ry illegalities, the second of constitutional government. So well did he succeed that in later days, confronted with the s

n it. The problem does not exist: Julian was closer to the point when he classified Augustus as a chameleon. 2 Colour chan

n; and the heir of Caesar displayed coherence in thought and act when he inaugurated the proscriptions and when he sanctio

nce in thought and act when he inaugurated the proscriptions and when he sanctioned clemency, when he seized power by forc

e inaugurated the proscriptions and when he sanctioned clemency, when he seized power by force, and when he based authorit

when he sanctioned clemency, when he seized power by force, and when he based authority upon law and consent. The Dictato

, an enduring influence upon the course of all European civilization: he perished a victim of violence and despotism. The

thing: quite different is the estimate of his political activity when he raised up Caesar’s heir against Antonius. The las

f absolute rule: writing of the transition from Republic to Monarchy, he was always of the opposition, whether passionate

of a new dynasty, and its degeneration into despotism; in his Annals he sought to demonstrate that the Principate of the

o was a contemporary, in fact no small part of the transactions which he narrated a commander of armies and an arbiter of

narrated a commander of armies and an arbiter of high diplomacy; and he lived to within a decade of the death of Augustus

powerful enemies on either side. Compelled for safety to a decision, he chose Caesar, his personal friend; and with Caesa

to a decision, he chose Caesar, his personal friend; and with Caesar he went through the wars from the passage of the Rub

ars from the passage of the Rubicon to the last battle in Spain. Then he followed Antonius for five years. Loyal to Caesar

n and an honest man. Of tough Italic stock, hating pomp and pretence, he wrote of the Revolution as that bitter theme dema

eme demanded, in a plain, hard style. It is much to be regretted that he did not carry his History of the Civil Wars throu

nus, Pollio had withdrawn from political life soon after 40 B.C., and he jealously maintained his independence. To tell th

orian was also constrained to omit the period of the Triumvirate when he observed that he could not treat his subject with

nstrained to omit the period of the Triumvirate when he observed that he could not treat his subject with freedom and with

re valuable documents (Ad fam. 10, 31–3), especially the first, where he writes (§ 2 f.): ‘natura autem mea et studia trah

eal if told without some indication of the composition of the faction he led, of the personality, actions and influence of

of the Roman Republic. That was not the opinion of their enemy Cato: he blamed the original alliance of Pompeius and Caes

2 When Pollio set out to narrate the history of the Roman Revolution he began, not with the crossing of the Rubicon, but

ut ancestors aspired to the highest magistracy of the Roman Republic2 he might rise to the praetorship but no higher, save

nnoblement) was a rare phenomenon at Rome. 3 Before the sovran people he might boast how he had led them to victory in a m

are phenomenon at Rome. 3 Before the sovran people he might boast how he had led them to victory in a mighty contest and h

in a mighty contest and had broken into the citadel of the nobility:4 he was less assertive in the Senate, more candid to

ble was a landed proprietor, great or small. But money was scarce and he did not wish to sell his estates: yet he required

ll. But money was scarce and he did not wish to sell his estates: yet he required ready cash at every turn, to support the

novus homo had to tread warily. Anxious not to offend a great family, he must shun where possible the role of prosecutor i

lefactors. The nobilis, however, would take pride in his feuds. 1 Yet he had ever to be on the alert, jealous to guard his

elf-defence against aggression was often invoked by a politician when he embarked upon a course of unconstitutional action

verted into a ruinous political force by the tribune C. Gracchus when he set them in control of the law-courts and in oppo

nem 86. 4 Lucullus, owner of a palace at Tusculum, pointed out that he had a knight and a freedman for neighbours (Cicer

in regions not directly concerned with Roman political life. Whether he held authority from the State or not, he could th

oman political life. Whether he held authority from the State or not, he could thus raise an army on his own initiative an

ned that oratory and intrigue would suffice. A programme, it is true, he developed, negative but by no means despicable. 1

nation. Sulla resigned power after a brief tenure. Another year and he was dead (78 B.C.). The government which he est

enure. Another year and he was dead (78 B.C.). The government which he established lasted for nearly twenty years. Its r

e Senate to take action against Lepidus (Sallust, Hist. I, 77 M); and he secured for Pompeius the command in Spain, not ‘p

nsmen of the Metelli inactive. Ap. Pulcher fought in Macedonia, where he died; P. Servilius with better fortune for four

hattered the power of Mithridates. Combining integrity with capacity, he treated the provincials in a fair and merciful fa

lf as an advocate, though not brilliant cautious and crafty in habit, he might seem destined by wealth, family, and paramo

of a great conservative statesman in the tradition of Philippus; and he formed a connexion with the Metelli. 1 The lust o

es, turned for consolation to the arts and graces of private leisure: he transmitted to posterity, not the memory of talen

great estates in Italy and the clientela among the Roman plebs which he had inherited from an ambitious and demagogic par

, then carrying a law to transfer sacerdotal elections to the People: he was elected pontifex maximus in the next year. Th

r. The son therefore inherited ‘urbana gratia’ (Caesar, BC 3, 83, 1): he is described as designate to the consulship from

g to capture this useful orator. Terentia, Cicero’s wife, afraid lest he should divorce her and marry Clodia, provoked a b

ius. Caesar, who took Cinna’s daughter in marriage, defied Sulla when he sought to break the match. When pronouncing the f

the proscribed, Caesar spoke for family loyalty and for a cause. But he did not compromise his future or commit his alleg

ogue lacked fear or scruple. Contending against two of the principes, he won through bribery and popular favour the paramo

al Roman temper and tenacity, not inferior to the great ancestor whom he emulated almost to a parody, Cato the Censor. But

acter and integrity only that gave Cato the primacy before consulars: he controlled a nexus of political alliances among t

stood firm against Italians, hating them from his very infancy; 3 and he was ready to bribe the plebs of Rome with corn or

n or money. 4 Against the military dynast now returning from the East he would oppose that alliance of stubborn spirit and

o was believed to have procured the assassination of a consul. 2 When he died of a natural but providential death the popu

son. After his father’s death, protected by influential politicians, he lay low, lurking no doubt in Picenum. 5 When Sull

arch, Pompeius 6. Prosecuted for peculations committed by his father, he was saved by Philippus, Hortensius and by the Mar

in libertatem vindicavit. ’ PageBook=>029 subversive designs, he turned upon his ally and saved the government. Th

overnment. Then, coming back to Rome after six years of absence, when he had terminated the war in Spain against Sertorius

nate Pompeius utterly. Crassus used his patronage to demonstrate that he was still a force in politics and to embarrass

us in financial subsidy to his allies and tireless in the law-courts, he might yet prevail against the popularity and laur

tood. PageBook=>030 and resources of all the East at his back, he disbanded his army. Much to his annoyance, the go

army. Much to his annoyance, the government had proved stronger than he expected. A civilian consul, suppressing the revo

indispensable general of the glory of saving the Republic in Italy as he had vindicated its empire abroad. Pompeius never

Pompeius was Princeps beyond dispute but not at Rome. By armed force he might have established sole rule, but by that alo

e local gentry, the men of substance in the municipia of Italy; 2 and he contracted ties of friendship with a number of gr

Julius 50, 1) may well be a daughter of Palicanus, whose candidature he supported in 67 (Val. Max. 3, 8, 3). The Pompeian

rumann-Groebe, Gesch. Roms IV2, 420 ff.; 486. 4 The manner in which he terminated the trial of Rabirius surely indicates

, the half-sister of Celer and Nepos, a woman of flagrant infidelity, he asked for Cato’s niece in marriage. 1 Cato rebuff

5 Pompeius set all his hopes on the next year. By scandalous bribery he secured the election of the military man L. Afran

o. He leapt boldly into the fray, and slashed the bill to pieces. Yet he claimed at the same time that he was doing a good

and slashed the bill to pieces. Yet he claimed at the same time that he was doing a good service to Pompeius. 1 Cicero wa

onfidence. At variance with the Metelli through his clash with Nepos, he had broken with the Claudii and carelessly incurr

timony, under secret and domestic pressure, against P. Clodius; 2 and he had prevented the Pompeian consul Pupius Piso fro

it would be to sacrifice the consulate. Caesar made a rapid decision he would be consul, and to some purpose. The Roman n

eius. 3 But Caesar was no mere adherent of Pompeius: by holding aloof he enhanced his price. Now, in the summer of the yea

own influence, his prospect of praetorship and consulate. To that end he promulgated popular laws and harried Pompeius, in

he promulgated popular laws and harried Pompeius, in which activities he got encouragement from his brother Appius, from h

. For himself, after a famine in Rome, perhaps deliberately enhanced, he secured a special commission for five years to pu

ius Ahenobarbus came forth with his candidature and loud threats that he would deprive Caesar of army and provinces. Some

d by modest and patriotic principes. 2 Which was harmless enough, had he not been emboldened to announce in the Senate an

olonged. Pompeius emerged with renewed strength from a crisis which he may have done much to provoke. 4 Had he dropped C

strength from a crisis which he may have done much to provoke. 4 Had he dropped Caesar, he might have been entrapped by t

isis which he may have done much to provoke. 4 Had he dropped Caesar, he might have been entrapped by the Optimates and ci

the Optimates and circumvented by Crassus, their potential ally. Now he would have an army of his own in Spain to support

and De prov. cons.: the latter is probably not the παλινῳδία to which he refers in Ad Att. 4, 5, 1. PageBook=>038 T

military provinces and exercised indirect control over the rest; and he arrogated to himself the power of the whole board

s or of demagogues well enough. When Pompeius returned from the East, he lacked the desire as well as the pretext to march

n reality. Pompeius had not been idle. Though proconsul of all Spain, he resided in the suburban vicinity of Rome, contemp

Below, p. 45. (??) 1 Ad Att. 4, 15, 7, &c. PageBook=>039 he be made dictator. 1 Pompeius, openly disavowing,

to Caesar the right to stand for the consulate in absence. Detected, he made tardy and questionable amends. The dynast wa

He needed Caesar for counterbalance against the Catonian party until he made final choice between the two. Cato, standing

ction on behalf of the Commonwealth. Accompanied by the consuls-elect he went to Pompeius and handed him a sword, with dra

dity. 4 But the dynast remained ambiguous and menacing. To his allies he expressed firm confidence, pointed to his armed f

tion in private. On January 1st a proposal of Caesar was rejected and he was declared contumacious: six days later his pro

oclaimed. Even had Pompeius now wished to avert the appeal to arms, he was swept forward by uncontrollable forces, entan

ollable forces, entangled in the embrace of perfidious allies: or, as he called it himself, patriotic submission to the ne

gh not without quarrels and rivalry, Pompeius broke the alliance when he returned from the East; and the consul Metellus C

a Marian partisan, who was proscribed and escaped to Massilia, where he died. 4 The brothers M. Marcellus (cos. 51) and

ar’s tenure of Gaul beyond the Alps robbed him of a province to which he asserted a hereditary claim. 4 As for Bibulus, he

a province to which he asserted a hereditary claim. 4 As for Bibulus, he smarted still beneath the humiliation of authorit

ion: himself the son of a Caecilia Metella and husband of a Servilia, he gave one daughter for wife to Pompeius’ elder son

he orator Cicero, pathetically loyal to a leader of whose insincerity he could recall such palpable and painful testimony.

ectitude and insight derived secret strength from the antipathy which he felt for the person and character of Caesar. Th

ment and deprived him of the command against Mithridates. Again, when he landed in Italy after an absence of nearly five y

resort to open war. Both before and after the outbreak of hostilities he sought to negotiate with Pompeius. Had Pompeius l

ummed up in the Latin word dignitas, were all at stake: to Caesar, as he claimed, ‘his dignitas had ever been dearer than

come to open war; and Pompeius was still in their control so long as he was not at the head of an army in the field. Upon

scarded and disgraced as had been Gabinius, the governor of Syria. If he gave way now, it was the end. Returning to Rome a

working the constitution against the craftiest politician of the day: he was declared a public enemy if he did not lay dow

he craftiest politician of the day: he was declared a public enemy if he did not lay down his command before a certain day

ir own. 2 Pompeius might stamp with his foot in the land of Italy, as he had rashly boasted. No armed legions rose at his

only a legion to hand: the bulk of his army was still far away. But he swept down the eastern coast of Italy, gathering

eastern coast of Italy, gathering troops, momentum and confidence as he went. Within two months of the crossing of the Ru

nfidence as he went. Within two months of the crossing of the Rubicon he was master of Italy. Pompeius made his escape acr

e in Africa and in Spain. ‘They would have it thus,’ said Caesar as he gazed upon the Roman dead at Pharsalus, half in p

tion of Caesar’s party and the character of those adherents with whom he supplemented the Senate and reinforced the oligar

by his studious moderation. To the survivors of the defeated faction he behaved with public and ostentatious clemency. Th

public and ostentatious clemency. They were members of his own class: he had not wished to make war upon them or to exterm

ictatorship. His rule began as the triumph of a faction in civil war: he made it his task to transcend faction, and in so

nd in so doing wrought his own destruction. A champion of the People, he had to curb the People’s rights, as Sulla had don

Ahenobarbus’ son (Cicero, Phil. 2, 27). PageBook=>052 To rule, he needed the support of the nobiles, yet he had to

PageBook=>052 To rule, he needed the support of the nobiles, yet he had to curtail their privileges and repress their

e tribunes, the liberty of the Roman People. He was not mistaken. Yet he required special powers: after a civil war the ne

d from the oligarchy, no hope of reform. But Caesar seemed different: he had consistently advocated the cause of the oppre

he oppressed, whether Roman, Italian or provincial. He had shown that he was not afraid of vested interests. But Caesar wa

ng written treatises about the Roman Commonwealth some years earlier, he may have expected to be consulted upon these weig

a ’it was only a name: Sulla, by resigning supreme power, showed that he was an ignorant fellow’. 3 Caesar postponed dec

t the permanent ordering of the State. It was too difficult. Instead, he would set out for the wars again, to Macedonia an

gain, to Macedonia and to the eastern frontier of the Empire. At Rome he was hampered: abroad he might enjoy his conscious

o the eastern frontier of the Empire. At Rome he was hampered: abroad he might enjoy his conscious mastery of men and even

y into literature and legend, declamation and propaganda. By Augustus he was exploited in two ways. The avenging of Caesar

le of Divi filius as consecration for the ruler of Rome. That was all he affected to inherit from Caesar, the halo. The go

as those of a monarch. Caesar would have been the first to admit it: he needed neither the name nor the diadem. But monar

ut as a realist and an opportunist. In the short time at his disposal he can hardly have made plans for a long future or l

44 B.C. for several years of campaigning in the Balkans and the East, he tied up magistracies and provincial commands in a

covert opposition, petty criticism and laudations of dead Cato. That he was unpopular he well knew. 1 ‘For all his genius

n, petty criticism and laudations of dead Cato. That he was unpopular he well knew. 1 ‘For all his genius, Caesar could no

id decision, this brought a tragic sense of impotence and frustration he had been all things and it was no good. 3 He had

of ultimate intentions becomes irrelevant. Caesar was slain for what he was, not for what he might become. 6 The assumpti

ns becomes irrelevant. Caesar was slain for what he was, not for what he might become. 6 The assumption of a Dictatorship

evident that the nature of Brutus would have been very different had he never opened a book of Stoic or Academic philosop

in, ‘Sallust’ (Ad Caesarem 2, 9, 3) is neither just nor relevant when he observes: ‘unius tamen M. Catonis ingenium versut

olly to be predicted. Brutus might well have been a Caesarian neither he nor Caesar were predestined partisans of Pompeius

than ever in life. Brutus came to feel shame for his own disloyalty: he composed a pamphlet in honour of the Republican w

the Republican who died true to his principles and to his class. Then he strengthened the family tie and obligation of ven

to that phrase. The Dictatorship was enough. The rule of the nobiles, he could see, was an anachronism in a world-empire;

beyond the wishes of his allies and emancipates himself from control, he may have to be dropped or suppressed. The reforme

soon refused further support to the rash, self-righteous tribune when he plunged into illegal courses. The political dynas

p for life and the sworn allegiance of senators, it seemed clear that he had escaped from the shackles of party to supreme

active partisan, commanding armies, namely Cn. Domitius Calvinus, and he was no better than his colleague Messalla or his

red to mediate between Caesar and Pompeius; and during the Civil Wars he did not abate his sincere efforts in the cause of

with alacrity to a politician whose boast and reputation it was that he never let down his friends. Where Pompeius lost s

mple, the young Q. Cornificius (Catullus 38), of a senatorial family: he married a step-daughter of Catilina (Ad fam. 8, 7

