which a revolutionary leader arose in civil strife, usurped power for himself and his faction, transformed a faction into a nat

matic unity at the expense of truth. However talented and powerful in himself , the Roman statesman cannot stand alone, without

patrician Cornelii with their numerous branches. Sulla the Dictator, himself a patrician and a Cornelius, did his best to rest

victory for Sulla and became consul with him in 80 B.C. The Dictator himself had taken a Metella to wife. The next pair of con

ttle of the Colline Gate. The son of a competent orator and assiduous himself as an advocate, though not brilliant cautious and

worked for the restitution of Cicero, and at length achieved it. For himself , after a famine in Rome, perhaps deliberately enh

ces and exercised indirect control over the rest; and he arrogated to himself the power of the whole board of tribunes. Procons

s, entangled in the embrace of perfidious allies: or, as he called it himself , patriotic submission to the needs of the Commonw

f the dynast Crassus. Further, a Scipio, almost the last of his line, himself the grandson of a Metella, had passed by adoption

erstitious, in his person the symbol and link of the whole coalition: himself the son of a Caecilia Metella and husband of a Se

wife to Pompeius’ elder son, another to Cato’s nephew Brutus. 3 Cato himself had not reached the consulate, but two consulars

liberties of the Roman People. But that was not the plea which Caesar himself valued most it was his personal honour. His ene

cero’s hopes of res publica constituia were soon dashed. The Dictator himself expressed alarming opinions about the res publica

first appearance in Rome. The young man had to build up a faction for himself and make his own way along the road to power, beg

iditates. ’ 5 Cicero, Phil. 1, 38 and Ad fam. 10, 1, 1, adapting to himself the phrase ‘satis diu vel naturae vixi vel gloria

remedy but a source of greater ills to the Commonwealth, the Dictator himself observed. 1 His judgement was vindicated in blood

ent of a faction goes beyond the wishes of his allies and emancipates himself from control, he may have to be dropped or suppre

and the Jews, nations born to servitude. 1 For that enormity Gabinius himself was sacrificed to the publicani. Pompeius could

ed in forgetting his origin, improving his prospects and ingratiating himself with the nobility to find time to secure the prom

me to secure the promotion of deserving friends to the station he had himself so arduously attained. For protection against h

a common soldier Ventidius rose to be an army contractor and attached himself to Caesar the proconsul as an expert manager of s

y of the bankrupts and terrorists; 2 while Pompeians and their leader himself , when war broke out, made savage threats of Sulla

d Lucullus, naming him ‘the Roman Xerxes’:2 he was an Oriental despot himself . In the West, in the Gallic provinces at least,

rian faction. But Pompeius had enemies in Spain, and Caesar both made himself known there and in absence conferred benefits upo

t in Africa the adventurer P. Sittius, who had built up a kingdom for himself , was mindful of old Catilinarian memories. Neithe

d not rise to a king, but they did their best, producing that Brutus, himself of Tarquin blood, who expelled the tyrants and be

n State. He glorified the memory of Cato and of Marius but it was for himself , as though they were his own ancestors. 3 He desi

of disorder was a certain Herophilus (or Amatius), who sought to pass himself off as a grandson of C. Marius. The Liberators de

avius, Brutus’ friend, approached Atticus with an invitation to place himself at the head of a consortium of bankers. 5 Atticus

3 Bribery and forged decrees, of course, it was whispered. But Cicero himself hoped to profit, tirelessly urging the interests

it was easy to pretend that Antonius strove from the beginning to set himself in the place of the Dictator and succeed to sole

partisan interpretation. Though Antonius may not have desired to set himself in’ Caesar’s place, he is not thereby absolved fr

ed, as the Liberators themselves were well aware. Antonius occupied himself with the allotment of lands and the founding of m

ens dives’. 3 For these relationships, see Table III at end. Balbus himself , on the maternal side, was a near relative of Pom

us, Divus Iulius 83, 1). PageBook=>113 faction took to calling himself ‘Imperator Caesar’. 1 After the first constitutio

revolutionary years the heir of Caesar never, it is true, referred to himself as ‘Octavianus’; the use of that name, possessing

low him to address the People. By the middle of the month, the consul himself was back in Rome. An unfriendly interview followe

