f the Free State consummated in solemn and legal ceremony. The corpse had long been dead. In common usage the reign of Augu

a, to whom the power passed when the dynasty of the Julii and Claudii had ruled for a century. 1 The ascension of Caesar’s

and Claudii had ruled for a century. 1 The ascension of Caesar’s heir had been a series of hazards and miracles: his consti

n the party of Augustus and in the political system of the Principate had already taken shape, firm and manifest, as early

war between citizens. 1 Liberty was gone, but only a minority at Rome had ever enjoyed it. The survivors of the old governi

the security of his own position and the conduct of affairs the ruler had to devise a formula, revealing to the members of

ulmination, either melancholy or exultant. The conviction that it all had to happen is indeed difficult to discard. 1 Yet t

isposed him to be neutral in the struggle between Caesar and Pompeius had neutrality been possible. Pollio had powerful ene

ggle between Caesar and Pompeius had neutrality been possible. Pollio had powerful enemies on either side. Compelled for sa

he lava was still molten underneath. 2 An enemy of Octavianus, Pollio had withdrawn from political life soon after 40 B.C.,

eracity. It was no other than Claudius, a pupil of Livy. 3 His master had less exacting standards. The great work of Poll

at Rome. Pompeius fought against it; but Pompeius, for all his power, had to come to terms. Nor could Caesar have ruled wit

tocracy was broken at Philippi. The parties of Pompeius and of Caesar had hardly been strong or coherent enough to seize co

man People was revealed in signal and continuous calamities: the gods had no care for virtue or justice, but intervened onl

inances of Sulla the Dictator, there were many senators whose fathers had held only the lower magistracies or even new-come

rvative Roman voter could seldom be induced to elect a man whose name had not been known for centuries as a part of the his

phenomenon at Rome. 3 Before the sovran people he might boast how he had led them to victory in a mighty contest and had b

he might boast how he had led them to victory in a mighty contest and had broken into the citadel of the nobility:4 he was

friends. There was no breach in the walls a faction among the nobiles had opened the gates. Cicero would have preserved bot

the gates. Cicero would have preserved both dignity and peace of mind had not ambition and vanity blinded him to the true c

t win power and influence without making many enemies. The novus homo had to tread warily. Anxious not to offend a great fa

actors. The nobilis, however, would take pride in his feuds. 1 Yet he had ever to be on the alert, jealous to guard his dig

86. 4 Lucullus, owner of a palace at Tusculum, pointed out that he had a knight and a freedman for neighbours (Cicero, D

the creation of extraordinary commands in the provinces. The general had to be a politician, for his legionaries were a ho

than a programme: there was no Ciceronian party. The Roman politician had to be the leader of a faction. Cicero fell short

ssessed was a permanent menace. The long and complicated war in Italy had barely ended. The Samnites, Sulla’s enemy and Rom

ar in Italy had barely ended. The Samnites, Sulla’s enemy and Rome’s, had been extirpated; and the other Sabellic peoples o

nd in the forefront of his oligarchy. The predominance of the Valerii had passed long ago, and the Fabii had missed a gener

y. The predominance of the Valerii had passed long ago, and the Fabii had missed a generation in the consulate. 2 The Fabii

he consulate. 2 The Fabii and the main line of the Cornelii Scipiones had been saved from extinction only by taking in adop

n clans like the Furii, whose son Camillus saved Rome from the Gauls, had vanished utterly by now, or at least could show n

now, or at least could show no more consuls. The Sulpicii and Manlii had lost prominence. The Servilii, old allies of the

th houses of the plebeian aristocracy. The greatest of those families had earned or confirmed their title of nobility by co

ty by command in war against the Samnites and the Carthaginians: some had maintained it since then, others had lapsed for a

ites and the Carthaginians: some had maintained it since then, others had lapsed for a time. The Fulvii, the Sempronii and

i were almost extinct; and the Claudii Marcelli, in abrupt decadence, had lacked a consul for two generations. 3 But there

t Lutatius, whose name recalled a great naval battle and whose father had defeated the Cimbri; there were several families

. 76), a man of capacity and repute, came of a senatorial family that had not previously reached the consulate. 5 Philipp

barbus (P-W V, 1327 f.), the brother of the consul of 54. Ahenobarbus had married a daughter of Cinna (Orosius 5, 24, 16).

for Sulla and became consul with him in 80 B.C. The Dictator himself had taken a Metella to wife. The next pair of consuls

s in fifteen years (123-109 B.C.). Q. Metellus Macedonicus (cos. 143) had four consular sons. For the stemma, see Table I a

nfluence of their husbands. 4 On the whole, when some fifteen years had elapsed since Sulla’s death, the predominance of

eat estates in Italy and the clientela among the Roman plebs which he had inherited from an ambitious and demagogic parent.

