the other, his grandfather had helped Ti. Claudius Nero in the f

Minatus Magius of Aeclanum, descendant of Decius Magius of Capua, and his activities in 89 B.C., cf. Velleius 2, 16, 3; for

s of Capua, and his activities in 89 B.C., cf. Velleius 2, 16, 3; for his son, ILS 5318. M. Magius Maximus certainly came f

s and political scapegoats. The work was dedicated to the grandson of his patron. 4 The governmental party represented a

e influence of C. Sallustius Crispus. The great minister also adopted his friend’s son, who became in time the husband of t

of the poet Propertius entered the Senate. This man had married well his wife was Aelia Galla, the daughter, it may be pre

s like that Praecia to whose good offices Lucullus owed, it was said, his command in the East,1 found successors in the New

e. A court soon develops, with forms and hierarchies. The ruler has his intimates, amici and comites, so designated by te

by terms which develop almost into titles; and there are grades among his friends. 2 When the Princeps, offended, declares

hen the Princeps, offended, declares in due solemnity that he revokes his favour, the loss of his amicitia marks the end of

ed, declares in due solemnity that he revokes his favour, the loss of his amicitia marks the end of a courtier’s career, an

ss of his amicitia marks the end of a courtier’s career, and often of his life. Ceremonial observances become more complica

man State. 3 In portraiture and statuary, Augustus and the members of his house are depicted, not always quiet and unpreten

ductive, Galba himself was certainly artful: he got on very well with his stepmother, whose name he took and carried for a

her, whose name he took and carried for a time (ib., 4, 1), and, like his father, was much in demand as a match. After the

d, like his father, was much in demand as a match. After the death of his wife (an Aemilia Lepida) he withstood the matrimo

of Caligula and three times consul, colleague in the censorship with his friend the Emperor Claudius. T. Flavius Vespasian

s for that. Rome and Italy could be firmly held for the Princeps in his absence by party- dynasts without title or offici

own about it. After the first settlement Augustus in no way relaxed his control of the armies, holding the most powerful

his control of the armies, holding the most powerful of them through his own legates. Three military provinces, however, w

s, however, were governed by proconsuls. But they too were drawn from his partisans. For the present, peace and the Princip

nance of order did not fulfil the ambition of the Princeps or justify his mandate. There was hard work to be done in the pr

he frontiers, calling for a perambulatory Princeps or for consorts in his powers. In 27 B.C. Augustus had set out for the W

et out for the West without delay; and of the first fourteen years of his Principate the greater part was spent abroad, in

) and again in Spain and Gaul (16-13 B.C.). In the East, prestige was his object, diplomacy his method. 3 The threat of for

nd Gaul (16-13 B.C.). In the East, prestige was his object, diplomacy his method. 3 The threat of force was enough. The Kin

found cities and provide for the veterans. By 13 B.C. Augustus and his subordinates could show a stupendous achievement

sband of Julia, died. The widow was consigned to Agrippa. As Maecenas his enemy put it, there was no choice: Augustus must

nas his enemy put it, there was no choice: Augustus must make Agrippa his son-in-law or destroy him. 1 Then in 18 B.C. the

received a share in the tribunicia potestas. 2 The deputy was soon on his travels again and back at his work. After a sojou

icia potestas. 2 The deputy was soon on his travels again and back at his work. After a sojourn of four years as vicegerent

n money. NotesPage=>389 1 Dio 54, 6, 5. 2 Ib. 54, 12, 4f. On his powers, cf. M. Reinhold, Marcus Agrippa (1933), 9

t all was intended to fall to Agrippa and the two Claudii. Agrippa on his return from the East went to Illyricum and fought

d boys, Lucius and Gaius, the sons of Agrippa, whom he had adopted as his own. Down to 13 B.C., Augustus and Agrippa cond

d and Tiberius in exile. The government resisted the trial. For all his capacity and merits, Tiberius was not the only ge

for political or dynastic reasons, for the glory of the Princeps and his stepsons. Of the great plebeian marshals commandi

adulatory design of historians favourable to Tiberius the exploits of his peers and rivals have been passed over so as to c

s of the new dispensation Augustus held the territories and armies of his provincia through his legati pro praetore who, fo

ion Augustus held the territories and armies of his provincia through his legati pro praetore who, for reasons various and

in the pacification of its southern boundaries King Amyntas had lost his life; and though there was no permanent establish

er to nominate a proconsul in an emergency or to take a province into his charge for short or for long periods. Nor were th