Senate and gave his enemies a pretext for action. Thus he was to find himself attacked on two fronts, by a radical demagogue an

on the policy of Antonius. The consul had already decided to take for himself a special provincial command. Further, alarmed by

Caesar retained over the populace. The heir of Caesar at once devoted himself to Caesarian propaganda. Games and festivals we

n the military colonies of Italy. While at Apollonia, Octavianus made himself known to the soldiers and officers of Caesar’s gr

as without dangerous indulgence in chivalry or clemency; he perfected himself in the study of political cant and the practice o

treacheries of Octavianus were conscious and consistent. To assert himself against Antonius, the young revolutionary needed

empt and rejoiced1 as though it suited the plans of Octavianus to rid himself of Antonius in this summary and premature fashion

he eastern coast of Italy towards Cisalpine Gaul, or to march on Rome himself ? 2 Octavianus took the supreme risk and set out

of Roman politicians, whatever his age or party, must expect to find himself assailed, and the traditional contempt which the

ry venture has been narrated as the deed and policy of Octavianus. In himself that young man had not seemed a political factor

saris 7, 16). The gentilicium‘Vipsanius’ is exceedingly rare. Agrippa himself preferred to drop it (Seneca, Controv. 2, 4, 13).

father had been active as a business man in Greece. Mindius enriched himself further by the purchase of confiscated estates: h

er the imminent threat of civil war or during the contest. He exerted himself for mediation or compromise then and later, both

lusions about Pompeius, little sympathy with his allies. Yet he found himself , not unnaturally, on the side of Pompeius, of the

air. Pharsalus dissolved their embrace. Cicero was persuaded to avail himself of the clemency and personal esteem of the victor

resolute defence of the Republic. But Cicero as yet had not committed himself to any irreparable feud with Antonius or to any d

recognized that the youth was to be encouraged and kept from allying himself with Antonius; 3 in July, Octavianus became a fac

l vera gloria dulcius. ’ PageBook=>144 must have congratulated himself on his refusal to be lured into a premature champ

n about the ideal statesman. Political failure, driving him back upon himself , had then sought and created consolations in lite

ime had deceived excellent and unsuspecting persons, including Cicero himself . 7 So the orator, when defending Caelius the wayw

. 9 Asconius, 63 (p. 72, Clark). 10 Ib. 14 (p. 16, Clark). Cicero himself describes the Epicureans, Siro and Philodemus, as

igarchs, turned his arms against the government ‘in order to liberate himself and the Roman People from the domination of a fac

a faction’. 3 The term was not novel. Nobody ever sought power for himself and the enslavement of others without invoking li

a cognomen that symbolized his undying devotion to the cause, calling himself ‘Magnus Pompeius Pius’. 3 Caesar’s son showed his

rotection of his army. A youth inspired by heroism levies an army for himself . So Caesar and Pompeius, the precedents for Caesa

ther or no they had been implicated in the Ides of March. Like Brutus himself , many of these nobiles had abandoned the cause of

writing to Cassius, asserted, could be called statesmen and patriots himself , L. Piso and P. Servilius. 8 From the rest nothin

done, and Antonius, his rights and his prestige respected, might show himself amenable to an accommodation. Seven years before

for Antonius was in effect a public enemy and beyond the law. Cicero himself had always been an advocate of peace. But this wa

m Gallorum some seven miles south-east of Mutina. In the battle Pansa himself was wounded, but Hirtius arriving towards evening

ion, but equal to his station and duty. The great Antonius extricated himself only after considerable loss. Octavianus, in the

and his army were unreliable. So Plancus turned back and established himself at Cularo (Grenoble). There he waited for D. Brut