The memory of Sulla was loathed even by those who stood by the order he had established. Pompeius’ repute was evil enough

stablished. Pompeius’ repute was evil enough with his own class; when he formed an alliance with the Metelli he placed dea

nough with his own class; when he formed an alliance with the Metelli he placed deadly weapons in the hand of his rival, n

courts, but rescued by the able defence of an eloquent lawyer to whom he had lent a large sum of money. 2 He now stood wit

NotesPage=>066 1 On Q. Fufius Calenus, tribune in 61 B.C. (when he protected Clodius), praetor in 59, cf. P-W VI, 20

ok=>067 testimony, that of his enemies, so convincingly reveals: he had delivered over the publicani into the hands o

rificed to the publicani. Pompeius could surely have saved him, had he cared. 2 But Gabinius had served his turn now.

s might have been the nucleus of a formidable faction. 3 Some of them he lent to his ally, Caesar the proconsul, and some

n. 3 Some of them he lent to his ally, Caesar the proconsul, and some he lost. 4 Caesar profited by the example and by the

ory of Caesar. Labienus left Caesar, but not from political principle he returned to an old allegiance. 1 Caesar’s follo

giance. 1 Caesar’s following was dual in composition. The fact that he took up arms against the party in power, had been

patrician might recall past favours conferred upon the Roman plebs:3 he could also appeal to the duties which they owed t

Dolabella prosecuted Ap. Claudius Pulcher in 51 (Ad fam. 8, 6, 1), so he had little choice when it came to civil war. Caes

it came to civil war. Caesar designated him for the consulate of 44: he cannot then have been only twenty-five, as stated

s by Brutus. Caesar was a patrician to the core. ‘He was Caesar and he would keep faith. ’1 As he also observed, ‘If he

patrician to the core. ‘He was Caesar and he would keep faith. ’1 As he also observed, ‘If he had called upon the service

. ‘He was Caesar and he would keep faith. ’1 As he also observed, ‘If he had called upon the services of thugs and brigand

on the services of thugs and brigands in defence of his own dignitas, he would have requited them. ’2 No empty words this

find time to secure the promotion of deserving friends to the station he had himself so arduously attained. For protecti

ons, devoted and invincible they could tear down the very heavens, so he told people at Hispalis, misguided Spaniards. 4 T

nown slavery and degradation: captured by Pompeius Strabo at Asculum, he had been led or carried in a Roman triumph. From

n a Roman triumph. From obscure years of early manhood some said that he served as a common soldier Ventidius rose to be a

intention of carrying his narrative down to the death of Caesar; and he produced less unobtrusive works of propaganda for

said by Dio (45, 17, 1) to have belonged to a proscribed family. Yet he is surely the same person as C. Vibius Pansa, tri

ity of Gades in Spain. L. Cornelius Balbus was not a citizen by birth he received the franchise for service to Rome in the

b, &c. 2 Pro Balbo, passim. His new gentile name, ‘Cornelius’, he probably derived from L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus,

nelius Lentulus Crus, above, p. 44, n. 4. 3 It may be presumed that he had a hand in the pact of 60 B.C. In December of

ed that he had a hand in the pact of 60 B.C. In December of that year he sought to bring Cicero into it, Ad Att. 2, 3, 3.

kers were already personal friends of Caesar: it may be presumed that he gave them guarantees against revolution. They had

of Egypt, who, unable to repay his benefactor in hard cash, did what he could and appointed him chief minister of finance

he East. 1 Pompeius derided Lucullus, naming him ‘the Roman Xerxes’:2 he was an Oriental despot himself. In the West, in

Roman citizenship. Caesar had championed them long ago: as proconsul he encouraged their aspirations, but he did not sati

oned them long ago: as proconsul he encouraged their aspirations, but he did not satisfy them until the Civil War had begu

otesPage=>074 1 Ad Att. 8, 11, 2; 9, 10, 3; 11, 6, 2. In 48 B.C. he was in negotiation with Burebistas, the Dacian mo

own there and in absence conferred benefits upon his old province, as he reminded the ungrateful men of Hispalis. 5 Gades

amum, raised an army for Caesar and relieved the siege of Alexandria; he was also helped by the Idumaean Antipater. Mytile

emetrius of Gadara. 4 Caesar rivalled and surpassed the elder dynast: he placed three legions in Egypt under the charge of

om six hundred Caesar raised the Senate to nine hundred members,3 and he increased the total of quaestors to forty, of pra

nd therefore juryman, officer or man of affairs, the progenitor, when he was not the heir, of a family with municipal repu

e Etruscan Cafo, JRS XXVII (1937), 135, though it is not certain that he was a senator. 2 Suetonius, Divus Iulius 80, 2:

, discussed in JRS XXVII (1937), 127 ff. The gentilicium is Osean. Is he perhaps of the family of the proscribed Samnite,

ania Ulterior under Pollio, who reports, among other enormities, that he had a Roman citizen burned alive and an auctionee

concentration had been established. Cicero shuddered to think that he would have to sit in the Senate in the sight and

d on a charge of corruption. 3 Cicero should have sought consolation: he could now see beside him a great company of banke

ity, once a devoted adherent of Cicero, for activities in whose cause he had been NotesPage=>081 1 W. Schur, Bonner

birius did not merely declaim about fleets and armies, vexing Cicero: he commanded them. 2 Above all, Caesar recruited f

aristocrat was largely solicited by Roman politicians. Not only could he sway the policy of his city or influence a whole

he sway the policy of his city or influence a whole region of Italy3 he might be able, like the Roman noble, to levy a pr

om Arpinum, was helped by the Metelli. For merit and military service he might enter the senatorial order under their prot

the senatorial order under their protection: they never fancied that he would aspire to the consulate. Marius nursed rese

knights and personal ties with the leading men in the towns of Italy he acquired power and advanced partisans to office a

f Italy against Rome must not be forgotten. When Caesar invaded Italy he could reckon on something more than aversion from

man faction in a torn and discordant land. Pompeius’ son inherited: he secured senatorial rank or subsequent promotion f

vish with appeals to the sentiments and loyalty of Italy tota Italia; he was profuse in praise of the virtue and vigour of

f the virtue and vigour of the novus homo. No evidence, however, that he was generous in act and policy, no man from remot

hat he was generous in act and policy, no man from remoter Italy whom he helped into the Senate, no novus homo for whom he

remoter Italy whom he helped into the Senate, no novus homo for whom he strove in defiance of the nobiles to secure the c

ce of the nobiles to secure the consulate. In their political careers he may have encouraged or defended certain of his pe

αίων βoνλ∊ντή⍴ιoν ἀναĸ∊λ∊ƞµένoς. No evidence, however, precisely when he became a senator. 3 ILS 8888. Cf. above, p. 28,

ing enemies and friends in high places. 1 Pollio was with Caesar when he crossed the Rubicon. Herennius was a general of

es of the Pompeii. 4 When the young Pompeius raised his private army, he had to expel the Ventidii from that city. Picenum

ion, therefore, to exaggerate his work, in motive or in effects. That he was aware of the need to unify Italy will perhaps

is name to his maternal uncle, a wealthy man (P-W XV, 1947): by birth he was M. Satrius (P-W II A, 190), and is described

ht promise change. 2 Cicero claimed that in the space of thirty years he was the first knight’s son to become consul. He w

the Dictator would have given the consulate to Ventidius or to Balbus he did not gratify the expectations of Rabirius; and

soured military man Ser. Sulpicius Galba alleged personal resentment: he had not been made consul. 5 To the Picene landown

Caesar had intended that Dolabella should have the vacant place when he resigned and departed to the Balkans. The other c

M. Antonius, took cover. Repulsing the invitations of the Liberators, he secured from Calpurnia the Dictator’s papers and

der his command, with results at once apparent. At dawn on March 16th he occupied the Forum with armed men. Lepidus and Ba

nius did not strive to get them condemned. Rejecting both extremes, he brought forward a practical measure. Though Caesa

thing, loyalty to the established order. His past career showed that he could not be depended on for action or for states

to have persisted in irrational fancies about that Roman People which he had liberated from despotism. As late as July he

t Roman People which he had liberated from despotism. As late as July he expected popular manifestations of sympathy at th

arms against his enemies, had been treacherously slain by those whom he trusted and promoted by the marshals Decimus Brut

rudescence of the irregular cult of Caesar at Rome: it was hoped that he might be induced to support the Liberators. 1 Fur

Hirtius expressed his firm disapproval. 3 Antonius was apprised. When he requested that the bands of Republican partisans

s. Atticus was quite willing to offer Brutus private subsidies; and he later made a grant to Servilia. Rome and Italy,

tonius has suffered damage multiple and irreparable. The policy which he adopted in the East and his association with the

less easy to escape. The Philippics, the series of speeches in which he assailed an absent enemy, are an eternal monument

esar’s absence. If Antonius stayed in Italy, it was precisely because he was dependable and most useful there, whether as

he seditious intrigues of the mob-leader Herophilus. Then on a sudden he intervened, punishing the impostor with death. Th

Rome. He spoke the language of conciliation,1 and it was long before he abandoned it. On his lips the profession of respe

and that not without consulting an eminent adversary of that exile; 1 he recognized the seizure of territory by an eastern

y an eastern monarch subject to Rome not that it mattered much; 2 and he bestowed Roman citizenship upon the inhabitants o

idence. From his career and station, from the authority of the office he held, the predominance of Antonius was a given an

ough Antonius may not have desired to set himself in’ Caesar’s place, he is not thereby absolved from ambition, considered

s own resolution had given Antonius the position of vantage. At first he seemed harmless:5 before long, he was seen to N

s the position of vantage. At first he seemed harmless:5 before long, he was seen to NotesPage=>108 1 Ad Att. 14, 1

teadily. To what end? Primacy in the Caesarian party was now his: but he might have to fight to retain it. More than tha

Antonius had been no friend of Dolabella in the last three years: yet he condoned and recognized Dolabella’s usurpation of

pontifex maximus, once held by a glorious and remembered ancestor; 1 he also sought to attach that ambiguous person by be

ear. Cato too was dead. Averse from compromise and firm on principle, he would have been a nuisance to any government: not

ications to Gaul and Spain. Antonius was ready to parry that danger he would take that region for his own consular provi

n army adequate to defy any enterprises of his enemies. Late in March he had received Macedonia. Before the end of April,

omata as well (the region recently conquered by Caesar):1 these lands he would garrison with the Macedonian legions. For h

3 Caesar had divided Africa. Sextius’ province was Africa Nova, where he succeeded Sallustius. Q. Cornificius held Africa

Various intrigues were devised against him but came to nothing. When he returned, it was to discover with dismay that a n

Caesar. 5 When C. Octavius passed by adoption into the Julian House he acquired the new and legal designation of C. Juli

Roman and a Roman aristocrat. He was only eighteen years of age: but he resolved to acquire the power and the glory along

d in the study of oratory and the practice of military exercises, for he was to accompany the Dictator on the Balkan and e

aigns. He was not slow in reaching a decision. Crossing the Adriatic, he landed near Brundisium. When he learned about the

ng a decision. Crossing the Adriatic, he landed near Brundisium. When he learned about the will, he conceived high hopes,

Adriatic, he landed near Brundisium. When he learned about the will, he conceived high hopes, refusing to be deterred by

her, both of whom counselled refusal of the perilous inheritance. But he kept his head, neither dazzled by good fortune no

ps, which certain friends counselled, was wisely postponed. Nor would he enter Rome until he had got into touch with perso

iends counselled, was wisely postponed. Nor would he enter Rome until he had got into touch with persons of influence and

By the middle of April his presence was signalled in Campania, where he was staying with his step-father, the consular Ph

aying with his step-father, the consular Philippus. 1 More important, he had met Balbus, the trusted confidant and secreta

with Antonius about the disposal of the Dictator’s property, however, he must have rejoiced in secret. 5 Then Octavianus c

n Octavianus called on Cicero. The illustrious orator was flattered: ‘ he is quite devoted to me’, he wrote. 6 The ground

o. The illustrious orator was flattered: ‘he is quite devoted to me’, he wrote. 6 The ground was prepared. Early in May,

ground was prepared. Early in May, Octavianus drew near the city. As he entered Rome, a halo was seen to encircle Notes

he sun, a portent of royalty. Octavianus without delay announced that he accepted the adoption and persuaded a tribune, L.

Antonius had neglected the avenging of Caesar and prevented his cult; he had professed conciliation towards the assassins,

at alarmed the Senate and gave his enemies a pretext for action. Thus he was to find himself attacked on two fronts, by a

her, alarmed by the intrigues current during his absence in Campania, he now made up his mind that Brutus and Cassius shou

ful Favonius and Cicero, who was mercilessly snubbed by Servilia when he embarked upon an all too familiar recital of lost

k=>117 Antonian tribune; then, waiting for a better opportunity, he derived encouragement from the absence of any Rep

ds of Caesar supplied abundant funds,1 which along with his own money he expended lavishly at the Ludi Victoriae Caesaris,

sarian rival might well force Antonius back again to the policy which he had deserted by the legislation of June 1st to a

Piso. The balance in politics seemed to be turning against Antonius: he would have to make a choice. Sanguine informants

ilippi. The same phantom bore heavily on Antonius and stayed the hand he would have raised against Caesar’s heir. The word

the tone and content of Piso’s proposal there is no evidence: perhaps he suggested that Cisalpine Gaul should cease to be

to an unwelcome decision. In no mood to be thwarted in his ambitions, he still hoped to avoid an open breach with the part

is recent speech was held to be distinctly amicable. 1 To their edict he now made reply with a public proclamation and a p

e surface, which is all that we know. Yet Antonius may have spoken as he did in order to force his enemies to come out int

o force his enemies to come out into the open. Nor was it likely that he would consent to surrender his command, hardly ev

he session of August 1st is Cicero’s report of what was told him when he was absent from Rome. In Cicero, however, no ment

he demagogy and the bribes of Caesar’s heir. With what consummate art he worked upon this material in the month of Notes

signs upon this office. 1 Nothing came of it for the moment: at need, he would always be able to purchase one or other of

Caesar’s great army of the Balkans. They did not forget him, nor did he neglect opportunities on his journey from Brundis

e, everything from disorder. Supported by the plebs and the veterans, he possessed the means to split the Caesarian party.

ssessed the means to split the Caesarian party. For his first designs he needed funds and a faction. As many of the most e

fice and preferment, were loyal to Antonius or to settled government, he must turn his hopes and his efforts towards the m

Once a compact and devoted following was won, and his power revealed, he could build up a new Caesarian party of his own.

he Dictator, to their apprehensions or envy of Antonius: through them he might hope to influence neutral or Republican ele

s and facts, a brief acquaintance with Roman political behaviour that he possessed and that was all he needed. It is a com

nce with Roman political behaviour that he possessed and that was all he needed. It is a common belief, attested by the ex

lliance with his enemies the oligarchs. Caesar had been saved because he had a party behind him. It was clear that many a

nanimity, courage. By nature, the young man was cool and circumspect: he knew that personal courage was often but another

d upon dignitas without dangerous indulgence in chivalry or clemency; he perfected himself in the study of political cant

backing. He would then have to postpone the avenging of Caesar until he was strong enough, built up by Republican help, t

ion. Alert and resilient among the visible risks of march and battle, he had no talent for slow intrigue, no taste for pos

or postponed revenge. Though able beyond expectation as a politician, he now became bewildered, impatient and tactless. Hi

olemn thanksgivings paid by the Roman State to the immortal gods; and he had already promulgated a bill which provided for