11 B.C., assigns as cause the need for military protection which fits his conception of the original partition of provinces

did not have to wait too long for a province Africa or Asia might be his by the working of the lot after an interval of fi

es of the blood. Ahenobarbus was proconsul of Africa four years after his consulate; 2 Paullus Fabius Maximus and Asinius G

after an even shorter interval, perhaps of barely two years. 3 As for his own province, the Princeps was not restricted in

3 As for his own province, the Princeps was not restricted in any way his especial favourites, Tiberius and Drusus, command

ied in active warfare. The proconsul could choose ‘viri militares’ as his legates. Piso was not himself a soldier, but he t

perience. 2 Another Pompeian from Picenum, Afranius, had served under his patron continuously, in the Spanish wars and agai

te gained by a man described as a ‘vir militaris’, and destined after his consulate to govern one of the great military pro

accident, for the Princeps intended that the military achievements of his rule should be glorified at the expense of their

there may have been no separate legate for Syria during the period of his sojourn as vicegerent of the eastern lands (17-13

n 13 B.C. M. Titius, who possessed a long experience of the East from his Antonian days, appears then to have been appointe

Antonian days, appears then to have been appointed legate in Syria:1 his successor was the trusty and competent C. Sentius

ot so strong. Cf. n. 8. 2 Josephus, AJ 16, 344, &c. The date of his command is probably 9–6 B.C. (P-W I A, 1519 ff.).

oconsul of Asia, then legate again, of Syria. This would fit Piso and his Bellum Thracicum quite well; but Quirinius is sti

a long career of faithful service to Augustus and to the State. Among his achievements (perhaps before his consulate) was a

to Augustus and to the State. Among his achievements (perhaps before his consulate) was a campaign against the Marmaridae,

ling to the south of Cyrene. 1 At some time in the twelve years after his consulate Quirinius governed Galatia and subdued

2 In A.D. 2, after the disgrace and death of Lollius, Quirinius took his place with C. Caesar. 3 Three or four years later

ll but disastrous for Rome, and remained for two years at the head of his army till the insurgents were overcome. 6 Thoug

tructive and impressive. Quirinius was certainly the first senator of his family, so perhaps was Lollius. Silvanus and Piso

SEG VI, 646 (a dedication to Silvanus at Attaleia in Pamphylia). For his proconsulate of Asia, IGRR IV, 1362 (nr. Thyatira

lyricum and on the Rhine, a more searching trial for the Princeps and his party when Drusus was dead and Tiberius in exile.

nd the Syrian governorship to which P. Quinctilius Varus passed after his proconsulate of Africa. 3 There was also fighting

had by now been fused into one. Which is not unlikely. As for Varus, his proconsulate of Africa probably belongs To 7–6 B.

r Varus, his proconsulate of Africa probably belongs To 7–6 B.C., and his governorship of Syria (Josephus, AJ 17, 89) begin

prosecuted the programme of public works. Statilius Taurus completed his amphitheatre and Cornificius rebuilt the temple o

nia. 3 The charge of other roads radiating from Rome, fell to some of his generals who had recently celebrated triumphs bot

atina. 4 Agrippa’s affectionate care for aqueducts did not lapse with his memorable aedileship, but was sustained till his

s did not lapse with his memorable aedileship, but was sustained till his death, with the help of a large staff of slaves a

racies, like the offices of aedile and censor. Two incidents hardened his policy. In 22 B.C. he secured the appointment o

public buildings. 3 When Agrippa died in 12 B.C. the State took over his trained staff; of the cura aquarum thus officiall

constituted the first president was Messalla. He held the post until his death. Ateius Capito followed, then the aged Tari

, 11. PageBook=>404 Ten years later, when Augustus departed on his second visit to the provinces of the West, Statil

whom the office became a standing institution. 2 In these ways, by his own efforts and by the creation of special offici

re triumphs. At the most, a stray proconsul of Africa, fighting under his own auspices, might assume the title of imperator

denied. Military glory was jealously engrossed by the Princeps and his family. The soldiers were his own clients it was

jealously engrossed by the Princeps and his family. The soldiers were his own clients it was treason to tamper with them. H

ave permission obtained. 1 Nor could he now discover fields to spread his personal influence. No governor now was able to e

governor now was able to enlist whole communities and wide regions in his clientela. 2 Descendants of Pompeius survived: no