owing also a connexion with the Rutilii, Münzer, RA, 327. Caesar also had in him the blood of the Marcii Reges (Suetonius,

nius, Divus Iulius 6, 2): the son of Q. Pompeius Rufus (cos. 88 B.C.) had married Sulla’s eldest daughter. 5 His competit

emilii nor Claudii were quite to be trusted. The elusive Crassus, who had supported Catilina as far as his candidature for

our and a family feud. The young Pompeius, treacherous and merciless, had killed the husband of Servilia and the brother of

rnment. Then, coming back to Rome after six years of absence, when he had terminated the war in Spain against Sertorius, Po

in the jury-courts, the tribunes recovered the powers of which Sulla had stripped them. They soon repaid Pompeius. Through

f the Empire was immune from his control. Four years before, Pompeius had not even been a senator. The decay of the Republi

aimed at the People’s general. 2 Among the ambitious politicians who had publicly spoken for the Lex Manilia were Cicero a

is back, he disbanded his army. Much to his annoyance, the government had proved stronger than he expected. A civilian cons

ispensable general of the glory of saving the Republic in Italy as he had vindicated its empire abroad. Pompeius never forg

s acknowledged his predominance. The worship of power, which ages ago had developed its own language and conventional forms

, even among the plebeian aristocracy: its first consul (in 141 B.C.) had been promoted through patronage of the Scipiones.

n promoted through patronage of the Scipiones. 4 Subsequent alliances had not brought much aristocratic distinction. Pompei

iles. The dynastic marriage pointed the way. Sulla, as was expedient, had married a Metella: the aspirant to Sulla’s power,

Varro, RR 2, 1, 2), the leading authority on goats (ib. 2, 3, 1), who had been a legate of Pompeius in the war against the

art of dancing. 7 The Optimates were exultant. Catulus and Hortensius had led the opposition to the laws of Manilius and Ga

idence. At variance with the Metelli through his clash with Nepos, he had broken with the Claudii and carelessly incurred a

ony, under secret and domestic pressure, against P. Clodius; 2 and he had prevented the Pompeian consul Pupius Piso from ge

mph was Cato’s, and the greater delusion. The leader of the Optimates had fought against the consuls and tribunes of Pompei

s career, with no discredit to either. Caesar’s choice was still open had it not been for Cato; and Caesar’s daughter was b

her views, cf. Münzer in P-W 11 A, 1775 ff. PageBook=>035 Cato had private grounds as well as public for hating Caes

g honours for the absent general and trouble for the government. 2 He had also prosecuted an ex-consul hostile to Pompeius.

binius, a Pompeian partisan superior in ability to Afranius. Pompeius had sealed the pact by taking in marriage Caesar’s da

us Lentulus Marcellinus, were not strong political men. But Philippus had recently married Caesar’s niece Atia, widow of C.

(his daughter Marcia, however, was the wife of Cato); and Marcellinus had been a legate of Pompeius (Appian, Mithr. 95; S1G

uided by modest and patriotic principes. 2 Which was harmless enough, had he not been emboldened to announce in the Senate

late. Pompeius dissembled and departed from Rome. 3 Crassus meanwhile had gone to Ravenna to confer with Caesar. The three

2 Pro Sestio 136 ff. 3 Cf. especially Ad Jam. 1, 9, 8 f. Pompeius had probably lent perfidious encouragement to Cicero.

as simple and drastic. For the health of the Roman People the dynasts had to go. Augustus completed the purge and created t

nd his ally might appear imminent. It was not so in reality. Pompeius had not been idle. Though proconsul of all Spain, he

decline of Republican government and hastening its end. Ahenobarbus had become consul at last, with Ap. Claudius Pulcher

ite of the Optimates, T. Annius Milo, a brutal and vicious person who had married Fausta, the dissolute daughter of Sulla.

y after praetorship and consulate, but when an interval of five years had elapsed, was recommended by the fair show of miti

uence with the aristocracy. Of the candidates for the consulate, Milo had been condemned and exiled, likewise P. Plautius H

y dubious. 2 Ad fam. 8, 4, 4. Marcellus’ flogging of a man of Comum had been premature and by no means to the liking of P

mates united their enemies and reinforced the party of Caesar. Caesar had risen to great power through Pompeius, helped by

ed by the lieutenants of Pompeius in peace and in war, and now Caesar had become a rival political leader in his own right.

the party of Cato. Already another leader, the consular Ahenobarbus, had suffered defeat in contest for an augurship again

. 50) was bought (Suetonius, Divus Iulius 29, 1, &c.); and Caesar had conceived very rational hopes of purchasing L. Co

;042 Caesar would tolerate no superior, Pompeius no rival. 1 Caesar had many enemies, provoked by his ruthless ambition,

rded, fled from the city. A state of emergency was proclaimed. Even had Pompeius now wished to avert the appeal to arms,

n might retrieve the waning fortunes of a noble family. The Metelli had employed their women to good effect in the past;

ipio, almost the last of his line, himself the grandson of a Metella, had passed by adoption into their family. This was Q.

y and revealed the political decline of two great houses. The Pompeii had once been hangers-on of the Scipiones. But the po

conquerors of Carthage and of Spain, belonged only to the past. They had been able to show only one consul in the precedin

om Pompeius without incurring feuds or damage. Certain of the Lentuli had served under Pompeius in Spain and in the East:2