However it was, Antonius took alarm. Rome was becoming untenable. If he lingered until the expiration of his consular yea

untenable. If he lingered until the expiration of his consular year, he was lost. His enemies might win the provincial ar

rom the pessimistic Pollio. When Brutus entered his province in April he found only two legions there. He proceeded to rai

enim res publica ius suum recuperatura. ’ PageBook=>125 Before he returned, armed revolution had broken out in Ital

d a convoy of wagons bearing money and equipment. 1 The appeal worked he gave a bribe of 500 denarii to each soldier, more

had an army. He was at first quite uncertain what to do with it. Was he to stand at Capua and prevent Antonius from retur

Octavianus took the supreme risk and set out for Rome. With armed men he occupied the Forum on November 10th. He had hoped

lba Fucens. They would listen neither to argument nor to bribes: what he offered was miserable in comparison with the lavi

to outlaw Octavianus, a tribune would surely have vetoed the measure: he could not afford a fresh conflict with the Senate

Antonius had not chosen to declare Octavianus a public enemy, nor did he now turn his military strength, superior for the

ut Spartacist. Turning to the person and family of the revolutionary, he invoked both the traditional charges of unnatural

nd entered the province of Cisalpine Gaul. Before the end of the year he disposed his forces around the city of Mutina and

young man had not seemed a political factor of prime importance when he arrived in Italy. Seven months pass, and he has m

of prime importance when he arrived in Italy. Seven months pass, and he has money, troops and a following. Whence came hi

f a Roman faction. Yet Octavianus’ relatives were not numerous; 2 and he got little NotesPage=>127 1 His arguments

ty and a fair measure of guile. 1 During his consulate and ever since he had shunned dangerous prominence. The emergence o

son as Caesar’s heir put all his talents to the test. On that subject he preserved monumental discretion, giving visitors

umental discretion, giving visitors no guidance at all. 2 To be sure, he had dissuaded the taking up of the inheritance: t

the company of his step-father: the profit in political counsel which he derived was never recorded. Philippus wished fo

itness his proconsulate of Syria, marriage to Atia and consulate: yet he gave his daughter Marcia (by an earlier marriage)

&c.) and proconsul in Hispania Citerior, after which last command he triumphed at the end of 45 B.C. (CIL 12, p. 50):

hich last command he triumphed at the end of 45 B.C. (CIL 12, p. 50): he is not heard of again until his consulate, August

sband of his half- sister Octavia, only the name is known (ILS 8963); he was the father of Sex. and of M. Appuleius, consu

R. Rep. 11, 407). No other authority gives ‘Salvius’ as his name: had he taken to latinizing the alien gentilicium? or els

rundisium, or farther, a part at least of the reserves of money which he needed for his campaigns. It would be folly to le

e annual tribute from the provinces of the East. 2 It is alleged that he duly dispatched these moneys to Rome, to the Trea

holding that his own inheritance was sufficient. 3 His own patrimony he was soon to invest ‘for the good of the Commonwea

. No record survives of his services to Caesar’s heir. After November he slips out of history for four years: the manner o

ps out of history for four years: the manner of his return shows that he had not been inactive. 5 The Caesarian Rabirius P

ent and alert in any shady transaction. Along with Matius and Saserna he advanced money for the celebration of the games i

in July. 6 Oppius was a diplomat as well as a financier. In November he is discovered on a familiar errand, this time not

dius enriched himself further by the purchase of confiscated estates: he came from Velitrae, Octavianus’ own town. 1 Evi

e honourable mention of three tribunes and a legionary commander whom he had seduced from the consul. 3 These were the e

s- designate, Hirtius and Pansa, whose counsel Octavianus sought when he arrived in Campania. Friends of Caesar, to whom t

r patriotism, their capacity. His private letters tell another story: he derided them as torpid and bibulous. 2 Hirtius

known about Pansa. Yet Pansa was no declared enemy of Antonius; 4 and he had married the daughter NotesPage=>133 1

the example of his father’s actions on behalf of the young Pompeius, he was reluctant to break with Antonius, for he hope

f of the young Pompeius, he was reluctant to break with Antonius, for he hoped through Antonius to get an early consulate

r his own son. 5 Nor was the devious Marcellus wholly to be neglected he had family connexions that could be brought into

n backing of senior statesmen in the Senate: through their auctoritas he might acquire recognition and official standing.

r was a Junia (Ad fam. 15, 8), presumably the aunj: of D. Brutus: and he was also connected with Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (cos

ith a lively appreciation of the literature and philosophy of Hellas: he was the friend and patron of Philodemus, the poet

consulate of 48 B.C. Servilius may not have been a man of action yet he governed the province of Asia for Caesar with som

f his clan. His family connexions would permit an independent and, if he chose, a conciliatory position between the partie

tween the parties. Being related to Brutus, to Cassius and to Lepidus he might become the link in a new political alignmen

Whatever the motive, his earliest acts caused discomfort to Antonius he criticized the policy of the consul on September

ars averse from Antonius but unwilling to commit themselves too soon, he kept out of the way. Yet he probably lent a tribu

unwilling to commit themselves too soon, he kept out of the way. Yet he probably lent a tribune: Ti. Cannutius belonged t

rian adventurer to destroy the Caesarian party. Cicero claimed that he had always been consistent in his political ideal

lways been consistent in his political ideal, though not in the means he adopted to attain it. His defence can hardly cove

r for political advancement, afterwards became more conservative when he gained the consulate and entered the ranks of the

volutionary not even a reformer. In the years following his consulate he wavered between Pompeius and the enemies of Pompe

een Pompeius and the enemies of Pompeius, trusted by neither. In Cato he admired yet deplored the rigid adherence to princ

plored the rigid adherence to principle and denial of compromise; and he claimed that he had been abandoned by the allies

adherence to principle and denial of compromise; and he claimed that he had been abandoned by the allies of Cato. Towards

ed that he had been abandoned by the allies of Cato. Towards Pompeius he continued to profess loyalty, despite harsh rebuf

nd evidences of cold perfidy, for which, through easy self-deception, he chose to blame Caesar, the agent of his misfortun

was the stronger from the earliest years of Cicero’s political career he seemed to have dominated the stage and directed t

nance of Pompeius was threatened (in 61-60 B.C. and in 56): each time he reasserted it in a convincing fashion. Cicero sur

g a neutral in the Civil War. Returning from his province of Cilicia, he made what efforts he could to avert hostilities.

vil War. Returning from his province of Cilicia, he made what efforts he could to avert hostilities. He showed both judgem

ad few illusions about Pompeius, little sympathy with his allies. Yet he found himself, not unnaturally, on the side of Po

of Balbus and Oppius and by personal approach. But Cicero stood firm: he refused to come to Rome and condone Caesar’s acts

r’s acts and policy by presence in the Senate. Courage, but also fear he was intimidated by the bloodthirsty threats of th

he Senate, the theatre of his old triumphs. With the passing of time, he might indeed have silenced his conscience and acq

tus later remarked ‘as long as Cicero can get people to give him what he wants, to flatter and to praise him, he will put

n get people to give him what he wants, to flatter and to praise him, he will put up with servitude. ’3 But Cicero was abl

But Cicero was able to hold out against Caesar. Though in the Senate he was once moved to celebrate the clemency and magn

nce moved to celebrate the clemency and magnanimity of the Dictator,4 he soon set to work upon a vindication of Cato, whic

the Dictator,4 he soon set to work upon a vindication of Cato, which he published, inaugurating a fashion. Caesar answere

g the memory of the Republican martyr. Through emissaries and friends he induced Cicero to compose NotesPage=>138 1

r constant vigilance. Cicero later claimed that from that day forward he never deserted his post. 1 Facts refute the asser

lished brought a rapid disillusionment. Even before the Ides of March he thought of departing to Greece and remaining ther

ed his vessel in the Straits of Messina. At Leucopetra, near Rhegium, he had cognizance on August 7th of news and rumours

to political life. 1 Cicero turned back. Near Velia on August 17th he met Brutus, occupied in the last preparations for

Brutus, occupied in the last preparations for leaving Italy. L. Piso, he learned, had indeed spoken in the Senate but with

prospect at all of playing a directing part in Roman politics. 2 So he thought then and the month of September brought n

ught it best not to turn up. He salved his dignity by the belief that he was in danger of his life, and by the composition

dly witnessed more ferocious displays of political invective, as when he contended with L. Piso ten years earlier. Betwe

The collected correspondence of Cicero preserved none of the letters he received from Octavianus. That is not surprising:

s heir in April. 2 Then nothing more for six weeks. In June, however, he recognized that the youth was to be encouraged an

onsequent breach between Antonius and Octavianus. Yet of these events he will perhaps have had cognizance at Leucopetra. O

clearly of a kind to influence the public policy of Antonius. When he made his decision to return, Cicero did not know

ise of no weight. 4 Cicero’s path lay through Aquinum, but apparently he missed Hirtius and Balbus. They were journeying t

esar’s heir, the towns of Campania were enthusiastic. Among the plebs he had a great following; and he might win more resp

ania were enthusiastic. Among the plebs he had a great following; and he might win more respectable backing. ‘But look at

cking. ‘But look at his age, his name. ’6 Octavianus was but a youth, he lacked auctoritas. On the other hand, he was the

Octavianus was but a youth, he lacked auctoritas. On the other hand, he was the heir of the Dictator, a revolutionary und

nging of Caesar. Of that purpose, no secret, no disguise. To be sure, he offered a safeguard to the conservatives by permi

r would be more decisively confirmed than they were on March 17th; if he failed, Antonius would be intolerable. ’9 Cicer

the Republic. When Pompeius had subdued the East to the arms of Rome, he received an alarming proposal of this kind: to hi

go back on his allies, drop Caesar, and become amenable to guidance: he was abruptly brought to heel by Pompeius, and his

sh his treasures upon an unworthy object in April of the year 44 B.C. he wrote to Dolabella a letter which offered that yo

persistent delusion, Cicero cannot be acquitted. Aware of the risks, he hoped to use Octavianus against Antonius and disc

ped to use Octavianus against Antonius and discard him in the end, if he did not prove pliable. It was Cato’s fatal plan a

r the good conduct and loyalty of the adventurer,3 in private letters he vaunted the excellence of his own plan: it may be

the excellence of his own plan: it may be doubted whether at any time he felt that he could trust Octavianus. Neither was

e of his own plan: it may be doubted whether at any time he felt that he could trust Octavianus. Neither was the dupe. W

he felt that he could trust Octavianus. Neither was the dupe. When he heard of the failure of the march on Rome, Cicero

gies for the struggle against Antonius, eager for war and implacable, he would hear no word of peace or compromise: he con

for war and implacable, he would hear no word of peace or compromise: he confronted Antonius with the choice between capit

ar and the guilty knowledge of his own inadequacy. He knew how little he had achieved for the Republic despite his talent

r the Republic despite his talent and his professions, how shamefully he had deserted his post after March 17th when conco

leadership, to free the State again or go down with it in ruin. Once he had written about the ideal statesman. Political

ideal derived its shape from his own disappointments. In the Republic he set forth the lineaments and design, not of any p

nown. The good statesman will not imitate those military dynasts: but he needs fame and praise to sustain his efforts for

needs fame and praise to sustain his efforts for the Commonwealth and he deserves to receive them in full measure. 5 Suc

ending, Atticus took alarm and dissuaded him from action. In November he urged his friend to turn to the writing of histor

his friend to turn to the writing of history. 6 Cicero was obdurate: he hoped NotesPage=>145 1 Ad fam. 9, 2, 5.

ired the veteran statesman in his last and courageous battle for what he believed to be the Republic, liberty and the laws

es of anarchy or despotism. He would stand as firm as Cato had stood, he would be the leader of the Optimates. It might

e in the history of civilization tempt and excuse the apologist, when he passes from the character of the orator to defend

opinions. Octavianus marched on Rome. Where was Brutus? What a chance he was missing! 3 When Brutus heard of these alarmin

e he was missing! 3 When Brutus heard of these alarming transactions, he protested bitterly. 4 Whatever be thought of thos

tions. When Hirtius brought to completion the commentaries of Caesar, he confessed that he could see no end to civil strif

s brought to completion the commentaries of Caesar, he confessed that he could see no end to civil strife. 1 Men recalled

dgement and approbation. The candidate seldom made promises. Instead, he claimed office as a reward, boasting loudly of an

was not merely a ruffian and a gladiator, a drunkard and a debauchee he was effeminate and a coward. Instead of fighting

feminate and a coward. Instead of fighting at Caesar’s side in Spain, he lurked at Rome. How different was gallant young D

e from the ancient colony of Placentia at all it was Mediolanium, and he was an Insubrian Gaul exercising the ill-famed pr

ng the ill-famed profession of auctioneer:5 or stay, worse than that, he had immigrated thither from the land of trousered

lina was not a monster after all: a blended and enigmatic individual, he possessed many virtues, which for a time had dece

tics, betrays his true colours, as detestable as Antonius. From youth he had revelled in cruelty: such had been his lusts

ewise the foreigner. Decidius Saxa is derided as a wild Celtiberian:6 he was a partisan of Antonius. Had he been on the ri

is derided as a wild Celtiberian:6 he was a partisan of Antonius. Had he been on the right side, he would have been praise

erian:6 he was a partisan of Antonius. Had he been on the right side, he would have been praised no less than that man fro

ad to acknowledge it. 1 The politician Vatinius could give as good as he got he seems to have borne Cicero no malice for t

cknowledge it. 1 The politician Vatinius could give as good as he got he seems to have borne Cicero no malice for the spee

to take these things gracefully. Caesar was sensitive to slander: but he requited Catullus for lampoons of unequalled vigo

vranty was a good thing in itself. Once in power, the popularis, were he Pompeius or were he Caesar, would do his best to

ing in itself. Once in power, the popularis, were he Pompeius or were he Caesar, would do his best to curb the dangerous a

ς καὶ πολέμιοι τῆς πατρίδος καὶ ἀλι-τήριοι ὠνομἀσθησαν. Like Sallust, he had studied Thucydides with some attention. Pag

public good. Cicero had descended to that language years before when he explained the noble motives that induced him to w

l passion the task of the apostle of concord was not always easy when he had to deal with enemies whom he had described as

of concord was not always easy when he had to deal with enemies whom he had described as ‘madmen’, ‘raging brigands’ or ‘

inds again’. Plancus was an adept. Years before in Caesar’s Civil War he had spontaneously offered his good offices to bri

blicae causa, quis me tandem iure reprehendet? ’ Cicero explains that he was not really, despite appearances, an ‘inimicus

an enemies, partly to palliate the guilt of civil war. Almost at once he composed a propaganda-letter, addressed to Balbus

xalted disloyalty into a solemn duty. Lepidus’ army compelled him, so he explained in his despatch to the Senate, to plead

own head. After the end of all the wars the victor proclaimed that he had killed no citizen who had asked for mercy:1 h

and money. The claim urged for D. Brutus might perhaps be defended: he was at least a magistrate and held his province t

esPage=>162 1 Phil. 3. In a speech to the People on the same day he states: ‘deinceps laudator provincia Gallia merit

ople. Cicero spoke before the People as well as in the Curia. 1 There he boldly inverted the protests of Antonius: Antoniu

Curia. 1 There he boldly inverted the protests of Antonius: Antonius, he said, was an assassin, a brigand, a Spartacus. He

s the constant and bitter complaint of Cicero through the months when he clamoured for war. 4 ‘The consuls are excellent,

he most polished and graceful of the correspondents of Cicero perhaps he indulged in mild parody of that smooth exemplar.