y for the government. The last proconsul with a priest consecrated to his worship was L. Munatius Plancus; 3 and the last t

crated to his worship was L. Munatius Plancus; 3 and the last to give his name to commemorative games was Paullus Fabius Ma

he Princeps encroaches everywhere, grasping more and more. He retains his imperium in the city of Rome ; 2 he controls admi

suls. 6 Augustus had frequent resort to the People for the passing of his laws. But the practice of comitial legislation so

now decided in secret by a few men. 1 He is right. If Augustus wished his rule to retain the semblance of constitutional li

onstrated. The domination of Pompeius gave a foretaste of secret rule his Mytilenean client Theophanes was an intriguer as

ytilenean client Theophanes was an intriguer as well as an historian; his friend, the affluent senator Lucceius, gave value

debate or none at all, and prominent dignitaries waited muttering on his threshold, the Dictator quietly worked out his pl

es waited muttering on his threshold, the Dictator quietly worked out his plans in the company of his intimates. Octavianus

hreshold, the Dictator quietly worked out his plans in the company of his intimates. Octavianus inherited the policy and no

et counsel and secret diplomacy; and the Princeps retained unimpaired his native distrust of oratory, of democracy and of p

cared to justify the various bodies of advisers that are attested in his Principate. No sooner was the Free State restored

to change every six months. 1 It appears to have persisted throughout his reign, being especially useful in the last years,

ispus, who inherited the name, the wealth and the luxurious tastes of his great-uncle, the Sabine historian and moralist. L

reum in the city of Beneventum. 2 He also formed the habit of feeding his lampreys with living slaves. The scandal of the f

was too much even for Augustus, notoriously indulgent to the vices of his friends. 3 Yet Vedius Pollio had once been usef

here. Moreover, it was no doubt only the residue of the revenues from his own provinces that Augustus paid into the aerariu

s that Augustus paid into the aerarium, which he also subsidized from his own private fortune. 7 Augustus had huge sums of

ed from his own private fortune. 7 Augustus had huge sums of money at his disposal he paid the bounty to discharged soldier

ii was kept by Augustus, to be divulged only if and when he handed in his accounts to the State. 9 NotesPage=>410 1

io of Vedius Pollio. His name occurs on coins of Tralles, and perhaps his portrait also, cf. BMC, Greek Coins: Lydia, 338.

uccumbed to a political intrigue, the second had been unsuccessful in his invasion of Arabia. More modest and more useful m

a reputation for independence. The eloquent Messalla may have played his part along with the diplomatic Plancus. It was Me

ter introduced the decree of the Senate naming Augustus the Father of his Country. 3 Religion, law and literature all cam

to the antiquarian, the administrator or the politician, even though his character and habits were the reverse of sacerdot

annonae. 2 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 7. His son was at once appointed to be his colleague, ib. 1, 24. 3 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 5

ed little in comparison with the fact that the Princeps, in virtue of his imperium controlled the greater number of the mil

re the clients of the Princeps, and they knew it. Their kingdoms were his gift, precarious and revocable. When Herod the Gr

m. Lollius was not famed for service in eastern provinces only. After his consulate he governed Macedonia and Gaul in succe

nother followed before long, and Augustus loudly lamented the loss of his two most trusty counsellors, Agrippa and Maecenas

Book=>414 The historian might with no less propriety have turned his talents to the elucidation of the ‘constitutional

comparable to her kinswoman Servilia. When Augustus took counsel with his consort, he was careful to set down his views in

en Augustus took counsel with his consort, he was careful to set down his views in writing beforehand. The dominance of Liv

ved a long curtain-lecture. On the following day he summoned Cinna to his presence and delivered a hortatory address, inspi

e, not so much to Augustus, as to the Republican Tiberius, mindful of his Pompeian ties (below, p. 424 f.). PageBook=>

(below, p. 424 f.). PageBook=>415 The Princeps, the members of his family and his personal adherents were the real g

f.). PageBook=>415 The Princeps, the members of his family and his personal adherents were the real government. The

on of the Princeps’ statute and the conferment of special powers upon his deputy proceeded without any unfortunate incident

Princeps’ powers lapsed he might designate, but he could not appoint, his heir. When the Principate was first transmitted t

and again. The garrison of the city imposed Claudius in succession to his nephew Caligula, when Rome lacked a government fo

certain military men who constrained Nerva to adopt and designate as his successor M. Ulpius Traianus, the governor of Upp

