cisely, because there is so much in the present volume that will make him raise his eyebrows. Its imperfections are patent

309 a) Silenus calls Augustus a chameleon: Apollo objects and claims him for a Stoic. PageBook=>003 of the law migh

a decade of the death of Augustus. His character and tastes disposed him to be neutral in the struggle between Caesar and

ed both dignity and peace of mind had not ambition and vanity blinded him to the true causes of his own elevation. 5 The

Metellus Pius led an army to victory for Sulla and became consul with him in 80 B.C. The Dictator himself had taken a Metel

e elder, trained in eastern warfare under Sulla and highly trusted by him , led armies through Asia and shattered the power

The lust of power, that prime infirmity of the Roman noble, impelled him to devious paths and finally to dangerous elevati

lso a connexion with the Rutilii, Münzer, RA, 327. Caesar also had in him the blood of the Marcii Reges (Suetonius, Divus I

dherent of Lepidus, capitulating at Mutina to Pompeius, was killed by him (Plutarch, Pompeius 16, &c.). Ahenobarbus fel

of that Lucilius from Suessa Aurunca whose wealth and talents earned him Scipionic friendship and the NotesPage=>030

on Cicero, Div. in Caec, p. 189 St. Sallust (Hist. 4, 43 M) describes him as ‘humili loco Picens, loquax magis quam facundu

spended the tribune from his functions, and even threatened to depose him . 8 Nepos fled to Pompeius, a pretext for interven

nt infidelity, he asked for Cato’s niece in marriage. 1 Cato rebuffed him . Baffling enough after an absence of five years

r of army and provinces. Some might hope to persuade Pompeius, making him sacrifice Caesar in return for alliance with the

hey streamed out of the city to the villa of Pompeius, clamouring for him to be consul or dictator. 3 The Senate was comp

to the dismay and grief of the Optimates, who strove in vain to save him . 7 Measures were passed to check flagrant abuses.

not published until 53, when Hirrus was tribune. Cato nearly deprived him of his office (Plutarch, Pompeius 54). But there

in marriage his daughter, Cornelia, the widow of P. Crassus, rescued him from a due and deserved prosecution, and chose hi

. Crassus, rescued him from a due and deserved prosecution, and chose him as colleague for the remaining five months of the

oking a reciprocal charge of unnatural vice. 2 Caelius’ enemies drove him to Caesar’s side. Ap. Pulcher was no adornment

alth. Accompanied by the consuls-elect he went to Pompeius and handed him a sword, with dramatic gesture, bidding him take

nt to Pompeius and handed him a sword, with dramatic gesture, bidding him take command of the armed forces in Italy. Pomp

was declared contumacious: six days later his province was taken from him . The Caesarian tribunes NotesPage=>041 1 F

ical dynast in his own right, born to power. The Pact of Luca blocked him from his consulate, but only for a year. He had a

had another grievance Caesar’s tenure of Gaul beyond the Alps robbed him of a province to which he asserted a hereditary c

ar delight in rebuffing or harrying Cicero, and the Metelli had given him a pointed reminder of the dignitas of their house

choosing his enemies had won control of the government and deprived him of the command against Mithridates. Again, when h

for eloquence, high principle and patriotism. Cato was waiting for him , rancorous and incorruptible. A jury carefully se

of Italy. Pompeius made his escape across the Adriatic carrying with him several legions and a large number of senators, a

peers for primacy, not to destroy them. His enemies had the laugh of him in death. Even Pharsalus was not the end. His for

ed in the end. After such wreckage, the task of rebuilding confronted him , stern and thankless. Without the sincere and pat

us, Divus Iulius 42 f.): the title of praefectus moribus did not make him any more popular (Ad fam. 9, 15, 5). 3 Suetoniu

ts and not by alleged intentions. As his acts and his writings reveal him , Caesar stands out as a realist and an opportunis

advocacy of reform for his personal ambition. Like his father before him , Pompeius could not be described as a consistent

f was sacrificed to the publicani. Pompeius could surely have saved him , had he cared. 2 But Gabinius had served his turn

his policy. The majority of the leading consulars was massed against him . No matter Caesar’s faction numbered not only man

so he had little choice when it came to civil war. Caesar designated him for the consulate of 44: he cannot then have been

scholarly tastes, in high repute as a gourmet: it was a danger to ask him to dinner. 5 Pansa was also in Gaul for a time. H

fabrum in Caesar’s service. No contemporary or official source gives him the cognomen ‘Bassus’, which occurs only in Gelli

rior and then propraetor, made the acquaintance of Balbus and brought him to Rome. Allied both to Pompeius and to Caesar, B

to repay his benefactor in hard cash, did what he could and appointed him chief minister of finance in the kingdom. Senat