53, M. Valerius Messalla Rufus, who lived on obscure and unrecorded ( he was augur for the space of 55 years), and Cn. Dom

with Antonius, his ally in the days following the Ides of March; and he will have reflected that next to Antonius he was

g the Ides of March; and he will have reflected that next to Antonius he was the most hated of the Caesarian leaders, hate

y courted the favour of Lepidus, now in an advantageous position, for he had recently induced the adventurer Sex. Pompeius

und his loyalties at variance or out of date: it is pretty clear that he had no use for any party. He knew about them all.

cause championed by Cicero, the pomp and insincerity of whose oratory he found so distasteful. But Pollio was to play his

d of its garrison. Antonius’ ally Dolabella was on his way eastwards: he had sent legates in advance, the one to Syria, th

ise. The result was hardly a triumph for Cicero. One point, indeed, he carried the troops of D. Brutus and of Octavianus

with the title of pro-praetor. 2 Further, by a special dispensation, he was to be allowed to stand for the consulship ten

nsulship ten years before the legal age. Octavianus was now nineteen: he would still have thirteen years to wait. After th

roconsul, his position, though not so strong, was valid in this, that he held his extraordinary command in virtue of a ple

: which did not meet the ideas of Cicero. That the embassy would fail he proclaimed in public and prayed in secret. 1 Th

idity or compromise. As for the terms that the adversary would offer, he conjectured that Antonius might yield the Cisalpi

at of war and marched up the Flaminia to Ariminum but not to fight if he could avoid it. He might yet baffle both Cicero a

he could avoid it. He might yet baffle both Cicero and Antonius. But he could not arrest the mobilization. Patriotism and

The conditions upon which Antonius was prepared to treat were these:3 he would give up Cisalpine Gaul, but insisted on ret

ve up Cisalpine Gaul, but insisted on retaining Comata: that province he would hold for the five years following, until Br

e derived from politics, with legality a casual or partisan question, he required guarantees: it was not merely his dignit

question, he required guarantees: it was not merely his dignitas that he had to think of, but his salus. The sole security

. Considering the recent conduct of his enemies at Rome and in Italy, he had every reason to demand safeguards in return f

rank conferred upon a private adventurer. As for Brutus and Cassius, he appears to have recognized their right to the con

y. But Cicero did not abate his efforts. As a patriotic demonstration he proposed on the same day yet another statue in th

near relatives. 3 When all was ready, and the decision at last taken, he moved with rapidity. The quaestors of Asia and Sy

passing over. Such was the situation that confronted C. Antonius when he landed at Dyrrhachium to take over the province o

acular was the success of Cassius. He went to Syria, a province where he was known and esteemed, outstripping Dolabella. T

ovince where he was known and esteemed, outstripping Dolabella. There he found six legions, under the Caesarian generals S

; Plutarch, Brutus 25). P. Lentulus, Trebonius’ quaestor, claims that he helped Cassius (Ad fam. 12, 14, 6). 5 On these

aesar. Cicero, however, changed his mind and backed out. The embassy, he urged, would be futile: to negotiate at this stag

e made no secret of his agreement with Antonius: Antonius suppressed, he would be the next of the Caesarian generals to be

e same evening, in a tone of pained surprise and earnest exhortation, he wrote to Plancus. 4 To Lepidus he was abrupt and

d surprise and earnest exhortation, he wrote to Plancus. 4 To Lepidus he was abrupt and overbearing ‘in my opinion you wil

held and defended the camp near Mutina. Along with Pansa and Hirtius he received the imperatorial acclamation. Such was t

the field Antonius was rapid of decision. On the day after the defeat he got the remnants of his army into order and set o

Caesar’s heir refused to take orders from Caesar’s assassin: nor, if he had, is it certain that the troops would have obe

Octavianus received news from Rome that amply justified his decision: he was to be discarded as soon as he had served the

that amply justified his decision: he was to be discarded as soon as he had served the purposes of the enemies of Antoniu

as he had served the purposes of the enemies of Antonius. So at least he inferred from the measures passed in the Senate w

nd. Octavianus, his forces augmented by the legions of Pansa, which he refused to surrender to D. Brutus, resolved to st

tranger vicissitudes of alliance. 3 Yet, even if this did not happen, he might be caught between Caesarians in the West an

Vada Sabatia (some thirty miles south-west of Genoa). Here on May 3rd he was met by the trusty Ventidius with the three ve

instead of opposing his invasion of Narbonensis. Lepidus alleged that he was pained by their behaviour but merciful ‘nos e

as had been the generals of Pompeius. He did not wish to be nor could he have subjugated the strong Caesarian sympathies o

ervening in northern Italy on the side of the Republic. On April 26th he crossed the Rhône and marched south-eastwards as

the latter’s camp. Lepidus encouraged him. But Plancus feared a trap he knew his Lepidus; 3 and Laterensis warned him tha

ancus turned back and established himself at Cularo (Grenoble). There he waited for D. Brutus to come over the pass of the

surviving epistle to Cicero. His style had lost none of its elegance: he protested good will and loyalty, explained how we

oming up with two legions from Hispania Ulterior. Earlier in the year he had complained that the Senate sent him no instru

he had complained that the Senate sent him no instructions; nor could he have marched to Italy against the will of the amb

dus. 2 Pollio was bound by his personal friendship to Antonius; and he now reconciled Plancus and Antonius. So Plancus j

. So Plancus joined the company of the ‘parricides’ and ‘brigands’ as he had so recently termed them. The unfortunate Brut

y more menacing. That young man had got wind of a witticism of Cicero he was to be praised and NotesPage=>167 1 Ad

g the months after Mutina, in the face of the most palpable evidence, he persisted in asserting the wisdom of his policy,

in early April, after a quarrel over a vote complimentary to Plancus, he described Servilius as ‘homo furiosus’. 6 If a

dum, tollendum. ’ Cicero (ib. 11, 21, 1) does not expressly deny that he said so. 2 Above, p. 143. 3 Ad M. Brutum 1, 1

military leader; and this was but the culmination of the policy that he had initiated in the previous autumn. Brutus wa

st Antonius. Brutus had not broken off all relations with M. Antonius he may still have hoped for an accommodation:7 the b

h, Cicero 45 f. If Plutarch is to be believed, Augustus admitted that he had played upon Cicero’s ambition to be consul.

;170 The pressure of events gradually drove him to a decision. When he left Italy in August, it was not with the plan al

Republic through violence. He did not believe in violence. At Athens he looked about for allies, opened negotiations with

s) to be closely dated. According to Gelzer, Brutus did not act until he had news of the session of November 28th, when An

assage of news and movements of troops in winter. 2 This may be why he wished to delay the publication in Rome of the re

everated his responsibility for that policy. But his words belied him he did not cease to urge Brutus to return to Italy.

ease to urge Brutus to return to Italy. After a council with Servilia he launched a final appeal on July 27th. 4 By now Br

uly 27th. 4 By now Brutus was far out of reach. Before the end of May he began to march eastwards through Macedonia to reg

now held Rome after the second attempt in ten months. The first time he had sought backing from senior statesmen and from

ing from senior statesmen and from the party of the constitution. Now he was consul, his only danger the rival army comman

him to death. 3 The milder version of the fate of Q. Gallius is that he departed on a voyage. Pirates or shipwreck took t

n legions, the consul left Rome for the reckoning with Antonius, whom he could now face as an equal. Antonius had been thw

7, cf, 74, 303. PageBook=>188 after the Battle of Mutina, when he treated the Antonian captives with honour, sendin

clear indication was soon given. As Octavianus moved up the Flaminia, he instructed the other consul to revoke the decrees

ul. His name and fortune shielded him once again. In the negotiations he now took his stand as an equal: but the apportion

fluence. Antonius constrained the young Caesar to resign the office he had seized. The rest of the year was given to P.

st, Antonius for the present assumed control of the territories which he claimed by vote of the popular assembly, namely G

allia Comata, dominant from geographical position and armed strength: he seems to have left his partisan Pollio as procons

nst Antonius. NotesPage=>189 1 Ad fam. 10, 21, 4. 2 At least he was with Sex. Pompeius in 39 B.C. (Velleius 2, 77

edients. For Antonius there was some palliation, at least when consul he had been harried by faction and treason, when pro

nts with the Liberators. Cicero could have escaped through indecision he lingered until too late. His murder disgraced the

s not put on the list even for form’s sake or as a warning to others: he had recently shown conspicuous kindness to the wi

urring blame in certain circles,3 but trusting his own judgement; and he had already secured a guarantee for the event of

NotesPage=>193 1 Nepos, Vita Attici 12, 4: according to Nepos, he was by far the most elegant poet since Lucretius

tood above parties. He did not champion one class against another. If he had begun a revolution, his next act was to stem

fence. Varro was an old Pompeian, politically innocuous by now: but he was also the owner of great estates. 3 Likewise L

riends of Varro, wealthy landowners, cf. above, p. 31. 4 In 45 B.C. he was able to provide Caesar with six thousand mura

from the Triumvirs (41 B.C.), like his first from Caesar: after that he is not heard of again. Antonius’ adherent Q. Fufi

Cato, almost all kinsmen of Marcus Brutus. When Brutus left Italy, he was accompanied or followed by his relatives Cn.

. Flavius, with no heart for war but faithful to the end. 4 At Athens he found a welcome and support among the Roman youth

rassi in Inscr. It. XIII, part 1); and perhaps Q. Marcius Crispus, if he be the Marcius who also was cos. suff. in that ye

r influence, cf. W. Schulze, LE, 531 ff. Münzer, however, argues that he came from the ancient colony of Norba, P-W xvii,

Lack of ships frustrated an invasion of the island. As for Antonius, he was held up at Brundisium by a hostile navy under

y and the loyalty of the native chieftains. Then, crossing into Asia, he met Cassius at Smyrna towards the end of the year

he extermination of the Liberators had not been Antonius’ policy when he was consul. But with Caesar’s heir there could be

s heard of the end of Cicero, it was not so much sorrow as shame that he felt for Rome. 2 For good reasons Brutus and Ca

ph of the Caesarian generals and the institution of the proscriptions he knew where he stood. Brutus himself was no sold

arian generals and the institution of the proscriptions he knew where he stood. Brutus himself was no soldier by repute,

true, were Caesarian veterans. Yet the soldiers welcomed Cassius when he arrived in Syria more than eighteen months earlie

g his way through the marsh to the south around the flank of Cassius, he at last forced on a battle. Octavianus had now co

ianus had now come up though shattered in health and never a soldier, he could not afford to resign to Antonius the sole

t there. A certain mystery envelops his movements: on his own account he obeyed a warning dream which had visited his favo

he Caesarians and impatient of delay, officers and men clamoured that he should try the fortune of battle again. Moreover,

ife may have risen to his thoughts. Brutus had divined it Antonius, he said, might have been numbered with Cato, with Br

id, might have been numbered with Cato, with Brutus and with Cassius: he had surrendered himself to Octavianus and he woul

Brutus and with Cassius: he had surrendered himself to Octavianus and he would pay for his folly in the end. 4 When the

ade a part of Italy. 1 So Antonius promised to give up the Cisalpina: he retained Comata, however, and took Narbonensis fr

the hands of Pompeius. As for Africa, should Lepidus make complaint, he might have that for his share. These engagements

y and confidence of victory, Octavianus returned to Italy. On the way he fell ill again and lingered at Brundisium, too we

nd all but fatal to himself. No calculation could have predicted that he would emerge in strength and triumph from the var

s of pietas. 2 Fulvia, if anybody, knew the character of her husband: he neither would nor could go back upon his pledges

thus win for her absent and unsuspecting consort the sole power which he scarcely seemed to desire. Octavianus, while pr

succumbing to just such an alliance of Caesarians and Republicans as he had stirred up against Antonius nearly three year

had stirred up against Antonius nearly three years earlier. In alarm he sent his confidential agent, Caecina of Volaterra

rther, L. Antonius has been idealized in the account of Appian, where he appears as a champion of Libertas against militar

an ambiguous and threatening attitude earlier in the year. For a time he refused to let Salvidienus pass through the Cisal

τὴν ξίωσιν καθαιρ . PageBook=>210 his way to Spain; 1 and now he might bar the return of Octavianus’ best marshal

ring of fortifications. Then, marching north-eastwards with Agrippa, he confronted Pollio and Ventidius, who, undecided a

till no sign came from the East. In Perusia the consul professed that he was fighting in the cause of his brother, and his

ting a Cappadocian mistress) and insulted his wife Fulvia. 3 Further, he composed poems of traditional obscenity about Pol

of his colleague and sent him away to be his governor in Spain, where he shortly died. 6 The city of Perusia was destined

s, the tribune who had presented Caesar’s heir before the people when he marched upon Rome for the first time. 1 Death was

me against the generals of Octavianus. Then all is a blank, save that he negotiated with the Republican admiral Ahenobarbu

and most men’s hopes. In his emergency Octavianus sought aid where he could, an accommodation with the master of the se

legions. 5 Octavianus left Italy to take over this welcome accession: he placed Salvidienus in charge of Gaul, confident i

ds and punished enemies, set up petty kings or deposed them. 1 So did he spend the winter after Philippi. Then his peregri

y of Tarsus, in Cilicia. Through his envoy, the versatile Q. Dellius, he summoned an important vassal, the Queen of Egypt,

urely onwards to Egypt. After a short and merry winter at Alexandria, he left Egypt in the early spring of 40 B.C. That he

nter at Alexandria, he left Egypt in the early spring of 40 B.C. That he had contracted ties that bound him to Cleopatra m

than to Glaphyra, there neither is, nor was, any sign at all. Nor did he see the Queen of Egypt again until nearly four ye

trouble in Italy, the most disquieting rumours were already current: he soon learned that a new and alarming civil war ha

His own share was the gathering of funds in the East in which perhaps he had not been very successful. 2 He felt that he w

East in which perhaps he had not been very successful. 2 He felt that he was well out of the tangle. Of subsequent events

aly, the war in Etruria and the investment of Perusia, it may be that he had no cognizance when he arrived at Tyre in Febr

d the investment of Perusia, it may be that he had no cognizance when he arrived at Tyre in February of the year 40, but l

ely informed, may still have preferred to wait upon events. 5 At last he moved. The Parthian menace was upon him, but th

could wait. Antonius gathered forces and sailed for Greece. At Athens he met Fulvia and Plancus. He heard the reproaches o

cus. He heard the reproaches of the one and the excuses of the other; he learned the full measure of the disaster. Whether

e full measure of the disaster. Whether for revenge or for diplomacy, he must be strongly armed: he prepared a fleet and l

ter. Whether for revenge or for diplomacy, he must be strongly armed: he prepared a fleet and looked about for allies. Fro

t;216 include Pompeius, Antonius agreed to armed co-operation. When he set sail in advance with a few ships from a port

eady expelled from Sardinia M. Lurius the partisan of Octavianus, and he now made descents upon the coasts of southern Ita

roscribed his associates before a year had passed; again, at Perusia, he stamped out the liberties of Rome and Italy in bl

nfronted his Caesarian rival. For war, his prospects were better than he could have hoped; and he at once demonstrated his

val. For war, his prospects were better than he could have hoped; and he at once demonstrated his old generalship by the s

ght command a mass of legions: they were famished and unreliable, and he had no ships at all. Not merely did Antonius hold

Ahenobarbus, a compromising adherent, to be governor of Bithynia, and he instructed Pompeius to call off his fleets. Serio

ormed the learned Asconius that, as a matter of fact, none other than he , Gallus, was the wonder-child:3 no evidence that

nius’ man, and Pollio had had a large share in negotiating the treaty he is an agent here, not merely a date. Antonius’ so

hians. 4 Pollio may have departed to Macedonia about the same time if he came to Rome to assume the insignia of his consul

arkable, perhaps, of all the marshals of the Revolution. Like Balbus, he had held as yet no senatorial office the wars had

ne of the senators they had sought to defend Caesar the Dictator when he was assailed by the Liberators. 1 In the eyes o

g Caesar in prestige and in popularity. Of Lepidus none took account: he had family influence and did not resign ambition,

ots: Sex. Pompeius expelled Helenus the freedman from Sardinia, which he was trying to recapture for Octavianus,2 and resu

o meet his triumviral colleague and one to the bank of the Euphrates, he superintended from Athens the reorganization of t

the Marsian Poppaedius Silo. 6 Ventidius had served under Caesar, and he moved with Caesarian decision and rapidity. In th

e Cilician Gates, at Mount Amanus (39 B.C.) and at Gindarus (38 B.C.) he shattered and dispersed the Parthians. Both Pacor