. Ulpius Traianus, the governor of Upper Germany. 1 Trajan himself in his lifetime gave no unequivocal indication of his ul

y. 1 Trajan himself in his lifetime gave no unequivocal indication of his ultimate intentions. Rumour asserted that the ado

n of Hadrian was managed, when Trajan was already defunct, by Plotina his wife and by the Prefect of the Guard. 2 It is e

and by the Prefect of the Guard. 2 It is evident that Augustus and his confidential advisers had given anxious thought t

had thwarted the dynastic ambitions of the Princeps in the matter of his nephew Marcellus. Their triumph was brief and tra

e the instruments of Augustus in ensuring the succession for heirs of his own blood. Julia was to provide them. In 21 B.C

son, Lucius, followed in 17 B.C. the Princeps adopted the two boys as his own. In all, this fruitful union produced five ch

The marriage was unwelcome, so gossip asserted. Tiberius dearly loved his own plebeian Vipsania. 1 The sober reserve of his

berius dearly loved his own plebeian Vipsania. 1 The sober reserve of his nature was ill matched with the gay elegance of J

beneficial to the Roman People? Of that, a patriotic Roman might have his doubts. The New State was fast turning into the N

ition of Tiberius became irksome; and some spoke of estrangement from his wife, embittered by the politic necessity of pres

rators. For the rest, Augustus could rely on Tiberius’ submission and his own prestige. 3 Tiberius had conquered Illyricum

the dynasty, the rule of the young princes was to be consolidated in his absence, at his expense and at the expense of the

e rule of the young princes was to be consolidated in his absence, at his expense and at the expense of the Roman People. I

olted. Obdurate against the threats of Augustus and the entreaties of his mother, he persisted in his intention to abandon

threats of Augustus and the entreaties of his mother, he persisted in his intention to abandon public life and showed the s

ed in his intention to abandon public life and showed the strength of his determination by a voluntary fast. They could not

tired to the island of Rhodes, where he remained in exile, nourishing his resentment upon a diet of science and letters. Hi

yield to Augustus but not in all things. His pride had been wounded, his dignitas impaired. But there was more than that.

ointment made the first man in the Empire next to the Princeps refuse his services to the Roman People. The purpose of Au

stus was flagrant, and, to Tiberius, criminal. It was not until after his departure that Augustus revealed the rapid honour

uld be made consul. 2 Augustus expressed public disapproval and bided his time with secret exultation. 3 In the next year i

and three years later the same distinction was proclaimed for Lucius, his junior by three years. The Senate voted Gaius thi

rinceps. 1 To Gaius and Lucius in a private letter Augustus expressed his prayer that they should inherit his position in t

private letter Augustus expressed his prayer that they should inherit his position in their turn. 2 That was too much. Ti

ived aristocracy of the New State would have reached the consulate in his thirty- third year, like his peers in that genera

tate would have reached the consulate in his thirty- third year, like his peers in that generation of nobiles. Privilege an

cy of the Roman People upon an untried youth in the twentieth year of his age, that was much more than a contradiction of t

ing very different. Tiberius dwelt at Rhodes. His career was ended, his life precarious. Of that, none could doubt who st

n character. It took an astrologer, the very best of them, to predict his return. 3 Much happened in that dark and momentou

iuvenum princeps, deinde future senum. ’ The colony of Pisa, mourning his death, describes him as ‘iam designa|tu[m i]ustis

control, or he may be removed by death. For the moment, Augustus had his way. He was left in 6 B.C. with the two boys, t

us had his way. He was left in 6 B.C. with the two boys, the one in his fourteenth, the other in his eleventh year. The P

n 6 B.C. with the two boys, the one in his fourteenth, the other in his eleventh year. The Princeps had broken loose from

ar. The Princeps had broken loose from the Caesarian party, alienated his deputy and a section at least of his adherents. W

m the Caesarian party, alienated his deputy and a section at least of his adherents. While Augustus lived, he maintained pe

the shock of Tiberius’ departure. 1 Not at all: both the Princeps and his party were strong enough to stand the strain. Tho

iles, the peers and rivals of Tiberius, gain splendour and power from his eclipse. Depressed and decimated by war and revol

ssumed the stature of a monarch and the sure expectation of divinity: his sons were princes and would succeed him. The aris

mbition of the nobiles might have appeared the most serious menace to his rule. On the contrary, it proved his surest suppo