to the provinces. Pompeius Magnus surpassed all the proconsuls before him . In the West, in Africa and throughout Asia, town

e kings and horsemen of the East. 1 Pompeius derided Lucullus, naming him ‘the Roman Xerxes’:2 he was an Oriental despot hi

easure-gardens in Rome, his villa at Tusculum. The Dictatorship found him building, a sign of opulence and display. 2 Sen

axa, made tribune of the plebs by Caesar in 44 B.C., had served under him in the wars, either as a centurion or as an eques

ion. 3 Cicero should have sought consolation: he could now see beside him a great company of bankers and financiers, the cr

turions in Bell. Afr. 54, 5. PageBook=>090 proconsul who, like him , had crushed the Gauls, the traditional enemies o

failing contradictory record, may be presumed to owe their status to him , for example three of the praetors of 44 B.C., di

A.D. 1) presumably belong to the same family. 3 So Cicero described him (Pliny, NH 7, 135) and so did Plancus (Ad fam. 10

C. Coelius Caldus (94), and M. Herennius (93) may have been helped by him . 3 L. Licinius Murena (cos. 62), of a distingui

dence (Ad Att. 14, 10, 1, April 19th) does not definitely incriminate him . By October, however, the situation has changed,

r action or for statesmanship; and the conspirators had not initiated him into their designs. The public support of Cicero

expected popular manifestations of sympathy at the games furnished by him , in absence, in honour of the god Apollo. Apollo

red but careless person), the years of pleasure and adventure brought him , after service with Gabinius in Syria, to brighte

ts were not those of a mere soldier. Caesar, a good judge of men, put him in control of Italy more than once during the Civ

46 and Master of the Horse: no evidence, however, that Caesar prized him above Antonius for loyalty or for capacity. Lepid

dermined his predominance, stole his partisans, and contrived against him the last coup d’état of all, the national front a

ded a wide indulgence. The failings of Antonius may have told against him but in Rome and in Italy rather than with the tro

oman noble embodying the virtues of his order and class, and bound to him by ties of personal friendship. 3 He had no quarr

rothing his daughter to Lepidus’ son. Moreover, Antonius could induce him to depart to his province. Lepidus, through his f

es. He was absent for a month. Various intrigues were devised against him but came to nothing. When he returned, it was to

P-W III A, 2137. Crispus, proconsul of Bithynia in 45, took away with him his army of three legions to be used against Bass

ved as ‘Imperator Caesar Divi filius Augustus’. Posterity was to know him as ‘Divus Augustus’. In the early and revolutiona

of Caesar was the young man’s fortune. 2 Italy and the world accepted him as Caesar’s son and heir; that the relationship b

persuaded a tribune, L. Antonius, the brother of the consul, to allow him to address the People. By the middle of the month

ort of veterans, much to the disquiet of the Liberators, who wrote to him in vain protestation. 2 Hirtius too was displease

rests. Remonstrance was addressed to Antonius: the military men urged him to treat Caesar’s heir with loyalty and respect.

Piso spoke, at the session of August 1st, there was no man to support him . Of the tone and content of Piso’s proposal there

g up to the session of August 1st is Cicero’s report of what was told him when he was absent from Rome. In Cicero, however,

s that they valued their own libertas more than his amicitia and bade him take warning from the fate of Caesar. 1 Of any

s for Antonius, pressure from a competitor was now beginning to force him to choose at last between the Senate and the vete

d officers of Caesar’s great army of the Balkans. They did not forget him , nor did he neglect opportunities on his journey

es the oligarchs. Caesar had been saved because he had a party behind him . It was clear that many a man followed Caesar in

ess. But the times called for daring and the example of Caesar taught him to run risks gaily, to insist upon his prestige,

ero’s first public appearance since March 17th. The Curia did not see him again for more than three months. The importance

the inscription ‘Parenti optime merito’. 2 His enemies let loose upon him a tribune, Ti. Cannutius by name. The exacerbated

rd, alleging that they had been suborned by Octavianus to assassinate him . Octavianus protested his innocence. The truth

pline Antonius ordered summary executions. Disturbing rumours brought him back to Rome. He summoned the Senate to meet on N

resh levies were needed. Octavianus had not carried all Campania with him : two old Caesarians of military experience, Decid

rimacy was menaced. Senate, plebs and veterans were mobilized against him . His enemies had drawn the sword: naked force mus

r and the more important of the two, cf. Brutus’ abusive reference to him (Ad M. Brutum 1, 17, 4). No mention of either by