Parthians. Both Pacorus and Labienus perished. Then, after Gindarus, he marched to Samosata on the Euphrates and laid sie

. Rep. 11, 500; 504; 508; 524. Not that Sosius was there all the time he governed Syria for Antonius in 38–36. 4 Dio 48,

inding his colleague there, and being refused admittance to the town, he departed at once, alleging pressure of Parthian a

he departed at once, alleging pressure of Parthian affairs: by letter he warned Octavianus not to break the peace with Pom

7 Antonius sailed with a large fleet from Athens to Italy. Once again he found that Brundisium would not admit him. Not th

ly. Once again he found that Brundisium would not admit him. Not that he had either the desire or the pretext for war, but

it him. Not that he had either the desire or the pretext for war, but he was in an angry mood. Once again for the benefit

in an angry mood. Once again for the benefit of an ambiguous partner he had to defer the complete pacification of the Eas

o and a troupe of rising poets. 1 Pollio was not present. If invited, he refused, from disgust of politics. Resentful an

m. Antonius departed. Before long the conviction grew upon him that he had been thwarted and deceived. He may have hoped

onius departed for Syria. From Corcyra in the late summer of the year he sent Octavia back to Italy. He may already have t

, who gave guarantee neither of victory nor even of personal security he had recently put to death on the charge of conspi

o alien or domestic adherents. Whether from choice or from necessity, he came to rely more and more upon the services of h

and endured unimpaired to the day of his death. For once in his life he surrendered to emotion: it was with political adv

7 The problem of Scribonia’s husbands, intensified by Suetonius when he describes her as ‘nuptam ante duobus consularibus

late as 38 B.C. A P. Scipio became consul suffect in 35 B.C.: perhaps he had been previously married to Scribonia, before

=>230 Octavianus now had a war on his hands earlier perhaps than he had planned. His best men, Agrippa and Calvinus,

frica was silent or ambiguous. Ambition had made him a Caesarian, but he numbered friends and kinsmen among the Republican

provincial clientela like that of Pompeius or the Caesarian leaders, he might still exert the traditional policy of famil

ship of Agrippa and the diplomacy of Maecenas. Lacking either of them he might have been lost. Antonius was induced to com

nds, raised a private army of three legions in Asia, with which force he contended for a time against the NotesPage=>

ntifex maximus, Lepidus was banished to Circeii, in which mild resort he survived the loss of honour by twenty-four years.

tavianus was generous but firm. 1 The veterans of Mutina and Philippi he now released from service, allotting lands and fo

sending Taurus to occupy Africa, returned to Rome, victorious. When he arrived there awaited him a welcome, sincere as n

ut it contained a programme. Octavianus remitted debts and taxes; and he gave public expression to the hope that the Free

541 f. 2 Ib. 5, 132, 548. 3 Above, pp. 90 and 188. For Octavianus he fought in Spain in 41 B.C. (Appian, BC 4, 83, 351

the Ionian Sea for the campaign of Philippi. Then silence again until he becomes consul for the second time in 40 B.C., wi

7, 62. 6 Appian, BC 5, 54, 229, cf. Groag, PIR2, C 1331. If or when he was consul is uncertain, for Velleius describes h

elleius 2, 85, 2). 8 Porphyrio on Horace, Sat. 1, 3, 130, says that he came from Cremona. Virgil dedicated to him the si

ce, in the Virgilian Lives and in the scholiasts, the allegation that he was a land-commissioner. The political affiliatio

s an Antonian in 44 B.C. (Phil. 3, 26). There is no evidence how soon he joined Octavianus. On his origin, cf. above, p. 1

ation second only to Agrippa was T. Statilius Taurus (cos. suff. 37); he owed his advancement to the patronage of Calvisiu

hing is known of his family or attachments: there is no evidence that he was related to Q. Cornificius. 2 Apart from the

8), which was presumably his home, cf. ILS 6463. 3 In whose company he is first mentioned, in 43, perhaps as one of his

family of Messalla (ib. 35, 21). 6 Lepidus was not an admiral: but he was in the company of Octavianus in 36 B.C(Sueton

eived or usurped the privilege of an elephant for his conveyance when he returned home from banquets, a token of changed t

revolutionary was becoming attractive and even respectable or rather, he already gave signs of becoming equal if not super

temvir epulonum and curio maximus (ILS 925), in which latter function he was probably succeeded by Taurus, who was also au

in full confidence. The young man became formidable. As a demagogue he had nothing to learn: as a military leader he nee

midable. As a demagogue he had nothing to learn: as a military leader he needed to show the soldiery that he was the peer

ng to learn: as a military leader he needed to show the soldiery that he was the peer of the great Antonius in courage,

no information. PageBook=>240 vigour and resource. To this end he devoted his energies in the years 35 and 34 B.C.

anus’ time was short, his aims were restricted. In the first campaign he conquered Pannonian tribes and seized the strong

Siscia, an advanced buttress for the defence of Italy; in the second he pacified the coast of Dalmatia and subdued the na

s up to the line of the Dinaric Alps, but not beyond it. If war came, he would secure Italy in the north-east from an inva

iral built or repaired a shrine of Neptune, as was right, even though he did not hold a triumph. Apollo, however, was th

e protecting deity of the young Caesar, and to Apollo on the Palatine he had already dedicated a temple in 36 B.C. In the

ueduct, the Aqua Marcia. Now in 33 B.C., though of consular standing, he assumed the onerous duties of aedile, and carried

ear, of unprecedented length: it contains seven other names. Hitherto he had promoted in the main his marshals, with a few

n aristocracy, or persons of influence in the towns of Italy: in both he advertised and extended his power. L. Vinicius wa

tised and extended his power. L. Vinicius was one of the new consuls: he had not been heard of for nearly twenty years. Co

s sustained by an insatiable curiosity, a tireless industry. Long ago he deserted politics, save for a brief interval of l

gable scholar was not deterred. At the age of eighty, discovering, as he said, that it was time to gather his baggage for

e said, that it was time to gather his baggage for the last journey,3 he proceeded to compose a monumental work on the the

tter, as a landowner with comfortably situated friends and relatives, he possessed ample knowledge. Though the varied co

mpilations of Varro embraced historical as well as antiquarian works, he had gathered the materials of history rather than

te of Pompeius. Expelled from the Senate by the censors of 50 B.C., he returned with Caesar, holding military command in

ut scorning ignoble ease or the pursuits of agriculture and hunting,3 he devoted himself to history, a respectable activit

ter monographs on the Conspiracy of Catilina and the War of Jugurtha, he proposed to narrate the revolutionary period from

Thucydides. He could not have chosen better, if choice there was, for he , too, was witness of a political contest that str

f a studied archaic style and short sentences, ending abruptly; 1 and he laid down the model and categories of Roman histo

ternal discord so long as Rome had to contend with rivals for empire, he imitated Greek doctrines of political development

s. 2 There was no idealization in his account of a more recent period he knew it too well; and the immediate and palpable

mpiled brief historical biographies designed for use in schools, that he drew the parallel so clearly when alluding to the

come. On the writing of poetry, however, the Roman aristocrat, though he might turn a verse with ease, or fill a volume, s

and extend his patronage to others. Under the rule of the Triumvirate he was known to be composing tragedies about the mon

ies about the monarchs of mythical antiquity; 2 before that, however, he had earned the gratitude of two poets, Gallus and

may have served as an equestrian officer on the staff of Pollio when he governed the Cisalpina for Antonius (41-40 B.C.).

d offices may have preserved or restored the poet’s estate so long as he held Cisalpina, but the disturbances of the Perus

val the lady of his passion and ostensible source of his inspiration ( he had inherited her from another),6 NotesPage=>

eastwards with Antonius soon after the Pact of Brundisium:1 how long he remained an Antonian, there is no evidence at all

for Antonius. It was about this time, in the absence of Pollio, that he was ensnared by more powerful and perhaps more se

gil intended to compose a poem about Italy, not a technical handbook; he wrote about the country and the life of the farme

both in style and in subject, already setting forth in practice what he was later to formulate as a literary theory a hea

Caesarian general in Africa, carried with him a bull’s head wherever he went. 1 The credit of omens and astrology grew st

nded success, and even earned repute, in the well-ordered state which he almost lived to see firmly established. 1 T. Pomp

nger the terrorist of Perusia. Since then seven years had passed. But he was not yet the leader of all Italy. In this No

ve driven the Parthians out of Asia. When at last his hands were free he departed to Syria, summoning thither the most pow

t powerful and most wealthy of the Roman vassals, the Queen of Egypt: he had not seen her for nearly four years. Fonteius

ilitary of them all, lay low, aged but not decrepit: true to himself, he had just grasped possession of all Galatia, murde

. Antonius resolved to augment the territories of Egypt. To Cleopatra he gave dominions in Syria, namely, the central Phoe

the Hellenic world. Antonius went farther. During the War of Mutina he publicly asserted the cause of Caesar’s friend Th

e of Pompeius and Caesar as master of the eastern lands, not only did he invest Polemo, the orator’s son from Laodicea, wi

invest Polemo, the orator’s son from Laodicea, with a great kingdom: he gave his own daughter Antonia in marriage to Pyth

odite, universal saviour of mankind. 3 Antonius advertised the favour he enjoyed from Dionysus; and his own race was fable

et a firm hold on Armenia by planting garrisons over the land perhaps he did not have enough legions. Thus Artavasdes, giv

ould not bring them to battle. It was already late in the season when he appeared before the walls of Phraaspa, dangerousl

ore the walls of Phraaspa, dangerously late when, after a vain siege, he was forced to retreat. The winter was upon him. W

Mutina, Antonius showed his best qualities in adversity. From Armenia he marched without respite or delay to Syria, for Ar

s for the first time in his life. He was dealing with Octavianus: but he learned too late. Octavianus, however, was no mor

of the negotiators at Tarentum in 37 B.C. (Horace, Sat. 1, 5, 32 f.), he was sent on a mission to Egypt by Antonius in the

he company of the assassins in will and sympathy, if not in the deed, he fought at Philippi. Then, refusing either to agre

to trust, like Murcus, the alliance with Pompeius (whose whole family he hated), Ahenobarbus with his fleet as an autonomo

ins with family portraits thereon. 1 Pollio won him for Antonius, and he served Antonius well. The alliance was firm with

in 36 B.C. to help Octavianus, and was governor of Syria in 32, when he died (Appian, BC 4, 38, 162; Syr, 51). 3 Descri

son of the Pompeian consul of 72 B.C., cf. Münzer, P-W VII, 103 ff.: he is the Gellius infamously derided by Catullus (88

to a point the acts of Antonius can be recovered and explained. When he disposed of kingdoms and tetrarchies in sovran an

disposed of kingdoms and tetrarchies in sovran and arbitrary fashion, he did not go beyond the measure of a Roman proconsu

People. The system of dependent kingdoms and of Roman provinces which he built up appears both intelligible and workable.

bo (p. 671) so clearly states. 3 Dio 42, 6, 3. PageBook=>272 he also removed Cyprus from Roman control and resign

re retained almost wholly by the victorious rival, save that in Egypt he changed the dynasty and substituted his own perso

s. There was Cleopatra. Antonius was not the King of Egypt,1 but when he abode there as consort of Egypt’s Queen, the fath

irst man in Rome, when controlling the East, could not evade, even if he wished, the rank and attributes of a king or a go

ύϛ. 3 W. W. Tarn, JRS XXII (1932), H9 ff. PageBook=>274 When he dwelt at Athens with Octavia, Antonius’ behaviour

enied a complete monarchic policy of his own, it does not follow that he was merely a tool in the hands of Cleopatra, begu

her beauty or dominated by her intellect. His position was awkward if he did not placate the Queen of Egypt he would have

ct. His position was awkward if he did not placate the Queen of Egypt he would have to depose her. Yet he was quite able t

e did not placate the Queen of Egypt he would have to depose her. Yet he was quite able to repel her insistent attempts to

3 But there are more insistent and more dangerous forms of domination he may have succumbed to the power of her imaginatio

r and by principle as well as by the necessities of war. Like Caesar, he never deserted his friends or his allies. Nobler

promise, no act or thought. Octavianus moved first. Early in the year he delivered a speech before the Senate, criticizing

hted word of covenants, which was a mistake. Antonius complained that he had been excluded from raising recruits in Italy;

each of contract. Preferring a topic with moral and emotional appeal, he turned the weight of his attack upon Antonius’ al

of his acta and the demand for their ratification to a document which he dispatched before the end of the year to the cons

isenia, Rufilla, Tertulla and Terentilla ? 2 Against the other charge he composed an unedifying tract entitled De sua ebri

he Republican Messalla turned his eloquence to political advantage; 5 he was soon to be requited with the consulate which

for the triumviral powers had come to an end. 6 He was not dismayed: he took no NotesPage=>277 1 For the details,

e other, the statement and attitude of Octavianus is perfectly clear: he had been Triumvir for ten years (Res Gestae 7). A

respected the constitution and dispensed with it. When the time came, he went beyond Senate and People, appealing to a hig

ered a speech in praise of Antonius, with strong abuse of Octavianus; he proposed a motion of censure which was vetoed by

rents and their armed bands. Returning to Rome, on his own initiative he summoned the Senate. He had discarded the name of

ve he summoned the Senate. He had discarded the name of Triumvir. But he possessed auctoritas and the armed power to back

ce, with concealed weapons. Taking his place between the two consuls, he spoke in defence of his own policy, accusing Sosi

sed the Senate, instructing it to assemble again on a fixed day, when he would supply documentary evidence against Antoniu

φανєρῶϛ, ὣϛ γє καὶ συμφʋρῶν πoλλῶν πεπειραμένoϛ, ἐνєóχμωσєν. Perhaps he was approached by eminent ex- Republicans in the

ate was over a thousand. PageBook=>279 Octavianus alleged that he suffered them to depart freely and openly. 1 To p

leaving Italy without sanction. 2 In place of Sosius and Ahenobarbus he appointed two nobles, M. Valerius, a kinsman of M

, and L. Cornelius Cinna, grandson of Sulla’s enemy. In the next year he would be consul with Corvinus, instead of Antoniu

s an insecure control of Rome and Italy. But violence was not enough: he still lacked the moral justification for war, and

est, still employed the name, again offered to give up his powers, as he had two years before. 4 Furthermore, if the law a

patra provided for the war. 2 Canidius prevailed: it was alleged that he had been bribed. The compromising ally remained.

cause but by personal allegiance. Generous but careless, in the past he had not been NotesPage=>280 1 BMC, R. Rep.

nobarbus who ran away, but Plancus. Accompanied by his nephew Titius, he deserted and fled to Rome. 4 Plancus had never ye

ave been tremendous, alike in Rome and in the camp of Antonius. Yet he still kept in his company men of principle, disti

ueathed legacies to the children of Cleopatra and directed that, when he died, he should be buried beside her in Alexandri

egacies to the children of Cleopatra and directed that, when he died, he should be buried beside her in Alexandria. 2 Th

t of the Romans, because Cleopatra was passing by in her litter, that he had bestowed upon his paramour the whole library

egations of his enemies. Otherwise the situation appeared favourable: he was blamed for not exploiting the given advantage

of his legions by paying a donative. In desperate straits for money, he imposed new taxation of unprecedented severity th

ome’s enemy. And so Octavianus, like Cicero twelve years earlier when he so eloquently justified a Catilinarian venture an

’. Against the degenerate organs of a narrow and outworn constitution he appealed to the voice and sentiments of the true

, Premerstein, o.c, 26 ff., esp. 36 ff. For the words and formulation he acutely invokes four documents: the oath of the P