If a consul was required, what more deserving candidate than Cicero himself ? About the time of the Battle of Forum Gallorum

le and poverty too much. Cicero, for all his principles, accommodates himself to servitude and seeks a propitious master. Brutu

es. ’ 2 Ib.: ‘atqui non esse quam esse per ilium praestat. ’ Cicero himself in the previous November had written μηδ σωθϵίην

f Romulus, the founder of Rome. 3 The day was August 19th. Octavianus himself was not yet twenty. NotesPage=>172 1 Appia

he cause of the Republic. 2 The others were of no importance. Lepidus himself , however, was to have a second consulate in the n

‘foundation-members’ being Agrippa and Salvidienus Rufus. Octavianus himself had only recently passed his twentieth birthday:

he cult in the towns of Italy. 2 The young Caesar could now designate himself ‘Divi filius’. Under the sign of the avenging o

now had to sever the ties of friendship, class and country, and bring himself to inflict the penalty of death upon the brother

the institution of the proscriptions he knew where he stood. Brutus himself was no soldier by repute, no leader of men. But o

numbered with Cato, with Brutus and with Cassius: he had surrendered himself to Octavianus and he would pay for his folly in t

he share of Caesar’s heir was arduous, unpopular and all but fatal to himself . No calculation could have predicted that he woul

us and a number of Antonian or Republican partisans, the consul threw himself into the strong city of Perusia and prepared to s

it is said, of one man, an astute person who in Rome had secured for himself a seat upon the jury that condemned to death the

d to defend the landed class in Italy from the soldiery; and Antonius himself had been inactive during the War of Perusia. His

uring the War of Perusia. His errors had enabled Octavianus to assert himself as the true Caesarian by standing for the interes

nd; but Marcellus was born two years earlier. 6 In 40 B.C. Octavianus himself , it is true, had contracted a marriage with Scrib

recognition was added compensation in money and future consulates for himself and for Libo. The proscribed and the fugitives we

consulars Pollio, Plancus and Ventidius. Not to mention Ahenobarbus, himself the leader of a party. The majority of the Republ

s, the King’s son, and by the renegade Roman, Q. Labienus, who styled himself Tarthicus imperator’,4 the horsemen swept over Sy

ifices when consulted gave a politic response, and the husband showed himself complaisant. The marriage was celebrated at once,

f a small-town banker had joined the Julii by adoption and insinuated himself into the clan of the Claudii by a marriage. His p

the examples of a father and a grandfather, not hastening to declare himself too openly for his step-brother Octavianus: his f

as varied and confused. Agrippa won a victory at Mylae but Octavianus himself was defeated in a great battle in the straits, es

s hands a richer prey. A strange delusion now urged Lepidus to assert himself . Plinius Rufus, a lieutenant of Pompeius, pent up

the practice of putting a military title before his own name, calling himself ‘Imperator Caesar’. 8 The Senate and People for

of liberty. The young military leader awoke to a new confidence in himself . Of his victories the more considerable part, it

identification, the latter is probably L. Cornelius Cinna. Of Balbus himself , nothing is recorded between 40 and 19 B.C. 7 D

uff. 37); he owed his advancement to the patronage of Calvisius, like himself of non-Latin stock. 3 The name of Statilius recal

Of the former, the chances grew daily less as Octavianus emancipated himself from the tutelage of Antonius; and Octavia had gi

f. 35, and perhaps L. Cornelius, cos. suff. 38. 3 Not only Messalla himself , consul with Octavianus for the year 31, but two

ignoble ease or the pursuits of agriculture and hunting,3 he devoted himself to history, a respectable activity. 4 After monog

ight with propriety occupy his leisure in recording momentous events, himself no mean part of them, or in digesting the legal a

o, however, who had ties with the new poets, survived to write verses himself and extend his patronage to others. Under the rul

he most military of them all, lay low, aged but not decrepit: true to himself , he had just grasped possession of all Galatia, m

ncerned Roman politics, the rival Caesarian leader or even the parent himself . Antonius now acknowledged paternity. The mother

mainder of the northern frontier clamoured to be regulated, as Caesar himself had probably seen, by fresh conquests in the Balk

a foreign danger that menaced everything that was Roman, as Antonius himself assuredly did not. 1 The propaganda of Octavianus

orld. NotesPage=>275 1 Tarn (CAH x, 76) concedes that Antonius himself was not a danger to Rome. 2 Horace, Odes 1, 37,