eared the most serious menace to his rule. On the contrary, it proved his surest support. NotesPage=>419 1 Velleius

ia Neronem urbis. ’ PageBook=>420 When Cinna conspired against his life or was suspected of conspiracy Augustus quie

been. Though the nobiles despised the origin of Augustus, remembered his past and loathed his person, they could neither c

iles despised the origin of Augustus, remembered his past and loathed his person, they could neither compete with the Divi

t office, after a lapse of eighteen years, with L. Cornelius Sulla as his colleague. From that year the practice of appoint

dus, cos. A.D. 6. PageBook=>421 But with Augustus dying before his sons attained their majority, a Council of Regenc

er of collateral connexions, the husbands or the sons of the women of his house. Most of them were already of consular rank

he Princeps, whose glorification he had assiduously propagated during his proconsulate of Asia; 3 and he drew the bond tigh

nsulate of Asia; 3 and he drew the bond tighter by giving in marriage his daughter Fabia Numantina to the son of Sex. Appul

s (the husband of the younger Antonia) and the successive consorts of his daughter Julia. Ahenobarbus held in succession th

There was more in him than that either prudence or consummate guile: his name finds record in no political transactions, i

ulcated a rational distaste for politics and adventure two members of his family perished in the wars of Marius and Sulla;

e two members of his family perished in the wars of Marius and Sulla; his grandfather, the enemy of both Caesar and Pompeiu

ther, the enemy of both Caesar and Pompeius, had fallen at Pharsalus; his father was the great Republican admiral. The Ae

d two wives, Cornelia and the younger Marcella. Paullus was now dead; his two sons by Cornelia, L. Aemilius Paullus (cos. A

em were artfully interlocked with the descendants of Augustus through his daughter Julia, Germanicus being betrothed to Agr

ellectual promise. But even he could serve the political ambitions of his grandmother; so the young Claudius, after losing

cal ambitions of his grandmother; so the young Claudius, after losing his bride Livia Medullina, married Urgulanilla, the d

. Plautius Silvanus, a politician to whom the notorious friendship of his mother with Livia brought promotion and a career.

nzer, RA, 36ff. One of them was colleague with Ap. Claudius Caecus in his famous censorship. It is assumed by Münzer that M

ns are exceedingly complicated. He was married at least twice (one of his wives was probably a Calpurnia, CIL VI, 29782); M

); Messallinus (cos. 3 B.C.) and Cotta Messallinus (cos. A.D. 20) are his sons, Messalla Barbatus Appianus (cos. 12 B.C.) p

successful novi homines M. Lollius (Tacitus, Ann. 12, 22) and Taurus: his daughter married T. Statilius Taurus, cos. A.D. 1

hough not seeking closer relationship with the reigning dynasty. From his father Piso inherited, along with the love of let

so was a neutral, commanding repute and even, perhaps, a following of his own. 2 Like the Cornelii Lentuli, Piso was no ene

ellent L. Volusius Saturninus will not have forgotten altogether that his father had married a relative of Tiberius. 4 Many

us Piso (cos. 23 B.C.) had been a Republican but rallied to Augustus; his son, a man of marked and truly Republican indepen

as twice married. M. Licinius Crassus Frugi (cos. A.D. 27) was one of his sons, adopted, it appears, by the mysterious M. L

468). 3 Varus was related to the Nonii (see the previous note); and his sister was the mother of P. Cornelius Dolabella (

ribonia, who intermarried with certain Livii, kinsfolk of Tiberius on his mother’s side. 2 The family of L. Arruntius (cos.

lvisius, Cornificius and others had disappeared. Taurus was dead, and his son did not live to reach the consulate, but the

ntius (cos. A.D. 6) is called L. Arruntius Camillus Scribonianus; and his son in turn is described as the ‘a[bnepos]’ or ‘a

er of Messalla Corvinus. See further above, p. 423, n. 1. 5 Through his first wife Appia Claudia (CIL VI, 15626), sister

5; Tacitus, Ann. 1, 10; 4, 44. Velleius (2, 100, 4) says that he took his own life. The difference is not material. 3 Vel

. ’ 4 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 53: ‘sollers ingenio et prave facundus. ’ On his literary accomplishments, P-W 11 A, 1372. 5 For

peteret. ’ This purports to derive from Augustus’ accusations against his daughter. The same source can be detected in Plin

ans. ’ PageBook=>427 Augustus was bitter and merciless because his moral legislation had been baffled and mocked in

erciless because his moral legislation had been baffled and mocked in his own family. Yet he could have dealt with the matt