The Paelignian town of Sulmo had opened its gates to M. Antonius when he led troops for Caesar in the invasion of Italy. T

ces Antonius had been the gainer: his own conscience was clear. 1 But he refused to support the national movement. Pollio

nd mendacious propaganda revolted both his honesty and his intellect: he had no illusions about Octavianus and his friends

ped of his powers and of the consulate for the next year. That office he allotted to an aristocratic partisan, Valerius Me

ffice he allotted to an aristocratic partisan, Valerius Messalla; and he was to wage Rome’s war as consul himself, for the

d war with all the traditional pomp of an ancient rite. With Antonius he had NotesPage=>291 1 Velleius 2, 86, 4: ‘m

and authority on rhetoric, must have been a man of some substance if he could secure senatorial rank for two of his sons.

in his preparations of army and fleet, but not perhaps as resolute as he might appear. Antonius now had to stand beside Cl

destroying the Caesarians. Time, money and supplies were on his side: he might delay and fight a battle with little loss o

Italy. The retreat from Media had seriously depleted his army. 2 But he made up the losses by fresh levies and NotesPag

l populations of Macedonia and Galatia. Perhaps the picked army which he mustered in Epirus was composed in the main of th

id not strike at Dyrrhachium or Apollonia. Making an early beginning, he moved southwards instead and took up a position o

osition proved a signal failure. The plan had been turned against him— he was now encompassed and shut in. Famine and disea

ust begin without delay. He had not gone farther east than Samos when he was himself recalled by troubles in Italy. There

After negotiations managed through his friends Gallus and Proculeius, he interviewed the Queen. 1 Diplomacy, veiled intimi

3 Likewise did his heir, when murder could serve no useful purpose : he even claimed that after his victory he spared all

ould serve no useful purpose : he even claimed that after his victory he spared all Roman citizens who asked to be spared.

us, the last of Antonius’ marshals, also perished. Loyal to Antonius, he shared in the calumny against his leader and suff

y against his leader and suffered a double detraction. They said that he had deserted the legions after Actium, that he di

action. They said that he had deserted the legions after Actium, that he died without fortitude. 2 Antonius’ eldest son wa

re reserved to walk in a Roman triumph. The boy is not heard of again— he was probably suppressed. The girl was enlisted as

language, to have added the land to the Empire of the Roman People :4 he treated Egypt as his own private and dynastic pos

umber of petty dynasts or city tyrants. The greater vassals, however, he was eager to attach to his own clientela. 6 As he

to his own clientela. 6 As heir to the power of Antonius in the East he confirmed their titles when he did not augment th

r to the power of Antonius in the East he confirmed their titles when he did not augment their territories. It had been an

r they were worth, Octavianus naturally cancelled; for the rest, when he had completed his arrangements, the territory in

he East for Rome. 1 The artful conqueror preferred to leave things as he found them. The profession of defending Rome’s Em

ly to be discarded in peace, was quietly neglected in the East, where he inherited the policy of Antonius in order to rend

ia fell away during the War of Actium. Octavianus was not incommoded: he took no steps to recover that region, but invoked

d into a Roman province. 3 Acquiring Egypt and its wealth for Rome, he could afford to abandon Armenia and one part of t

the East was unobtrusive and masterly. With the Mede, Antonius’ ally, he began by following Antonius’ policy and even gran

rthia Octavianus neither bore resentment nor threatened war. Instead, he negotiated. When a Parthian pretender fled to Syr

war. Instead, he negotiated. When a Parthian pretender fled to Syria, he preferred to use that advantage for peace rather

30th, 28 B.C. (CIL 12, p. 77). Not so Nonius, so far as known, though he took an imperatorial salutation (ILS 895). The pr

M. Licinius Crassus, held that his successes deserved special honour: he was not allowed to celebrate his triumph till Jul

imperial NotesPage=>303 1 Appian (BC 4, 51, 221) records that he became governor of Syria. About the date, no evid

f Actium and Octavianus’ absence in the East. The Georgics published, he had already begun to compose a national epic on t

only, or by the inevitable flattery of eastern lands. Like Alexander, he had spread his conquest to the bounds of the worl

Alexander, he had spread his conquest to the bounds of the world; and he was acclaimed in forms and language once used of

peius destroyed the Sullan system; and when enlisted in an emergency, he turned his powers to selfish ends. The rule of Ca

or the sixth time with Agrippa as his colleague. In the previous year he had augmented the total of the patrician families

resigned the title of Triumvir, but it might have been contended that he continued unobtrusively to exercise the dictatori

the question been of concern to men at the time. From 31 B.C onwards he had been consul every year. But that was not all.

s not all. The young despot not only conceded, but even claimed, that he held sovranty over the whole State and the whole

that he held sovranty over the whole State and the whole Empire, for he solemnly affirmed that in the sixth and seventh c

re, for he solemnly affirmed that in the sixth and seventh consulates he transferred the Commonwealth from his own power t

en in his hand? He indicates that it was through general consent that he had acquired supreme power—‘per consensum univers

lnerable. The imperator could depend upon the plebs and the army. But he could not rule without the help of an oligarchy.

but claimed more, namely the ancient honour of the spolia opima, for he had slain the chieftain of the enemy in battle wi

was certainly not of consular standing. 3 NotesPage=>308 1 If he received tribunicia potestas for life in 30 B.C.

he received tribunicia potestas for life in 30 B.C. (Dio 51, 19, 6), he seems to have made little use of it before 23. Se

efore 23. See further below, p. 336. 2 According to Dio (51, 24, 4) he would have been entitled to the spolia opima, єἴπ

n the spolia opima when military tribune: but Augustus told Livy that he had seen in the temple of Juppiter Feretrius a li

monstrate that Crassus had no valid claim to the spolia opima because he was not fighting under his own auspices. The rele

LS 89s, cf. Dio 51, 20, 5). It is not certain, however, what position he was holding in Gaul (above, p. 302). Dio expressl

. A premature Athenian inscription (ILS 8810) gives Crassus the title he deserved (αὐτʋκράτωρ). PageBook=>309 Yet C

h when a convenient interval had elapsed (July, 27 B.C.), after which he disappears completely from history. In robbing

potic office had expired years before: in law the only power to which he could appeal if he wished to coerce a proconsul w

pired years before: in law the only power to which he could appeal if he wished to coerce a proconsul was the consular aut

clash with Crassus, any hint of the attitude of other proconsuls. Had he firm allies or kinsmen among them, the course of

e, though not from a pyramid, shows the Roman knight proclaiming that he advanced southwards in conquest farther than any

dynast who had taken rank with Pompeius and Caesar; in military glory he was a sudden rival to the new Romulus, who tried

young Caesar had fought the war under the national mandate, and ‘dux’ he remained, though the appellation gradually faded

ux’ he remained, though the appellation gradually faded from use. Yet he might have kept it, whatever the form of the cons

a part of his name recalled his Caesarian and military character; and he ruled the provinces with an authority familiar to

s completed in a session of the Senate on January 13th, 27 B.C., when he solemnly announced that he resigned all powers an

the Senate on January 13th, 27 B.C., when he solemnly announced that he resigned all powers and all provinces to the free

otest. The senators adjured him not to abandon the Commonwealth which he had preserved. Yielding with reluctance to these

h of laurel should be placed above the door-post of his dwelling, for he had saved the lives of Roman citizens; that in th

gustus himself was eager for the name of Romulus (53, 16, 7). Perhaps he was warned and checked by wise counsellors. Pag

govern a provincia in virtue of imperium proconsulare: as proconsul, he was merely the equal in public law of any other p

was a continuous and harmonious development. 2 Augustus himself, so he asserted, accepted no magistracy that ran contrar

ers and historians of more recent times. Augustus knew precisely what he wanted: it was simple and easily translated. More

agnus governed Spain in absence through his legates. At the same time he acquired a quasi-dictatorial position in Rome as

tate. Very different was Augustus, a ‘salubris princeps’, for as such he would have himself known. 5 Not only that. The

r suspend the constitution, down to his third consulate and the power he held by force NotesPage=>316 1 Cicero, De

the Free State against military despotism. Virgil in the Aeneid, when he matched the rival leaders, made Aeneas’ guide exh

h his revolutionary ally or with the venerable adversary whose memory he had traduced after death. Again, Horace in the Od

e political doctrine of Cicero. In the years of failure and dejection he composed a treatise, namely De re publica, in whi

from contemporaries. In so far as Cicero had a political programme, he advocated the existing order, reformed a little b

, quod putarem novandum in legibus ‘(ib. 3, 12). In fact, the changes he proposes are few and modest, little more than coe

s nor any of his adherents desired change and disturbance. Well might he say, when asked his verdict on Cato, that anybody

n. Pollio, it is true, was preserved as a kind of privileged nuisance— he was not the man to advocate assassination or prov

ritas of Augustus the Princeps. Nor was Brutus a good imperialist. As he pronounced when he attacked the domination of Pom

he Princeps. Nor was Brutus a good imperialist. As he pronounced when he attacked the domination of Pompeius, for the sake

in the magnanimity of success to pass over the scorn of the nobiles; he would not be harried by tribunes or constrained t

reary delusion. Augustus proudly dispensed with support of precedents— he claimed to be unique. Romans instructed in a long

he ancient constitution to be far the best (De re publica 1, 34); and he was not altogether satisfied with the speculation

evolutionary leader who won supreme power through civil war. All that he needed from Cicero he had got long ago, in the Wa

o won supreme power through civil war. All that he needed from Cicero he had got long ago, in the War of Mutina. In politi

his mentors had been Philippus and Balbus. To retain power, however, he must base his rule upon general consent, the supp

rty and the active co- operation of the governing class. To that end, he modified the forms of the constitution to fit his

re both appropriate and inevitable that the unofficial title by which he chose to be designated was ‘princeps’. Auctoritas

d, but now stolen from them and enhanced to an exorbitant degree; and he was Divi filius, destined for consecration in his

he Empire, ruling Egypt as a king and giving account of it to no man; he coined in gold and silver in the provinces; and h

t of it to no man; he coined in gold and silver in the provinces; and he spent his money with ostentation and for power. T

on as allies and clients. A citizen and a magistrate to the senators, he was imperator to the legions, a king and a god to

the legions, a king and a god to the subject populations. Above all, he stood at the head of a large and well organized p

’ feigned moderation and stealthy aggrandizement after the Civil Wars he has not deigned to allude to this transaction at

, of despotic power. Such at least was the conception of Tacitus when he referred elsewhere to the legislation of 28 B.C.—

of Tacitus when he referred elsewhere to the legislation of 28 B.C.— he speaks of ‘pax et princeps’; 3 others would have

onstitutional’ settlement the beginning of a strict monarchical rule; he observed that the pay of Augustus’ military guard

ulation of the powers of the military leader in the res publica which he sought to ‘establish upon a lasting basis’ is not

tates that Augustus twice thought of restoring the Republic— not that he did so. 3 To Suetonius, the work of Augustus was

deep thought or high debate in the party councils. Augustus took what he deemed necessary for his designs, the consulate a

f powers and extent of provincia might later be modified how and when he pleased. One thing could never change, the source

aurus stood second only to Agrippa as a soldier and an administrator: he had fought with the young leader in Sicily and in

ator: he had fought with the young leader in Sicily and in Illyricum, he had governed Africa and Spain, he had thrice been

leader in Sicily and in Illyricum, he had governed Africa and Spain, he had thrice been acclaimed imperator by the legion

egions. 1 A second consulate was not the only reward of loyal service— he was granted in 30 B.C. the right of nominating ea

e Caesarian party, the daughter of Cornelius Balbus. 4 As for Murena, he was the brother-in-law of Maecenas. 5 NotesPage

nt his real purpose, disguised at the time and seldom suspected since— he wished to remove proconsuls from Spain, Gaul and

territories of Augustus’ provincia were to be firmly held by men whom he could trust. Northern Italy was no longer a provi

aetorian in rank. 4 Augustus was consul every year down to 23 B.C.; he therefore possessed a voice in the direction of s

vague and traditional control over all provincial governors. At need, he could revive the imperium consulare, ostensibly r

cos suff. 30 b.c.) Governing Syria for Caesar as quaestor in 45 B.C., he joined the Liberators at the end of the following

y and more naturally. Time, oblivion and security were on his side if he removed an unpopular person and exorbitant powers

ers. The same reasons counselled Augustus to depart. Others as well he did not wish to contemplate the triumphal pomp of

made vocal in the prayers of poets and preserved by historians, that he proposed to invade the distant island of Britain,

d no place in the mind of Augustus. Passing through the south of Gaul he arrived in Spain before the end of the year. Tw

testimony, hoping and fearing in secret. On the first day of January he entered upon his eleventh consulate with Murena,

sul of Macedonia. A man of notorious and unbridled freedom of speech, he took no pains to conceal his opinion of the exerc

own steadily worse, passing into a dangerous illness. Close to death, he gave no indication of his last intentions he mere

illness. Close to death, he gave no indication of his last intentions he merely handed over certain state papers to the co

a robust health that baffled his doctors and his enemies. On July 1st he resigned the consulate. In his place a certain L.

lace of the consulate, which gave him a general initiative in policy, he took various powers, above all proconsular imperi

m within the gates of the city. That was only one part of the scheme: he now devised a formidable and indefinite instrumen

nstrument of government, the tribunicia potestas. As early as 36 B.C. he had acquired the sacrosanctity of a tribune for l

use that the Princeps took a partner and strengthened his powers when he appeared to divide them. Before the end of the ye

is powers when he appeared to divide them. Before the end of the year he dispatched Agrippa to the East. An invasion of Ar

’s brother. He fades from recorded history. When M. Agrippa went out, he administered Syria through deputies, residing him

pply of the city as Pompeius Magnus had done: this function, however, he transferred to a pair of curatores of praetorian

awe in the beholder: men could not confront it. 1 Statues show him as he meant to be seen by the Roman People youthful but

ces plausibly to be derived from the social and moral programme which he was held to have inspired. He was no puppet: but

was held to have inspired. He was no puppet: but the deeds for which he secured the credit were in the main the work of o

rimacy must not obscure the reality from which it arose the fact that he was the leader of a party. At the core of a Rom

been solemnized in Rome. Already in 23 the young man was aedile; and he would get the consulate ten years earlier than th

outh. At his trial, M. Primus the proconsul of Macedonia alleged that he had been given secret instructions by Marcellus a

the consul, there was no word of Marcellus. When Augustus recovered, he offered to read out the articles of his will in o

table. Augustus could bequeath his name and his fortune to whomsoever he pleased, but not his imperium, for that was the g

refuge silks, gems and the ambiguous charms of the actor Bathyllus; 1 he despised the vile epicure who sought to introduce

omised. He could not withstand Agrippa. Maecenas made a fatal mistake he told Terentia of the danger that threatened her b

composed to illuminate his account of the settlement of 28 and 27 B.C he allotted to Maecenas the advocacy of monarchy, re

The character of Marcus Agrippa seems to lack colour and personality he might be the virtuous Aristides of Greek historia

himself. Like the subtle Maecenas and the hard-headed Livia Drusilla, he kept his secret and never told his true opinion a

Agrippa, his subordination was burdensome. 6 Like Tiberius after him, he was constrained to stifle his sentiments. What th

ratic stock, Tiberius could rise above class and recognize merit when he saw it. In Agrippa there was a republican virtu

brother and equal of Augustus. He was not Divi filius, not Augustus’, he lacked the unique auctoritas of the predestined l

provinces of the Empire, and more than that, the tribunicia potestas, he was not in all things the equal and colleague of

er, were careful devices to ensure an heir in his own family as well; he wished to provide for a dynasty and to found a mo

d supreme, invested with power and with auctoritas beyond all others, he could invite to a share in his rule allies who wo

No Notes) PageBook=>347 Augustus might not be a second Caesar: he lacked the vigour and the splendour of that dynam

r: he lacked the vigour and the splendour of that dynamic figure. But he had inherited the name and the halo. A domestic m

ed the discharged legionaries with land, Italian or provincial, which he had purchased from his own funds. After that, he

or provincial, which he had purchased from his own funds. After that, he instituted a bounty, paid in money. 4 Soldiers di

ood in an especial relation of devotion to the Princeps. Not only did he possess and retain a private body-guard of native