Antonius should be Roman, not regal. Not so Munatius Plancus, who set himself to win the favour of Cleopatra, pronounced her th

ds of Mars, the Roman name, the toga and eternal Vesta! 1 But Horace, himself perhaps no son of Italian stock, was conveniently

, wishing to secure ratification for his ordering of the East, was in himself no menace to the Empire, but a future ruler who c

partisan, Valerius Messalla; and he was to wage Rome’s war as consul himself , for the third time. Antonius was not outlawed th

fused battle or after defeat was forced back into harbour. 1 Antonius himself with forty ships managed to break through and fol

in without delay. He had not gone farther east than Samos when he was himself recalled by troubles in Italy. There had been a p

ictor who had seduced in turn the armies of all his adversaries found himself in the embarrassing possession of nearly seventy

brightest page stands emblazoned the Caesar of Trojan stock, destined himself for divinity, but not before his rule on earth ha

forms and language once used of Alexander. 2 He was now building for himself a royal mausoleum beside the Tiber; and public sa

>306 there was to hand an authentic native hero, a god’s son and himself elevated to heaven after death as the god Quirinu

verse. 2 The conqueror of the East and hero of Actium must now gird himself to the arduous task of rebuilding a shattered com

ok=>307 meaning of this ‘reform’ will emerge later. Octavianus himself assumed the title traditionally pertaining to the

Gallus is variously described as base ingratitude, statues erected to himself and boastful inscriptions incised on the pyramids

powerful of the military provinces and control these regions directly himself , with proconsular imperium. For the rest, procons

ut Romulus was a king, hated name, stained with a brother’s blood and himself killed by Roman senators, so one legend ran, befo

. ILS 82 (a copy at Potentia in Picenum).. 3 Dio says that Augustus himself was eager for the name of Romulus (53, 16, 7). Pe

man history was a continuous and harmonious development. 2 Augustus himself , so he asserted, accepted no magistracy that ran

ferent was Augustus, a ‘salubris princeps’, for as such he would have himself known. 5 Not only that. The whole career of Pom

own as the ‘optimi status auctor’. 2 He called it the Optimus status’ himself : the writer who has transmitted these unexception

ll joined the national government. Cicero would easily have proved to himself and to others that the new order was the best sta

it was in virtue of auctoritas that Augustus claimed pre-eminence for himself . 1 Auctoritas denotes the influence that belonged

at task has all too often been ignored or evaded. Augustus proposed himself to be consul without intermission. During the nex

been general, along with Saxa, in the campaign of Philippi. Norbanus himself was married to a great heiress in the Caesarian p

s from Spain, Gaul and Syria, becoming proconsul of all those regions himself . That was NotesPage=>326 1 Dio 53, 12. Dio

trate upon a single person, only the detachment commanded by Augustus himself has left any record. The campaign was grim and ar

M. Agrippa went out, he administered Syria through deputies, residing himself in the island of Lesbos, a pleasant resort and we

nstitution is a façade as under the Republic. Not only that. Augustus himself is not so much a man as a hero and a figure-head,

e-head, an embodiment of power, an object of veneration. A god’s son, himself the bearer of a name more than mortal, Augustus s

lly, triumphed over the Princeps and his nephew. Agrippa received for himself a share in the power. There would be some warrant

lent to celebrate a soldier’s exploits. 5 Nor did Agrippa speak for himself . Like the subtle Maecenas and the hard-headed Liv