04 ff. and above, p. 93. Coins of this man struck in 40 B.C. describe him as ‘Q. Salvius imp. cos. desig. ’ (BMC, R. Rep. 1

und it might provide Antonius with an incentive to attack and despoil him . 1 The provenance of these resources is by no m

for his campaigns. It would be folly to leave a large treasure behind him , a temptation to his enemies. NotesPage=>130

ectus. ’ 5 As cos. stiff, at the end of 40 B.C. The last mention of him , Ad Att. 16, 11, 8 (Nov. 5th). 6 Ad Att. 15, 2,

=>132 1 SEG VI, 102 = L’ann. ép., 1925, 93 (Velitrae), honouring him as praefectus classis; cf. Appian, BC 5, 102, 422

command under Pompeius, but lingered in Campania, refusing to follow him across the seas, perhaps from failure to comprehe

s, perhaps from failure to comprehend his strategy. Then Caesar wooed him assiduously, through the familiar offices of Balb

ory after all. The agonies of a long flirtation with neutrality drove him to join Pompeius, without waiting for news of the

metimes hoped for but ever delayed return to settled conditions threw him into a deep depression. He shunned the Senate, th

; and Brutus later remarked ‘as long as Cicero can get people to give him what he wants, to flatter and to praise him, he w

ro can get people to give him what he wants, to flatter and to praise him , he will put up with servitude. ’3 But Cicero was

d never to have been a party politician? As Antonius had once said to him , the honest neutral does not run away. 2 In the a

e learned, had indeed spoken in the Senate but with nobody to support him . The sanguine hopes of a concerted assault on the

charge of Italy, treated Cicero with tact and with respect, advising him not to join Pompeius, but not placing obstacles i

Events were moving swiftly. In his account of the reasons that moved him to return, Cicero makes no mention of the Ludi Vi

rted every art to win the confidence of Cicero, or at least to commit him openly to the revolutionary cause. By the beginni

usand veterans in Campania. He pestered Cicero for advice, sending to him his trusty agent Caecina of Volaterrae with deman

, foreseeing trouble. After Caecina, Octavianus sent Oppius to invite him , but in vain. 3 The example or the exhortations o

y off the main roads. The young revolutionary marched on Rome without him . About Octavianus, Cicero was indeed most dubio

ageBook=>143 professed the utmost devotion for Cicero and called him ‘father’ an appellation which the sombre Brutus w

of the risks, he hoped to use Octavianus against Antonius and discard him in the end, if he did not prove pliable. It was C

he had written about the ideal statesman. Political failure, driving him back upon himself, had then sought and created co

utumn of 44 B.C. With war impending, Atticus took alarm and dissuaded him from action. In November he urged his friend to t

ired an Epicurean philosopher, and, corrupting the corrupt, compelled him to write indecent verses. 3 This at Rome: in his

fullest elaboration on that theme belongs to a time when it could do him no harm. 9 Nor was it Caesar’s enemies but his be

anguage years before when he explained the noble motives that induced him to waive his hostility against the rulers of Rome

assured Cicero that no personal grounds of enmity would ever prevent him from allying with his bitterest enemy to save the

pon all the arts of gentle persuasion to convert an opponent, to make him ‘see reason’ and join the ‘better side’. 6 In the

ldiers exalted disloyalty into a solemn duty. Lepidus’ army compelled him , so he explained in his despatch to the Senate, t

rutus was insecure. Antonius was patently in the right when summoning him to surrender the province. That point Cicero coul

lebiscite of June 1st. Explicitly or not, that law may have permitted him to take over the province before the end of his c

of his own interests and an assiduous care for his own safety carried him through well-timed treacheries to a peaceful old

thirty months after the Ides of March, but still with a future before him . 2 Ad fam. 10, 3, 3: ‘scis profecto nihil enim

government in Rome a heavy blow for the Republicans. Antonius secured him a vote of thanks from the Senate. The enemies of

ad sent legates in advance, the one to Syria, the other to secure for him the legions in Egypt. Yet the East was not altoge

onjecture. Rumours came from NotesPage=>166 1 D. Brutus called him ‘homo ventosissimus’ (Ad fam. 11, 9, 1); Cicero y

vilius. The Senate adlected Octavianus into its ranks and assigned to him , along with the consuls, the direction of militar

s, was adopted. Envoys were to be sent to Antonius; they were to urge him to withdraw his army from the province of Brutus,

enator of blameless repute and Republican sentiments. Pansa supported him . Antonius was not declared a public enemy. But Ci

t the beginning of January. Brutus quickly defeated Antonius, drove him southward and penned him up in the city of Apollo

y. Brutus quickly defeated Antonius, drove him southward and penned him up in the city of Apollonia. Even more spectacu

his way to Syria and opposed by the proconsul Trebonius, had captured him and executed him after a summary trial:2 the char

and opposed by the proconsul Trebonius, had captured him and executed him after a summary trial:2 the charge was probably h

urged an accommodation. Servilius spoke against it. Cicero supported him , with lavish praises for the good offices of thos

destroy the Caesarian party, assured them that the generals stood by him , and reiterated his resolve to keep faith with Le