What induced him to court public scandal and sanction the disgrace on his daughter? The influence and hand of Livia might

. 1 As a politician, Augustus was ruthless and consequent. To achieve his ambition he would coolly have sacrificed his near

d consequent. To achieve his ambition he would coolly have sacrificed his nearest and dearest; and his ambition was the unh

ambition he would coolly have sacrificed his nearest and dearest; and his ambition was the unhindered succession to the thr

not from tenderness for Tiberius. It may be that through the ruin of his daughter he sought finally to make Tiberius harml

the ruin of his daughter he sought finally to make Tiberius harmless, his own sons secure. Though absent, Tiberius still ha

absent, Tiberius still had a following; though an exile he still held his tribunicia potestas; and he was still the Princep

was still the Princeps’ son-in-law. Augustus might think that he knew his Tiberius. Still, he preferred to run no risks. Th

e. Tiberius was not consulted; when he knew, he vainly interceded for his wife. Augustus was unrelenting. He at once dispat

been anomalous. It now became doubtful and perilous. In the next year his tribunicia potestas lapsed. Augustus did not rene

that was not enough. Gaius was sent out, accompanied by M. Lollius as his guide and counsellor1 it would never do if an amb

nced youth embroiled the Empire in the futility of a Parthian War. On his staff there was a varied company that included L.

ius Paterculus. 2 Tiberius came to Samos with due submission to pay his respects to the kinsman who had supplanted him; h

respects to the kinsman who had supplanted him; he returned again to his retreat after a cool reception. Lollius was all

tonius, Tib. 8. PageBook=>429 In the meantime Gaius prosecuted his travels. In A.D. 2 the Roman prince conferred wit

Lollius the ‘comes et rector’ fell abruptly from favour and died, of his own hand, so it was reported. Everybody rejoiced

and died, of his own hand, so it was reported. Everybody rejoiced at his death, says Velleius, a contemporary witness and

aps be held confirmed rather than refuted by Horace’s eager praise of his disinterested integrity. 4 The apparent conflict

a trifling defeat, soon repaired but magnified beyond all measure by his detractors. 5 In the following year Augustus came

who had paid assiduous court to the exile of Rhodes without impairing his own advancement. 6 NotesPage=>429 1 Vellei

;429 1 Velleius 2, 102, 1 f. 2 As Cn. Piso (cos. 7 B.C.) found to his cost when trying to control Germanicus. 3 Pliny

. ’ Shortly after this, probably in A.D. 3, he got Aemilia Lepida for his wife. Groag suspects that Livia had something to

behaviour of C. Caesar. 1 The position of Tiberius improved, though his political prospects grew no brighter. His spiri

have been broken. He had already begged to be allowed to return, and his plea had been reinforced by the repeated interces

urn, and his plea had been reinforced by the repeated intercession of his mother. Until the fall of Lollius, Augustus remai

e as a private citizen. Even though the other Caesar, Lucius, when on his way to Spain succumbed to illness and died at Mas

a a few days after Tiberius’ return, the Claudian was not restored to his dignitas. 2 No honour, no command in war awaited

nd shattered Augustus’ ambition of securing the succession for one of his own blood. He had surmounted scandal and conspira

ess towards Julia and the five nobiles her allies; and in A.D.I, when his son and heir was consul, he came safely through t

taste for the life of active responsibility to which he was doomed by his implacable master:4 it is alleged that he asked f

hoice now. Augustus adopted Tiberius. The words in which he announced his intention revealed the bitter frustration of his

n which he announced his intention revealed the bitter frustration of his dearest hopes. 1 They were not lost upon Tiberius

rest hopes. 1 They were not lost upon Tiberius or upon the principes, his rivals. In this emergency Augustus remained true

outh who perpetuated the descent of the municipal Octavii, Germanicus his brother’s son, grandson of Octavia. Further, the

People when the Claudian returned to power, no testimony exists. 2 In his own order and class, it will be presumed, no lack

ho omits Ahenobarbus and is as cool about the services of Vinicius as his personal attachment to the family of that general

ral. 5 After two campaigns he passed to Illyricum. In the interval of his absence, the power of Rome had been felt beyond t

as still averted by the continuous miracle of Augustus’ longevity. If his death occurred in the midst of the frontier troub