He defended in person the veteran Scutarius in a court of law; 3 and he advanced the soldier T. Marius of Urvinum to eque

mmon soldier. Under the military and social hierarchy of the Republic he could rise to the centurionate, but no higher. Af

d rise to the centurionate, but no higher. After service, it is true, he might be in possession of the equestrian census,

ked their resistance. The freedman Isidorus declared in his will that he suffered severe financial losses during the Civil

respectable. Some said that Vitellius’ father was a freedman no doubt he had many enemies. L. Annaeus Seneca, a wealthy ma

a wealthy man from Corduba, may have held a post of this kind before he devoted himself to the study of rhetoric. Pompeiu

n Etruria but Seius became Prefect of the Guard and Viceroy of Egypt; he married a wife from the patrician family of Corne

h genuine sentiment. But Cicero spoke for the existing order even had he the will, he lacked the power to secure admission

timent. But Cicero spoke for the existing order even had he the will, he lacked the power to secure admission to the Senat

ever, in assigning the innovation to Augustus and Tiberius: to Caesar he could not officially appeal for precedent, cf. BS

had no connexion with the ancient and patrician house of the Sulpicii he belonged to the municipium of Lanuvium. 1 L. Tari

nuvium is only five miles from Velitrae. 2 No certain evidence: but he purchased large estates in Picenum (Pliny, NH 18,

terial goods. But Augustus was sometimes disappointed, precisely when he had every reason to expect the right kind of sena

e might have become a lawyer, a Roman senator, a provincial governor: he preferred to be a fashionable poet and he paid fo

tor, a provincial governor: he preferred to be a fashionable poet and he paid for it in the end. Through the recalcitrance

d candidates for military posts in the equestrian service. 1 Further, he devised a scheme for making their influence felt

ct of any one man, it could hardly be suspended at one blow. Even had he desired, a ruler would be impotent to arrest the

tus (ILS 2676). This person was a XXVIvir. No evidence, however, that he actually entered the Senate. 3 ILS 2688 (Sex. A

. 4 Not only Gallus. C. Turranius (c. 7-4 B.C.) came from Spain, if he is rightly to be identified with Turranius Gracil

enough for Augustus. He may have hoped to renew the work in 22 B.C.: he delayed until 18 B.C., the year of the introducti

w moral code, when, in face of opposition and by complicated methods, he reduced the Senate from eight hundred to six hund

r, Caesar’s heir. Engrossing all their power and all their patronage, he conveniently revived the Republic to be used as t

promise, it may be, of an imminent programme of reform. The consulate he gave up: converted since Actium into an office of

raud Augustus was debarred. He had already restored the Republic once he could not do it again. NotesPage=>370 1 Di

ustus, present or absent, should assume the title of Dictator. When he refused, they persisted in the next best thing, l

complices on a charge of conspiring to take the life of the Princeps, he was imprisoned and executed. 4 NotesPage=>37

ius Saturninus; and when Saturninus resigned late in the year 19 B.C. he was replaced by M. Vinicius, another of the marsh

4 The Roman voter, free citizen of a free community, might elect whom he would: his suffrage went to ancestry and personal

nt, propagated in Rome the detestable Asianic habit of rhetoric which he was happy to advertise as proconsul in the clime

o wrote poems and composed a treatise on the science of botany, which he dedicated to Augustus. 7 NotesPage=>375 1

ay even have enjoyed his confidence. 3 They were not all trusted: yet he could not deny them the consulate, their birthrig

astic matches may inspire and baffle conjecture. 1 Though unprolific, he exploited the progeny of others. 2 The daughter w

g ago had won the Claudian connexion: through the marriages of others he subsequently ensnared the patrician houses of the

the richest heiress of Rome, Caecilia, the daughter of Atticus. Then he married Marcella, the niece of Augustus, and last

ughter of one of the earliest noble supporters of the faction. 4 Then he rose higher his second was an Aemilia Lepida in w

d himself the richest man in all the world. Like the earlier dynasts, he spent for power and ostentation to gratify soldie

y of their station and propagate their families. In the year A.D. 4 he thus augmented the census of no fewer than eighty

at politicians were gross and scandalous. When the elder Balbus died, he was able to bequeath to the populace of Rome a su

began as a millionaire in his own right. Agrippa rose out of nothing: he came to own the whole of the peninsula of Gallipo

ius Rufus, acquired a huge fortune from the bounty of Augustus, which he proceeded to dilapidate by grandiose land specula

rt. M. Aemilius Lepidus became a pontifex at the age of twenty-five:1 he was a patrician. The novus homo Cicero had to wai

ty-five:1 he was a patrician. The novus homo Cicero had to wait until he became a senior consular before acquiring the cov

was a noble. But Antonius required all Caesar’s influence behind him: he was contending against Ahenobarbus. 2 Augustus’

rothers, cousins and an uncle of consular rank. 7 The patronage which he could exert would have been formidable enough, ev

onage which he could exert would have been formidable enough, even if he had not been Prefect of the Guard and chief favou

riends. 2 When the Princeps, offended, declares in due solemnity that he revokes his favour, the loss of his amicitia mark

family. If not exactly seductive, Galba himself was certainly artful: he got on very well with his stepmother, whose name

certainly artful: he got on very well with his stepmother, whose name he took and carried for a time (ib., 4, 1), and, lik

in demand as a match. After the death of his wife (an Aemilia Lepida) he withstood the matrimonial solicitations of Agripp

of Antonia; 2 and it was to the patronage of the great Narcissus that he owed the command of a legion. 3 The four emperors

was active in the East in 23-22 B.C., in the West in 20-19 B.C., when he completed the pacification of Spain. But the cons

Augustus since 23 B.C.) the provinces of the Senate. More than that, he received a share in the tribunicia potestas. 2 Th

f service to coerce the government and terrify the owners of property he was to receive a bounty in money. NotesPage=>

powers, cf. M. Reinhold, Marcus Agrippa (1933), 98 ff. Whether or no he should be called co-regent is a question of termi

employed; 1 and on this occasion the proconsul of Macedonia, whoever he may have been, was surely not inactive. Conquest

ith the two untried boys, Lucius and Gaius, the sons of Agrippa, whom he had adopted as his own. Down to 13 B.C., August

us happened not to be, above all as vicegerent of the whole East; and he was intended to take supreme charge of the northe

nd flagrant in Velleius Paterculus. The only military operations that he mentions during the absence of Tiberius are those

new conquests or annexations had fallen to the share of the Princeps: he also took over Sardinia, and kept it. 4 NotesPa

latia, Raetia, Noricum and Judaea. PageBook=>395 To the Senate he had restored no military territories, but only, f

‘viri militares’ as his legates. Piso was not himself a soldier, but he took to Macedonia competent legates; and Cicero i

ia was well served. 1 When Pompeius got for Caesar the Gallic command he gave him Labienus, who must have had previous exp

5 So great was the emphasis laid by Augustus on military service that he would even place two senators’ sons in charge of

d out the annexation of the province after the death of Amyntas; then he saw service in Macedonia as proconsul (19-18 B.C.

ollius emerges as guide and counsellor to the young Gaius Caesar when he went to the East in 1 B.C.4 L. Calpurnius Piso (c

s earlier posts are unknown, dubious or controversial. 6 From Galatia he was summoned to Thrace with an army, where he was

versial. 6 From Galatia he was summoned to Thrace with an army, where he was engaged for three years; after that, he was p

hrace with an army, where he was engaged for three years; after that, he was proconsul of Asia; 7 subsequently, it may be,

cf. T. Corbishley, JRS XXIV (1934), 43 ff. Strabo (p. 748) says that he was governor at the time of the surrender of the

, and Suetonius (De rhet. 6), describing a case tried before him when he was proconsul, at Mediolanium, are very puzzling.

Quirinius took his place with C. Caesar. 3 Three or four years later he was appointed legate of Syria, in which capacity

four years later he was appointed legate of Syria, in which capacity he annexed Judaea after the deposition of Archelaus

ere. Though ILS 918 could be claimed for Quirinius (and the war which he fought as legate of Galatia- Pamphylia c. 9-8 or

1 When Tiberius went from Illyricum to the Rhine after Drusus’ death he was succeeded by Sex. Appuleius (cos. 29 B.C.); 2

65) is quite uncertain. A. v. Premerstein argues for 14–13 B.C. (when he is in fact attested in Illyricum at the beginning

s, Ann. 4, 44), cf. now E. Groag, PIK2, C 1379, who demonstrates that he is the consul of 14 B.C., not, as hitherto believ

Bracara), cf. CIL II 2581 (Lucus Augusti). If it could be proved that he was legate of Citerior rather than of Ulterior, i

ity Augustus devised posts to be held by Roman knights. For the rest, he called upon senators; and the presidents of the v

his death, with the help of a large staff of slaves and workmen which he had recruited and trained. 5 That could not go

mphs of senators; and in any case Augustus would have wished, even if he had not been forced, to substitute regular admini

of aedile and censor. Two incidents hardened his policy. In 22 B.C. he secured the appointment of a pair of censors, the

trant to the Princeps. They may have suspected, and with reason, that he intended to devolve upon them certain unpopular f

npopular functions like that renewed purification of the Senate which he desired and which he was himself compelled to und

ke that renewed purification of the Senate which he desired and which he was himself compelled to undertake four years lat

iles with a body of fire-fighting slaves it was not until A.D. 6 that he took the step of appointing an equestrian officia

us urbi in 26 B.C. and resigning the office after a few days, because he did not understand its functions or because he di

er a few days, because he did not understand its functions or because he disapproved, need not be too harshly scrutinized.

e city which was the capital of Italy and the Empire. He boasted that he found Rome a city of brick and left it a city of

Italy and visit the provinces, save permission obtained. 1 Nor could he now discover fields to spread his personal influe

asping more and more. He retains his imperium in the city of Rome ; 2 he controls admission to the high assembly; he takes

m in the city of Rome ; 2 he controls admission to the high assembly; he takes charge of public provinces; he appoints pro

admission to the high assembly; he takes charge of public provinces; he appoints proconsuls, though with respect for form

appoints proconsuls, though with respect for forms preserved ; 3 and he conveys requests, modest but firm, to the governo

rmitted in 23 B.C. (Dio 53, 32, 5). This does not mean, however, that he exercised proconsular authority in Rome or in Ita

f. J. G. C. Anderson, JRS XVN (1927), 47 f. PageBook=>407 When he comes to narrate the Principate of Augustus, Cass

sel before grave decisions was a habit ingrained in the Roman whether he acted as parent, magistrate or general. Augustus

or general. Augustus could have invoked tradition and propriety, had he needed or cared to justify the various bodies of

sed magisterial powers and gradually usurped jurisdiction: to aid him he would summon from time to time a consilium, drawn

the vices of his friends. 3 Yet Vedius Pollio had once been useful he appears to have been active in the province of As

es from his own provinces that Augustus paid into the aerarium, which he also subsidized from his own private fortune. 7 A

wn private fortune. 7 Augustus had huge sums of money at his disposal he paid the bounty to discharged soldiers, granted d

and carried out public works. For the management of the various funds he would have resort to the tried skill of slaves an

onarium imperii was kept by Augustus, to be divulged only if and when he handed in his accounts to the State. 9 NotesPag

not famed for service in eastern provinces only. After his consulate he governed Macedonia and Gaul in succession; it may

he governed Macedonia and Gaul in succession; it may be presumed that he had formed certain impressions about the problems

eterred him from the attempt. It would have required imagination that he did not possess and facts that he could never dis

ould have required imagination that he did not possess and facts that he could never discover. Dio was well aware that no

her kinswoman Servilia. When Augustus took counsel with his consort, he was careful to set down his views in writing befo

ce of Livia and received a long curtain-lecture. On the following day he summoned Cinna to his presence and delivered a ho

ts in public. With the death of Augustus, the Princeps’ powers lapsed he might designate, but he could not appoint, his he

eath of Augustus, the Princeps’ powers lapsed he might designate, but he could not appoint, his heir. When the Principate

had conquered Illyricum and extended the gains of Drusus in Germany: he was now to depart from Rome and set in order the

ate against the threats of Augustus and the entreaties of his mother, he persisted in his intention to abandon public life

y could not stop him. Tiberius retired to the island of Rhodes, where he remained in exile, nourishing his resentment upon

and subordination, Tiberius concealed a high ambition; like Agrippa, he would yield to Augustus but not in all things. Hi

eral in Armenia and in the Alpine campaigns. The stepson of Augustus, he had benefited from that relationship. Yet even ha

irectors, the nominal leader. may emancipate himself from control, or he may be removed by death. For the moment, Augustus

deputy and a section at least of his adherents. While Augustus lived, he maintained peace and the dynasty. But Augustus wa

piracy Augustus quietly pointed out the folly of the attempt. Even if he succeeded, the nobiles would not put up with Cinn

c person, was an intimate friend of the Princeps, whose glorification he had assiduously propagated during his proconsulat

he had assiduously propagated during his proconsulate of Asia; 3 and he drew the bond tighter by giving in marriage his d

s, displayed neither grace of form nor intellectual promise. But even he could serve the political ambitions of his grandm

olitics and the scandals of these years. Messalla still lived on; and he had something of a party. 1 The Scipiones were al

, like that of Messalla, is a nexus of difficult problems. Presumably he was twice married. M. Licinius Crassus Frugi (cos

ersonal friend of Augustus, probably commanded as little authority as he deserved; Lollius was a bitter enemy, Vinicius an

5, 10, 15; Tacitus, Ann. 1, 10; 4, 44. Velleius (2, 100, 4) says that he took his own life. The difference is not material

moral legislation had been baffled and mocked in his own family. Yet he could have dealt with the matter there. His progr

tician, Augustus was ruthless and consequent. To achieve his ambition he would coolly have sacrificed his nearest and dear

derness for Tiberius. It may be that through the ruin of his daughter he sought finally to make Tiberius harmless, his own

ecure. Though absent, Tiberius still had a following; though an exile he still held his tribunicia potestas; and he was st

following; though an exile he still held his tribunicia potestas; and he was still the Princeps’ son-in-law. Augustus migh

and he was still the Princeps’ son-in-law. Augustus might think that he knew his Tiberius. Still, he preferred to run no

s’ son-in-law. Augustus might think that he knew his Tiberius. Still, he preferred to run no risks. The disgrace of Julia

ound Tiberius to the reigning house. Tiberius was not consulted; when he knew, he vainly interceded for his wife. Augustus

rius to the reigning house. Tiberius was not consulted; when he knew, he vainly interceded for his wife. Augustus was unre

submission to pay his respects to the kinsman who had supplanted him; he returned again to his retreat after a cool recept

nsion and political intrigue. 2 Against Lollius it was alleged that he had taken bribes from eastern kings3 in itself no

que Rhodi agentem coluerat. ’ Shortly after this, probably in A.D. 3, he got Aemilia Lepida for his wife. Groag suspects t

n of Lollius, dead twenty years before, but not forgotten. Lollius, he said, was responsible for the evil behaviour of C

e nobiles her allies; and in A.D.I, when his son and heir was consul, he came safely through the climacteric year of a man

the dependent kingdom of Armenia. While laying siege to a small post, he was treacherously attacked and wounded. The wound

ved a violent distaste for the life of active responsibility to which he was doomed by his implacable master:4 it is alleg

to which he was doomed by his implacable master:4 it is alleged that he asked for permission to dwell in the East in a pr

here was no choice now. Augustus adopted Tiberius. The words in which he announced his intention revealed the bitter frust

of high ambitions. It was expedient to demonstrate without delay that he was indispensable to the safety of the Empire in

e Tiberius, a cautious and considerate general. 5 After two campaigns he passed to Illyricum. In the interval of his absen