Horace is ferociously indignant ‘hoc, hoc tribuno militum’. 6 Horace himself was only one generation better. Here again, no re

man from Corduba, may have held a post of this kind before he devoted himself to the study of rhetoric. Pompeius Macer, who was

when judged by the standards of Roman financiers; 1 and the Princeps himself , by a pure usurpation which originated in Caesar’

esPage=>361 1 P. Paquius Scaeva of Histonium (ILS 915) describes himself on his huge sarcophagus as ‘Scaevae et Flaviae fi

rt of Italy, even for fiscal purposes. PageBook=>368 Augustus, himself of a municipal family, was true in character and

ne of the visible evidences of military despotism. Next year Augustus himself set out on a tour of the eastern provinces (22-19

There was need of a strong hand, and Saturninus was the man to exert himself , firm and without fear. 2 What name the enemies o

a, but in a true sense his intimates and friends the Princeps regaled himself on holidays by playing dice with M. Vinicius and

vernment. When the social parvenu and revolutionary adventurer made himself respectable, his adherents shared in his social a

youth who had invested his patrimony for the good of the State found himself the richest man in all the world. Like the earlie

by the riches of Labienus and Mamurra, the gardens of Balbus:3 Cicero himself was still owing money to Caesar for a timely loan

nd the town-houses of the proscribed and the vanquished. The Princeps himself dwelt on the Palatine, in the house of Hortensius

s’ father served as an equestrian officer. 2 After equestrian service himself , Velleius entered the Senate. 3 The influence of

ct of the Guard and chief favourite and minister of Tiberius. Seianus himself became the leader of a political faction. Notes

distant branch of Livia’s own family. If not exactly seductive, Galba himself was certainly artful: he got on very well with hi

vinces. Now comes a change in part the result of accident. Augustus himself never again left Italy. Agrippa had been indispen

adducing ILS 102. Perhaps in the period 16–13 B.C., when the Princeps himself visited Spain. Two armies still remained for a ti

proconsul could choose ‘viri militares’ as his legates. Piso was not himself a soldier, but he took to Macedonia competent leg

; and Balbus’ theatre also commemorated a triumph (19 B.C.)2 Augustus himself repaired the Via Flaminia. 3 The charge of other

renewed purification of the Senate which he desired and which he was himself compelled to undertake four years later. Plancus

successor M. Ulpius Traianus, the governor of Upper Germany. 1 Trajan himself in his lifetime gave no unequivocal indication of

ientium iuvenum obstaret initiis’. That was the reason which Tiberius himself gave at a later date (Suetonius, Tib. 10, 2). 3

se dissension among its directors, the nominal leader. may emancipate himself from control, or he may be removed by death. For

os]’ of Pompeius Magnus (ILS 976, cf. PIR2, A 1147). But L. Arruntius himself (cos. A.D. 6) may have Pompeian blood or connexio

he principes, his rivals. In this emergency Augustus remained true to himself . Tiberius had a son; but Tiberius, though designa

ment of the Principate upon the heir whom he had designated. Tiberius himself was ill at ease, conscious of his ambiguous posit

n, the writers of Augustan Rome ingenuously debated whether Alexander himself , at the height and peak of his power, could have

usly winning from the cultivation of cereals a meagre subsistence for himself and for a numerous virile offspring: salve, mag

e not the days of Romulus or of Cato the Censor; and that shaggy Cato himself , of peasant stock and a farmer, was no grower of

the most eloquent commendations of rustic virtue and plain living was himself a bachelor of Epicurean tastes, a man of property

was political rather than moral. Nor is it certain that the Princeps himself was above reproach, even with discount of the all

he hands of an uncompromising party of puritan nationalists. Augustus himself came of a municipal family. To his origin from

of mere legislation in such matters, a virtuous prince like Tiberius, himself traditional in his views of Roman morality, was f

wealth and station imposed duties to the community. Like the Princeps himself , the war profiteers became respectable. ‘Fortuna