Gallia Narbonensis and the support of Lepidus and Plancus, assured to him a month earlier, but now highly dubious. At Rom

162 THE public enemy was on the run. All that remained was to hound him down. If Lepidus and Plancus held firm in the Wes

h across the Apennines into Etruria, to cut off Ventidius and prevent him from marching westwards to join Antonius. Ventidi

, in self-justification, incriminated the Senate for slights put upon him , exaggerating greatly, cf. F. Blumenthal, Wiener

o the Caesarian cause, and soon to Caesar’s heir. Antonius had warned him of that, and Antonius was uttering a palpable tru

ntroduced Antonius into the camp, the Tenth Legion, once commanded by him , taking the lead. 1 Lepidus acquiesced. One of hi

coming to within forty miles of the latter’s camp. Lepidus encouraged him . But Plancus feared a trap he knew his Lepidus; 3

ut Plancus feared a trap he knew his Lepidus; 3 and Laterensis warned him that both Lepidus and his army were unreliable. S

Ulterior. Earlier in the year he had complained that the Senate sent him no instructions; nor could he have marched to Ita

the governors of the western provinces, all had conspired to preserve him from the armed violence of an unnatural coalition

4 He remained in Macedonia, though a vote of the Senate had summoned him to Italy after the Battle of Mutina. Now, in June

im to Italy after the Battle of Mutina. Now, in June, Cicero wrote to him in urgent tones. Brutus refused. Their incompatib

teriam. ’ PageBook=>170 The pressure of events gradually drove him to a decision. When he left Italy in August, it w

aised in Italy and Caesar’s heir marching on Rome will have convinced him at last that there was no room left for scruple o

dus was declared a public enemy on June 30th. Before the news reached him , Brutus, in anticipation, wrote to Cicero, interc

asseverated his responsibility for that policy. But his words belied him he did not cease to urge Brutus to return to Ital

tal step. The Caesarian generals would have united at once to destroy him Octavianus in his true colours, openly on their s

with armed men a ‘free election’ was to be secured. The people chose him as consul along with Q. Pedius, an obscure relati

is house; the Senate, by a violent usurpation of authority, condemned him to death. 3 The milder version of the fate of Q.

ould have overwhelmed the young consul. His name and fortune shielded him once again. In the negotiations he now took his s

r Sex. Pompeius, acting in virtue of the maritime command assigned to him by the Senate earlier in the year for the war aga

rigin is unknown. The dedication ILS 925 (Spoletium) should belong to him (below, p. 221) but CIL ix, 414 (Canusium) perhap

and consuls turn up L. Cornificius, whose unknown antecedents endowed him with the talents for success; Q. Laronius, comm

Herod the Idumaean, in temporary charge of two Roman legions sent to him by Ventidius under the command of an enigmatic al

by now had won possession of all Sicily, sending Salvidienus against him . 5 Lack of ships frustrated an invasion of the is

ssius had a success to report. He had encountered Dolabella, defeated him in battle and besieged him at Laodicaea in Syria.

rt. He had encountered Dolabella, defeated him in battle and besieged him at Laodicaea in Syria. In despair Dolabella took

ch a battle before. 9 The glory of it went to Antonius and abode with him for ten years. The Caesarian leaders now had to s

ld go back upon his pledges of alliance to Octavianus. She must force him by discrediting, if not by destroying, the rival

. The Triumvir’s own province, all Gaul beyond the Alps, was held for him by Calenus and Ventidius with a huge force of leg

ht to break away to the north. Agrippa and Salvidienus out-manoeuvred him . Along with the defeated generals Furnius, Tisien

tonian generals. The soldierly Ventidius knew that Plancus had called him a muleteer and a brigand; and Pollio hated Plancu

Octavianus received with honour the brother of his colleague and sent him away to be his governor in Spain, where he shortl

d he spend the winter after Philippi. Then his peregrinations brought him to the city of Tarsus, in Cilicia. Through his en

in the early spring of 40 B.C. That he had contracted ties that bound him to Cleopatra more closely than to Glaphyra, there

wait upon events. 5 At last he moved. The Parthian menace was upon him , but the Parthians could wait. Antonius gathered

ertain to be worse than his defeated adversary and destined to follow him before long to destruction, while Rome and the Ro

he, Gallus, was the wonder-child:3 no evidence that Asconius believed him . The Virgilian commentators in late antiquity wit

rical record. Octavianus now learned of the danger that had menaced him . In a moment of confidence in their new alliance,

the wars had hardly left time for that. But Octavianus had designated him as consul for the following year. The next Note

s, however, was still the victor of Philippi; military repute secured him the larger share of credit for making peace when

hemselves, a soldier and a man of honour. Peace with Pompeius brought him further allies. 1 The aristocrats would have disd