PageBook=>433 The strength of body and intractable temper which he had inherited from his father might have been sch

of certain principes were severally canvassed. M. Aemilius Lepidus, he said, possessed the capacity for empire but not t

red; 3 likewise P. Quinctilius Varus, a person of consequence at Rome he had married Claudia Pulchra, the daughter of Marc

als, C. Sentius Saturninus alone persisted, commanding on the Rhine:4 he was followed by Varus, with L. Nonius Asprenas as

rgus (Tacitus, Ann. 1, 31). 4 Velleius 2, 105, 1 (A.D. 4). How long he had been there is not recorded. Velleius says of

m disserere, plures bellum pavescere, alii cupere. ’2 So Tacitus, but he proceeds at once to demolish that impression. Vel

hat was not from fear of a civil war, as Tacitus reports, but because he could trust these Lentuli. 2 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 4

e state-papers were composed or revised, namely, the ceremonial which he desired for his funeral, a list of the military a

moments in the public conferment of the Principate upon the heir whom he had designated. Tiberius himself was ill at ease,

me power in the War of Actium. Whatever the truth of that contention, he could not go back upon it, even if he had wished.

r the truth of that contention, he could not go back upon it, even if he had wished. The mandate was not exhausted when th

o judge by the catalogues of worthies as retailed by patriotic poets, he had to go a long way back to find his favourites

ey receive no praise from the poets. 1 Pompeius was no better, though he has the advantage over Caesar in Virgil’s solemn

ar in Virgil’s solemn exhortation against civil war. As for Antonius, he was the archetype of foreign vices ’externi mores

vinces. At once on his return in 19 B.C., and again in the next year, he was offered the cura legum et morum, which he dec

again in the next year, he was offered the cura legum et morum, which he declined, professing it inconsistent with the ‘mo

of regimentation, its title was all too revealing. More to the point, he did not need it. The Princeps enacted the measure

ruple cost him nothing. He could wait for Lepidus’ death. Better that he should in recent history the dignity of pontifex

the city of Rome. No fewer than eighty-two required his attention, so he claimed, no doubt with exaggeration,5 passing ove

rom his father one iugerum of land and the ‘parvum tugurium’ in which he was born. He produced eight children. 5 Ib. 3,

gh. More than that, the whole conception of the Roman past upon which he sought to erect the moral and spiritual basis of

th and empire. The Italian peasant may have been valorous and frugal: he was also narrow and grasping, brutal and supersti

ric stands aloof and alone, with all the power and all the glory. But he did not win power and hold it by his own efforts

, in the towns of Italy. The Roman noble sneered at the municipal man he was priggish and parsimonious, successful in busi

ustus was a singularly archaic type. 2 Not indeed without culture but he had not been deeply influenced by the intellectua

ppears to be deep-rooted and genuine. He admired the aristocracy, for he was not one of them; he chastened them, but with

and genuine. He admired the aristocracy, for he was not one of them; he chastened them, but with a loving hand. For the r

ical Roman virtue. Augustus might observe with some satisfaction that he had restored a quality which derived strength fro

lution of taste. 3 If Augustus was disappointed in the aristocracy, he might reflect that Rome was not Italy; and Italy

policy of Rome, but to the patriotic pride of Augustus. In dejection he thought of making an end of his life. But for tha

ection he thought of making an end of his life. But for that disaster he could have borne the loss of Varus’ three legions

ffective, being military and Roman, devoid of pomp and verbosity; and he skilfully made out that his adversaries were pett

, Musa, tendis? 1 After praising the simple life and cursing wealth he adds: scilicet improbae crescunt divitiae; tame

uity of Roman history and its culmination in the rule of Augustus. As he wrote early in the poem, nascetur pulchra Troia

as is an instrument of heaven, a slave to duty. ‘Sum pius Aeneas’, as he stamps himself at once. Throughout all hazards of

multo spumantem sanguine cerno. 4 Accompanied by his trusty Achates he was to fight the intractable peoples of Italy and

his arduous and triumphant career. Livy, like Virgil, was a Pompeian: he idealized the early career of Pompeius, controver

the period of the Revolution; and they all repaid Augustus more than he or the age could give them. Horace was the son

ily of consular standing. 7 Like his kinsman, C. Propertius Postumus, he might have aspired to senatorial rank. PageNote

his Cynthia, his Alexandrian art and the fame of a Roman Callimachus: he recalls, in spirit and theme, the earlier generat

e, or the repeated instances of Maecenas. For all his dislike of war, he could turn away from his love and lover’s melanch

well as with elegance. More than all this, however, the lament which he composed in memory of a Roman matron, Cornelia th

nour the past, to be worthy of Rome in valour and in virtue. Instead, he composed a didactic poem on the Art of Love. The

tus did not see the joke. Like the early Germans depicted by Tacitus, he did not think that moral laxity was a topic of in

1 f.). PageBook=>468 Despite earlier vaunts of erotic prowess, he is probably to be believed. The Corinna of the Am

e. On special occasions there were distributions of wine and oil. But he could be firm. PageNotes. 468 1 She was a pro

nd propaganda. 9 When the man of the people turned a coin in his palm he might meditate on the aspirations or the achievem

tures were reproduced in Rome and over all the world. It is true that he caused no fewer than eighty silver statues in the

icant past to be omitted Aeneas appears in the act of sacrifice after he has seen the portent that promises to his family

e of Mars the Avenger had been vowed by Caesar’s son at Philippi when he fought against the assassins of his parent, the e

a ruler of the world was portended. When the child could first speak, he bade the frogs be silent. No frog croaked in that

as ‘divinus adulescens’. 2 The epithet was rhetorical, not religious: he also applied it to the legions that had deserted

onius, ‘heavenly legions’. But the orator would have been shocked had he known that the testimony of his earlier dreams wo

nty from Jupiter, and recognized again by Cicero on the next day when he had the first sight of Caesar’s grandnephew in th

ce to the military leader in the War of Actium: it did not lapse when he became a magistrate at Rome and in relation to th

y, the conscious creator of a system. For himself and for the dynasty he monopolized every form and sign of allegiance; no

is Augustus, like his predecessors, a god and saviour; not only does he take from Pompeius the title of ‘warden of land a

Italy and the provinces illustrate the different aspects of his rule he is Princeps to the Senate, Imperator to army and

greatest man in all Greece, must have proved very unsatisfactory, for he was deposed by Augustus and subsequently banished

ere was a graver danger than the dagger of a casual assassin, whether he might be a misguided man of the people or a vindi

mbs were well proportioned, but his stature was short, a defect which he sought to repair by wearing high heels. Nor were

repair by wearing high heels. Nor were all his features prepossessing he had bad teeth and sandy hair. After the end of th

sing he had bad teeth and sandy hair. After the end of the Civil Wars he lived as a valetudinarian, abandoning bodily exer

d as a valetudinarian, abandoning bodily exercise and bathing rarely: he could not stand the sun, even in winter, in which

g rarely: he could not stand the sun, even in winter, in which season he would wear no fewer than four under-shirts, not t

tus broke into the camp and tent of the Caesarian leader at Philippi: he was not there. After the example set by Caesar

no means widely distributed. Augustus alleged that in the Civil Wars he had put to death no citizen of his enemies’ armie

torians who, praising the ‘lenitas ducis’ after Actium, exclaims that he would have behaved precisely so in earlier wars,

cal ambition, to waive that solemn duty in the autumn of 44 B.C. when he made a pact with Pompeians; and when uniting with

e a pact with Pompeians; and when uniting with Antonius at Brundisium he had condoned the return of one of the assassins,

the assassins, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Nor, on the other hand, had he refused to proscribe Cicero, an ally and benefact

lican Valerius Messalla gave himself airs of independence. In 26 B.C. he had laid down the office of praefectus urbi almos

fectus urbi almost at once; and it was his habit to boast openly that he had always followed the better cause in politics.

openly that he had always followed the better cause in politics. 2 As he had been among the earliest of the nobiles who fo

as, passionate and ferocious, defended his ideals in the only fashion he could, by freedom of speech. 3 Too eminent to be

Pollio had acquired for himself a privileged position. In the Senate he once launched a savage attack upon the patriotic

Of the pre-eminence of Labeo in legal scholarship there was no doubt: he spent one half of the year instructing his pupils

4 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 43, 2. 5 Dio 54, 15, 7. 6 Ib. 8 because he snored. 7 Dig. 1, 2, 2, 47. PageBook=>483

2, 47. PageBook=>483 His freedom of speech cost him promotion he did not rise above the praetorship. Augustus gave

e of their enemies. 3 Augustus did not forget his friends and allies: he was able to preserve from justice a certain Castr

t his retirement from politics should be either inglorious or silent: he introduced the practice of holding recitations, t

te. Pollio was himself both a historian and an orator; and in history he was critical as well as creative. Sallustius had

Crassus and Caesar to the Battle of Philippi. Of earlier historians, he blamed Sallustius for his style and questioned th

s contemporaries, especially when they dealt with the period of which he had personal experience, he must have found much

when they dealt with the period of which he had personal experience, he must have found much to criticize. Certain politi

the revolutionary wars. Messalla praised Brutus and Cassius; 1 but he reprehended Antonius in justification of his own

ause. Q. Dellius described the eastern campaigns of Antonius in which he had participated; 2 the disasters of Antonius wil

s interesting document have not been preserved. Of the style at least he will have approved, if it recalled the unpretenti

matters Pollio’s own taste and practice is well attested. The words, he said, must follow the sense. 5 PageNotes. 484

of a hard, dry and unemotional fashion of writing. ‘Durus et siccus’, he was well described:1 he seemed a century earlier

tional fashion of writing. ‘Durus et siccus’, he was well described:1 he seemed a century earlier than his own time. A pla

as well as the native virtues of Roman writers. Like Sallustius, too, he turned with distaste from the wars and politics o

k. Labienus came of a loyal Pompeian family reduced in circumstances: he lived in poverty and disrepute, hating and hated.

cized Pollio. 3 Labienus also wrote history. When reciting his works, he would ostentatiously omit certain passages, expla

favour, had boldly consigned to the flames an adulatory history which he had formerly composed in honour of the Princeps.

56, 27, 1. 6 Seneca, De ira 3, 23, 4 ff. Pollio harboured him when he was expelled from Augustus’ house. 7 Seneca, Co

a charge of poisoning. His activities were not confined to the courts he composed libellous pamphlets, assailing illustrio

stinction, among them P. Vitellius the procurator, whose grandfather, he said, was a cobbler, his mother a baker’s daughte

ondemned and banished to the island of Crete (A.D. 12?). 3 Even there he was a nuisance: twelve years later they removed h

temperate. 5 Velleius delights in the language of laudation, or, as he calls it, ‘iustus sine mendacio candor’. 6 It is

us stands revealed in his literary judgements as well. Next to Virgil he names among epic poets the grandiloquent Rabirius

ia, now holding consular rank in the imperial Senate. Still less does he venture to attack the opulent provincial families

ched them to his family and built up a new faction. By force or craft he had defeated the Aemilii and the Antonii: to rule

r craft he had defeated the Aemilii and the Antonii: to rule at Rome, he needed their descendants. The heir to his power w

of Pompeius, and through that feud brought into conflict with Caesar, he followed Cato’s lead and fell at Pharsalus. Whate

The patrician P. Quinctilius Varus had left a son by Claudia Pulchra: he succumbed to a prosecution in the reign of Tiberi

ul. Vitellius was the son of a knight, procurator of Augustus. When he died after a brilliant career of service his enem

rbonensian from Nemausus. Even had Antoninus Pius not become emperor, he would still have been one of the wealthiest citiz

i was a dangerous anachronism. Murena would have escaped his doom had he been content with ‘aurea mediocritas’. 2 The last

d aristocratic independence of temper was to die like a gentleman. If he wished to survive, the bearer of a great name had

0, 5. 3 Martial (5, 28, 4; 8, 70, 1) lauds the quies of Nerva which he refers to himself in an edict (Pliny, Epp. 10, 58

opinion of Cato. 2 Augustus composed a pamphlet on the subject, which he was in the habit of delivering as a lecture. 3

s more typical, if a little narrow, in his conception of real history he studied the genealogy of noble families and compi

or Nero has been enough to redeem him from oblivion or from panegyric he was bloodthirsty, overbearing and extravagant. 2

revealed by Horace’s charming ode and by the loyal effusions of Ovid, he might not stand in such startling contrast to his

of imperator bis, and despite the frieze of weapons on the mausoleum he was building at Caieta, he had seldom been respon

ite the frieze of weapons on the mausoleum he was building at Caieta, he had seldom been responsible for the shedding of R

le during the Civil Wars, the only neutral in the campaign of Actium; he retained his ‘ferocia’ under the New State. Polli

by literary and sentimental conventions. Like Sallustius and Pollio, he had no illusions about the Republic. The root of

eloquence of the closing days of the Republic. 4 He might pause when he reflected that great oratory is a symptom of deca

eople, when one man had the supreme decision in the Commonwealth, and he the wisest ‘cum de re publica non imperiti et m

rian, Tacitus had to be a Republican: in his life and in his politics he was a monarchist. It was the part of prudence to

tly upon his immediate entourage. 5 The Roman had once boasted that he alone enjoyed libertas while ruling others. It wa

ok=>518 M . Aemilius Lepidus enjoyed the friendship of Tiberius; he supported the government without dishonour, his o

‘dux’ became beneficent, ‘dux bonus’. Ovid perhaps went too far when he spoke of ‘dux sacratus’. 3 But Dux was not enough

cipes and better than all of them. They had been selfish dynasts, but he was ‘salubris princeps’. He might easily have ado

ime Romulae custos gentis. 5 And so Augustus is ‘custos rerum’; 6 he is the peculiar warden of Rome and Italy, ever re

escribed as organic rather than arbitrary or formal. It was said that he arrogated to himself all the functions of Senate,

e, magistrates and laws. 7 Truly but more penetrating the remark that he entwined himself about the body of the Commonweal

ustus was not indispensable that was the greatest triumph of all. Had he died in the early years of the Principate, his pa

tus lived on, a progressive miracle of duration. As the years passed, he emancipated himself more and more from the contro

Augustus justified the new; by emphasizing continuity with the past, he encouraged the hope of development in the future.

eady and continuous. It had been Augustus’ most fervent prayer that he might lay the foundations of the new order deep a

when the end came it found him serene and cheerful. On his death-bed he was not plagued by remorse for his sins or by anx

ns or by anxiety for the Empire. He quietly asked his friends whether he had played well his part in the comedy of life. 2

be one answer or none. Whatever his deserts, his fame was secure and he had made provision for his own immortality. 3 D

and principes, intended to outshine them all. At the very moment when he was engaged upon the ostensible restoration of th

when he was engaged upon the ostensible restoration of the Republic, he constructed in the Campus Martius a huge and dyna

most misleading. His powers are defined as legal and magisterial; and he excels any colleague he might have, not in potest

ers are defined as legal and magisterial; and he excels any colleague he might have, not in potestas, but only in auctorit

sufficiently regarded. PageBook=>524 While the Princeps lived, he might, like other rulers, be openly worshipped as

y honours like those accorded to gods by grateful humanity: to Romans he was no more than the head of the Roman State. Yet

ore than the head of the Roman State. Yet one thing was certain. When he was dead, Augustus would receive the honours of t

the Founder who was also Aeneas and Romulus, and, like Divus Julius, he would be enrolled by vote of the Roman Senate amo

ar had endured to the end. He died on the anniversary of the day when he assumed his first consulate after the march on Ro

e then, fifty-six years had elapsed. Throughout, in act and policy, he remained true to himself and to the career that b

policy, he remained true to himself and to the career that began when he raised a private army and ‘liberated the State fr

ecome Princeps and had converted a party into a government. For power he had sacrificed everything; he had achieved the he

ed a party into a government. For power he had sacrificed everything; he had achieved the height of all mortal ambition an

he had achieved the height of all mortal ambition and in his ambition he had saved and regenerated the Roman People. Not

nelius Scipio (for whom cf. 35 B.C.). It is not certain, however, who he was. 36 B.C. The suffecti are revealed, L. Noni