poets at an early stage and nursed them into the Principate. Augustus himself listened to recitations with patience and even wi

eful than ornamental. Horace, his lyric vein now drying up, exerted himself to establish the movement upon a firm basis of th

ry upon it. After eloquent discourse upon high themes Horace recovers himself at the end: non hoc iocosae conveniet lyrae:

nstrument of heaven, a slave to duty. ‘Sum pius Aeneas’, as he stamps himself at once. Throughout all hazards of his high missi

that moral laxity was a topic of innocent amusement. 4 Nor can Ovid himself be taken seriously in his role of a libertine or

na is literature, a composite or rather an imaginary figure. The poet himself , who had married three times, was not unhappy in

prevented, even had it been expedient, the gratitude of the people to himself from taking the form of honours almost divine.

or the succession of Gaius and Lucius. He did not need it so much for himself . At the colony of Acerrae in Campania a centurion

, natives and Roman citizens alike, swore by all gods and by Augustus himself a solemn and comprehensive oath of loyalty to the

eliberate founder of monarchy, the conscious creator of a system. For himself and for the dynasty he monopolized every form and

us Brutus. 1 The distinguished ex-Republican Valerius Messalla gave himself airs of independence. In 26 B.C. he had laid down

be hailed as pater patriae (2 B.C.) Pollio, however, did not suffer himself thus to be captured by the government. This auste

ndal, too recalcitrant to be won by flattery, Pollio had acquired for himself a privileged position. In the Senate he once laun

io professed to find little to his taste in the New State. Pollio was himself both a historian and an orator; and in history he

g his Historiae no farther than the year 67 B.C. Pollio, however, set himself to describe the fall of the Republic from the com

d Livy for ‘Patavinitas’. 3 It is by no means certain that Quintilian himself understood the point of the attack: the most vari

l comment that his speech showed traces of his native dialect. Pollio himself may have had a local accent. Nor was the judgemen

al. Pollio, an Italian from the land of the Marrucini, was provincial himself , in a sense. The original sin of Livy is darker a

launting in the city of Rome a bodyguard of Germans like the Princeps himself , Agrippa the solid and conspicuous monument of mi

een much the same for the Domitii: prominent among the Liberators and himself the last admiral of the Republic, Cn. Domitius st

consuls recalled the merits of L. Volusius Saturninus (cos. 12 B.C.,) himself of an ancient and respectable family that had not

eman. If he wished to survive, the bearer of a great name had to veil himself in caution or frivolity and practise with ostenta

tial (5, 28, 4; 8, 70, 1) lauds the quies of Nerva which he refers to himself in an edict (Pliny, Epp. 10, 58). 4 Dio 60, 27,

mest indignation. Tiberius, Republican and Pompeian in his loyalties, himself a representative of the opposition to despotism a

chief persons in the government of the New State, namely the Princeps himself and his allies, Agrippa, Maecenas and Livia, hist

anegyric he was bloodthirsty, overbearing and extravagant. 2 Augustus himself had to intervene, prohibiting one of his gladiato

ld have had nothing to complain of under the new dispensation. Pollio himself lived on to a decade before the death of Augustus

d at Philippi. Such was the conventional and vulgar opinion:3 Tacitus himself would have thought it impossible after a civil wa

licam. ’ Not, however, in Hist. 2, 38, where the historian speaks for himself . 4 Dial. 36 ff. 5 Ib. 40, 2: ‘sed est magna i

excellent P. Memmius Regulus, a pillar of the Roman State and secure himself , though married for a time to Lollia Paullina, an

nic rather than arbitrary or formal. It was said that he arrogated to himself all the functions of Senate, magistrates and laws

es and laws. 7 Truly but more penetrating the remark that he entwined himself about the body of the Commonwealth. The new membe

progressive miracle of duration. As the years passed, he emancipated himself more and more from the control of his earlier par

ars had elapsed. Throughout, in act and policy, he remained true to himself and to the career that began when he raised a pri