Athens to Italy. Once again he found that Brundisium would not admit him . Not that he had either the desire or the pretext

eived them. Antonius departed. Before long the conviction grew upon him that he had been thwarted and deceived. He may ha

o Italy. He may already have tired of Octavia. Anything that reminded him of her brother must have been highly distasteful.

again to Pompeius, many took service under Antonius and remained with him until they recognized, to their own salvation, th

iends or adherents of his family. 1 Scaurus his step-brother was with him , and Libo his wife’s father. 2 Likewise an odd Re

step-brother Octavianus: his father, through diplomacy, hoped to get him an early consulate. 6 His ambition was now satisf

absent. Lepidus in Africa was silent or ambiguous. Ambition had made him a Caesarian, but he numbered friends and kinsmen

n under Antonius, Lepidus and Pompeius, banded to check or to subvert him . Hence the need to destroy Pompeius without delay

who came to Brundisium but departed again without a conference, gave him no help. Antonius disapproved, and Sex. Pompeius

gt;232 generals of Antonius. Gradually and relentlessly they hunted him down, Furnius, Titius and the Galatian prince Amy

some entering his service. 1 At last Titius captured Pompeius and put him to death, either on his own initiative or at the

e of Pompeius Magnus, the spectators in indignation rose up and drove him out (Velleius 2, 79, 5). 4 Velleius 2, 80, 3: ‘

Africa, returned to Rome, victorious. When he arrived there awaited him a welcome, sincere as never before. Many no doubt

already exploring the propaganda and the sentiments that might serve him later against Antonius, winning for personal domi

that Caesar set forth on the Ides of March; 4 and Caesar had destined him to be NotesPage=>234 1 Appian, BC 5, 130,

C 1331. If or when he was consul is uncertain, for Velleius describes him as ‘ex privato consularis’ (2, 51, 3). Two person

, Sat. 1, 3, 130, says that he came from Cremona. Virgil dedicated to him the sixth of his Eclogues: hence, in the Virgilia

istocrats of the most ancient families. Many minor partisans served him well, of brief notoriety and quick reward, then l

e East, whether it was peace or war in the end, Octavianus could face him , as never yet, with equal power and arms, in full

loits in Illyricum enhanced the prestige of the young Caesar, winning him adherents from every class and every party. He re

for to Libertas Pollio ever paid homage, and literature meant more to him than war and politics; Sosius (who triumphed in 3

he extremity of abruptness and so archaic that one would have fancied him born a century earlier. 4 Pollio and Messalla wer

tory of a revolutionary age. Literary critics did not fear to match him with Thucydides, admiring in him gravity, concisi

terary critics did not fear to match him with Thucydides, admiring in him gravity, concision and, above all, an immortal ra

long his poems were made public (38 or 37 B.C.). Maecenas encouraged him to do better. The mannered frivolity and imitated

uld have been fitting if the whole collection were being dedicated to him (cf. esp. 1. 11, ‘a te principium, tibi desinet’)

ll classes. T. Sextius, the Caesarian general in Africa, carried with him a bull’s head wherever he went. 1 The credit of o

NotesPage=>257 1 Nepos, Vita Attici 19 f. Octavianus wrote to him almost every day (ib. 20, 2): yet Atticus was als

quoted; for Potamo, SIG3 754 and 764. 2 P-W xv, 2205 f. Caesar gave him a Galatian tetrarchy and the kingdom of Bosporus

, for this was essential. Of his Roman partisans Antonius took with him Titius, Ahenobarbus and others. 1 Plancus, the un

en, after a vain siege, he was forced to retreat. The winter was upon him . Worn by privations and harried on their slow mar

n 43 B.C. (Ad fam. 10, 18, 1). 4 ILS 891 (Miletus), which describes him as ‘cos. des. ’ and ‘proconsul’ (probably of Asia

Adriatic, striking coins with family portraits thereon. 1 Pollio won him for Antonius, and he served Antonius well. The al

5 f.; above, p. 231. An inscription from Hypata in Thessaly describes him as πρєσβєυτάν καὶ ἀντυστράτηγὸν (ILS 9461). He wa

rpus, the nephew of Caesar the Dictator, is difficult to classify: on him , cf. F. Münzer, Hermes LXXI (1936), 229; ABOVE, P

, were also bestowed upon the three children whom Cleopatra had borne him . Hostile propaganda has so far magnified and dist

entions of Antonius, the domination which Cleopatra had achieved over him and the nature of her own ambitions. A fabricated

Republican followers (a nephew and a grandson of Cato were still with him ) as they were to Octavianus’ agents and to subseq

was packed with the timid and the time-serving, ready to turn against him if they dared: it was a bad sign that more than t

for the struggle but might not open it yet. Here the two consuls met him in the spring, bringing with them the semblance o

le, or rather family tradition and the prospects of his own son, made him insist that the party of Antonius should be Roman

documentary evidence that Octavianus so urgently required. They told him that the last will and testament of Antonius repo

r and anger. 3 The friends of Antonius were baffled, unable to defend him openly. Wild rumours pervaded Rome and Italy. Not

ntrio, a municipal magistrate with equestrian military service behind him , the first man to be accorded a public funeral in

loyal friend of old to Antonius, of which fact Antonius now reminded him . Pollio in reply claimed that in mutual service

. But if Antonius stood by his ally, his conduct would patently stamp him as a public enemy. 1 The winter passed in prepa

t guarantee provided also the fairest pretext. 7 Octavianus took with him across the seas the whole of NotesPage=>292

t;293 the Senate and a large number of Roman knights: they followed him from conviction, interest or fear. Hence an impre

he approach free to the enemy, to lure Octavianus onwards, and entrap him with the aid of superior sea-power. Not perhaps b

is position proved a signal failure. The plan had been turned against him —he was now encompassed and shut in. Famine and di

4, 1 f. PageBook=>296 Then the odds moved more heavily against him . Desertion set in. Certain of the vassal princes

stealthily in a small boat: Antonius dispatched his belongings after him . 3 Plancus and Titius had departed on a political

Servilia, who had once been betrothed to Octavianus, bravely followed him in death, true to noble and patrician tradition.

tonius’ ally, he began by following Antonius’ policy and even granted him for a time the territory of Armenia Minor—for the

man among the consulars but had a Republican—or Antonian—past behind him . Treachery destroys both the credit and the confi

personages might have brought secret and urgent pressure to bear upon him . Some informal exchange of opinion there may we

obbed the proconsul of the spolia opima. An arbitrary decision denied him the title of imperator, which had been conceded s

r Feretrius a linen corslet with the name of Cossus inscribed, giving him the title of consul. This frail and venerable rel

lumny of his enemies, who no doubt were numerous. Octavianus disowned him , breaking off all amicitia. After a prosecution f

e, there could not fail to be such in a Republic. So Horace addresses him , maxime principum. 4 This convenient appellat

ceps’ and eager for warlike glory was flattered when his poets called him ‘dux’ and ‘ductor’. 4 So much for Rome, the gov

ple of Rome. Acclamation was drowned in protest. The senators adjured him not to abandon the Commonwealth which he had pres

have been called Romulus, for the omen of twelve vultures had greeted him long ago. 3 But Romulus was a king, hated name, s

nvey enhanced powers, as after the end of the Triumvirate, still gave him the means to initiate and direct public policy at

bts—was the birth of Caesar a blessing or a curse? 4 Augustus twitted him with being a Pompeian. 5 The Emperor and his hist

icero in the Republic of Augustus:2 very little attention was paid to him at all, or to Pompeius. Genuine Pompeians there s

is armed and devoted garrisons. Towns in Italy and the provinces knew him as their founder or their patron, kings, tetrarch

bo (p. 205), and the Licinius Murena of Dio 54, 3, 3. Suetonius calls him ‘Varro Murena’ (Divus Aug. 19, 1; Tib. 8), Vellei

sely comparable in extent and power. The settlement of 27 B.C. gave him for his provincia Spain, Gaul and Syria (with Syr

k. These legates were direct appointments of Augustus, responsible to him alone. It will be conjectured that the Senate’s c

ustus instead of proconsuls, independent of the Princeps and equal to him in rank. Only two names are recorded in this peri

cult three years (39-36 B.C.); 2 Calvinus and five proconsuls after him had celebrated Spanish triumphs in Rome. Some of

disinterested Proculeius, an intimate friend of Augustus, could save him . Proculeius had openly deplored the fate of Gallu

4. Son of P. Sestius (tr. pl. 57 B.C.). Horace dedicated Odes 1, 4 to him . 4 Horace, Odes 1, 2, 25f. PageBook=>336

me magistracy year by year. In the place of the consulate, which gave him a general initiative in policy, he took various p

spired awe in the beholder: men could not confront it. 1 Statues show him as he meant to be seen by the Roman People youthf

ut grave and melancholy, with all the burden of duty and destiny upon him . Augustus’ character remains elusive, despite t

tus could not afford to alienate all three. In alliance they had made him , in alliance they might destroy him. The marria

three. In alliance they had made him, in alliance they might destroy him . The marriage with Livia Drusilla had been a po

st before and knew no policy but his. She had a son, C. Marcellus. On him the Princeps set his hopes of a line of successio

n order modestly abiding within his station; the people might acclaim him in the theatre, in cheerful subservience to their

do. M. Vipsanius Agrippa was an awkward topic: Horace hastily passes him over in an Ode, disclaiming any talent to celebra

For Agrippa, his subordination was burdensome. 6 Like Tiberius after him , he was constrained to stifle his sentiments. Wha

ellus, Tiberius and Drusus would be available to second or to replace him . Even they would not suffice. It would be necessa

al and personally attached to the head of the government and, through him , to the Roman State. One body of troops stood in

in a private body-guard of native Germans. 1 Roman citizens protected him the cohors praetoria of the Roman general was per

rward his candidature for the consulate in 19 B.C. Saturninus blocked him , announcing that, even if elected by the people,

not accidental: the flagrant dynastic policy of Augustus constrained him to bid for the support of the nobiles. Hence a st

cius (cos. suff. A.D. 2), son of M. Vinicius (cos. suff. 19 B.C.). On him , cf. Seneca, Controv. 1, 2, 3; 7, 5, 10; 10, 4, 2

created new patrician houses and sought, like Sulla and Caesar before him , to revive the ancient nobility, patrician or ple

dvantageous and satisfactory Claudian connexion. Livia, however, gave him no children. But Julia, his daughter by Scribonia

consul of 14 B.C., cf. E. Groag in PIR2, C 1379. Some did not praise him as highly as did Tacitus (cf. Seneca, De ben. 2,

divorced wife Aemilia Lepida dishonestly pretended that she had borne him a son. 7 Pliny, NH 9, 117 (on the wealth of his

nius was a noble. But Antonius required all Caesar’s influence behind him : he was contending against Ahenobarbus. 2 Augus

following can be detected in the time of her son, most distasteful to him . Antonius’ daughter, the widow of Drusus, held a

e was no choice: Augustus must make Agrippa his son-in-law or destroy him . 1 Then in 18 B.C. the imperium of Agrippa was au

ns, deliberately omitted by Velleius and lost from Dio, or unknown to him , may belong here. 2 For evidence and arguments

ell served. 1 When Pompeius got for Caesar the Gallic command he gave him Labienus, who must have had previous experience.

ate. On Q. Marcius Crispus, cf. above, pp. 64; 111; 199. Cicero calls him ‘virum fortem in primis, belli ac rei militaris p

ate of Syria on two separate occasions. The argument for assigning to him the inscr. from Tibur (ILS 918) is not so strong.

34, 6, cf. Anth. Pal. 6, 241. 6 Orosius (6, 21, 22), who assigns to him an Alpine war, and Suetonius (De rhet. 6), descri

lpine war, and Suetonius (De rhet. 6), describing a case tried before him when he was proconsul, at Mediolanium, are very p

nsul of Asia (ILS 8814). 8 No evidence: but there would be room for him in the period 4–1 B.C. The dedication from Hierop

of Augustus in a province the name of which is lost but which earned him ornamenta triumphalia for a successful war, then

rbus, who marched across Germany from the Danube to the Elbe; 3 after him and before A.D. 4 are perhaps to be inserted the

elty. He instructed the Senate to appoint a committee to consult with him and prepare public business. The committee, compr

ssessed magisterial powers and gradually usurped jurisdiction: to aid him he would summon from time to time a consilium, dr

ecret struggle round a moribund despot. Modesty or ignorance deterred him from the attempt. It would have required imaginat

iberius had hardly been seen in Rome; and there was no urgent need of him in the East. Augustus wished to remove for a time

emove for a time this unbending and independent character, to prevent him from acquiring personal popularity in the capital

trength of his determination by a voluntary fast. They could not stop him . Tiberius retired to the island of Rhodes, where

n for the supreme magistracy: the corporation of Roman knights hailed him as Princeps Iuventutis. 4 NotesPage=>417 1

d the son of Augustus as a prince and ruler; and men came to speak of him as a designated Princeps. 1 To Gaius and Lucius i

nde future senum. ’ The colony of Pisa, mourning his death, describes him as ‘iam designa|tu[m i]ustis-sumum ac simillumum

sure expectation of divinity: his sons were princes and would succeed him . The aristocracy could tolerate the rule of monar

LS 935. 5 Suetonius, Nero 4. PageBook=>422 There was more in him than that either prudence or consummate guile: hi

6, 3). 6 Cn. Piso, consul with Tiberius in 7 B.C. Tacitus describes him as ‘ingenio violentum et obsequii ignarum, insita

ical season the luxury of a moral purge of high society. What induced him to court public scandal and sanction the disgrace

arly Christian, it was not the ‘flagitia’ but the tornen’ that doomed him . Iullus Antonius may have aspired to the place of

Wiener Studien XLI (1919), 79 ff. 2 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 53, describes him as ‘pervicax adulter’, alleging a liaison that we

due submission to pay his respects to the kinsman who had supplanted him ; he returned again to his retreat after a cool re

ractors. 5 In the following year Augustus came to Gaul, Tiberius with him . Tiberius inherited Lollius’ command of the legio

not restored to his dignitas. 2 No honour, no command in war awaited him , but a dreary and precarious old age, or rather a

through the scandals of his family. The disasters of his armies tried him more sorely and wrung from his inhuman composure

possible. Tiberius became co-regent, in virtue of a law conferring on him powers equal with the Princeps in the control of

riend of Tiberius, is attested as governor of Syria (A.D. 4-5); after him came Quirinius (A.D. 6). 6 M. Plautius Silvanus

ughter to Seianus’ son (Tacitus, Ann. 6, 30). Tiberius did not remove him . That was not from fear of a civil war, as Tacitu

bella). 6 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 80, cf. 6, 39. 7 Coin evidence attests him there from A.D. 12–13 to 16–17 (for details, PIR2

ute their advantage. Tiberius Caesar had the power they would not let him enjoy it in security and goodwill. In the critica

thless for the good of the Roman People. Some might affect to believe him unwilling to contemplate the execution of one of

aterial reform. Augustus claimed that a national mandate had summoned him to supreme power in the War of Actium. Whatever t

. A cuirass, concealed under the toga of the First Citizen, guarded him from assassination for plots were discovered in t

tifex maximus, living in seclusion at Circeii. Augustus did not strip him of that honour, ostentatious in scruple when scru

t strip him of that honour, ostentatious in scruple when scruple cost him nothing. He could wait for Lepidus’ death. Better

of the great temple of Apollo on the Palatine. Neither god had failed him . Divus Julius prevailed over the Republic at Phil

Aeneas is sober, steadfast and tenacious: there can be no respite for him , no repose, no union of heart and policy with an

usband, even in the lowest class of society, had any cause to suspect him (ib. 351 f.). PageBook=>468 Despite earlie

. Worship might not be paid to the man but to the divine power within him , his genius or his numen: praesenti tibi maturo

in the Theatre of Pompeius the people arose in indignation and drove him forth. 8 Many years later that edifice witnessed

y no means as majestic and martial in appearance as his effigies show him forth. 1 His limbs were well proportioned, but hi

or Augustus it was inexpedient to suppress any activity that could do him no harm. Tiberius was alarmed at the frequency of

ed at the frequency of libellous publications, but Augustus reassured him , pointing to the real impotence of their enemies.

r enemies. 4 The strength of Augustus’ position when Princeps enabled him to permit freedom of speech as well as to dispens

7 Dig. 1, 2, 2, 47. PageBook=>483 His freedom of speech cost him promotion he did not rise above the praetorship.

was able to preserve from justice a certain Castricius who had given him information about the conspiracy of Murena. 4 P

. 5 Dio 56, 27, 1. 6 Seneca, De ira 3, 23, 4 ff. Pollio harboured him when he was expelled from Augustus’ house. 7 Se

12?). 3 Even there he was a nuisance: twelve years later they removed him to the barren rock of Seriphus. 4 Not so danger

f infamous life,5 fit partner for Quirinius’ Aemilia Lepida, who bore him a son with whom the family ended. M. Hortensius H

nius, Cal. 24, 3). According to Dio (59, 22, 6 f.), Caligula promised him the succession. PageBook=>495 Lacking the

ty, was also the last of the Domitii Ahenobarbi, eight consuls before him in eight generations. 1 But Nero was not the la

from P. Memmius Regulus by Caligula (Ann. 12, 22) and soon dropped by him : willing to marry Claudius, Ann. 12, 1. She was e

bus was the grandfather of the Emperor Nero has been enough to redeem him from oblivion or from panegyric he was bloodthirs

374). 2 Suetonius, Nero 4. Velleius, however (2, 72, 3), describes him as ‘eminentissimae ac nobilissimae simplicitatis

moment. It is curious that Horace should have felt impelled to remind him of the need to preserve an even temper in prosper

d of Earth and Sea. Sailors from Alexandria paid public observance to him who was the author of their lives, liberty and pr

itary. 2 He would not desert his post until a higher command relieved him , his duty done and a successor left on guard. Aug

e frontiers of empire. 1 Yet for all that, when the end came it found him serene and cheerful. On his death-bed he was not

rail life, Augustus composed his Autobiography. Other generals before him , like Sulla and Caesar, had published the narrati

ius, 227; as an Antonian, 232, 264, 266, 267, 281; a city named after him , 281, 405; deserts Antonius, 281 f.; at Actium, 2