Pact of Luca blocked him from his consulate, but only for a year. He had another grievance Caesar’s tenure of Gaul beyond

d so was Marcellinus (ib. and the inscr. from Cyrene, SIG3 750). Both had probably served under Pompeius in Spain (Marcelli

l (P-W IV, 1381; 1389; 1393). 4 Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus (cos. 122) had been largely responsible for the conquest and org

Pompeius’ elder son, another to Cato’s nephew Brutus. 3 Cato himself had not reached the consulate, but two consulars foll

k a peculiar delight in rebuffing or harrying Cicero, and the Metelli had given him a pointed reminder of the dignitas of t

’ Cicero uses the words ‘Appietas’ and 'Lentulitas’, ib. 3, 7, 5. He had ample cause to complain of Appius. PageBook=>

n to lead an army against Rome. Not of his own choosing his enemies had won control of the government and deprived him of

nearly five years, force was his only defence against the party that had attacked a proconsul who was fighting the wars of

roconsul who was fighting the wars of the Republic in the East. Sulla had all the ambition of a Roman noble: but it was not

willing to provoke a war. As the artful motion of a Caesarian tribune had revealed, an overwhelming majority in the Senate,

political crisis is less obscure. Caesar and his associates in power had thwarted or suspended the constitution for their

he constitution for their own ends many times in the past. Exceptions had been made before in favour of other dynasts; and

dignitas, were all at stake: to Caesar, as he claimed, ‘his dignitas had ever been dearer than life itself. ’2 Sooner than

s his personal honour. His enemies appeared to have triumphed. They had driven a wedge between the two dynasts, winning o

g as he was not at the head of an army in the field. Upon Caesar they had thrust the choice between civil war and political

ims, to be superseded like Lucullus, to be discarded and disgraced as had been Gabinius, the governor of Syria. If he gave

ng Cato and Milo). PageBook=>049 At last the enemies of Caesar had succeeded in ensnaring Pompeius and in working th

d damning. Disillusion followed swiftly. Even Cato was dismayed. 1 It had confidently been expected that the solid and resp

own. 2 Pompeius might stamp with his foot in the land of Italy, as he had rashly boasted. No armed legions rose at his call

return, like Sulla, to victory and to power. 4 Caesar, it is true, had only a legion to hand: the bulk of his army was s

r, Caesars Monarchie3, 299 ff. PageBook=>050 enemies of Caesar had counted upon capitulation or a short and easy war

Caesar had counted upon capitulation or a short and easy war. They had lost the first round. Then a second blow, quite b

for the havoc of civil war, half in impatience and resentment. 1 They had cheated Caesar of the true glory of a Roman arist

contend with his peers for primacy, not to destroy them. His enemies had the laugh of him in death. Even Pharsalus was not

nal to suspend judgement about the guilt of the Civil War. 3 Pompeius had been little better, if at all, than his younger a

the earlier career and inordinate ambition of the Sullan partisan who had first NotesPage=>050 1 Suetonius, Divus Iu

PageBook=>051 defied and then destroyed the Senate’s rule. Each had sought armed domination. 1 Had Pompeius conquered

ot of his own statue. That was not the point. The cause of Pompeius had become the better cause. Caesar could not compete

lic and ostentatious clemency. They were members of his own class: he had not wished to make war upon them or to exterminat

in so doing wrought his own destruction. A champion of the People, he had to curb the People’s rights, as Sulla had done.

champion of the People, he had to curb the People’s rights, as Sulla had done. NotesPage=>051 1 Ad Att. 8, 11, 2: ‘

eBook=>052 To rule, he needed the support of the nobiles, yet he had to curtail their privileges and repress their dan

t secret enemies would soon direct that deadly weapon against one who had used it with such dexterity in the past and who m

tate? Was this a res publica constituta? It was disquieting. Little had been done to repair the ravages of civil war and

rom the oligarchy, no hope of reform. But Caesar seemed different: he had consistently advocated the cause of the oppressed

the cause of the oppressed, whether Roman, Italian or provincial. He had shown that he was not afraid of vested interests.

ppointed the rapacity or the idealism of certain of his partisans who had hoped for an assault upon the moneyed classes, a

een supposed and contended that Caesar either desired to establish or had actually inaugurated an institution unheard of in

attention at the time of his first appearance in Rome. The young man had to build up a faction for himself and make his ow

decision, this brought a tragic sense of impotence and frustration he had been all things and it was no good. 3 He had surp

tence and frustration he had been all things and it was no good. 3 He had surpassed the good fortune of Sulla Felix and the

lla Felix and the glory of Pompeius Magnus. In vain reckless ambition had ruined the Roman State and baffled itself in the

way evident that the nature of Brutus would have been very different had he never opened a book of Stoic or Academic philo

ing the sanctity of contracts, might have urged that, after all, they had ‘hired the money’. PageBook=>058 oligarchy

genue’. 2 Above, p. 35. Before the outbreak of the Civil War Brutus had refused even to speak to Pompeius: ĸαίτοι π⍴óτ∊⍴ο

59 Brutus and his allies might invoke philosophy or an ancestor who had liberated Rome from the Tarquinii, the first cons

wrong. They are more august and more complex. Caesar and Brutus each had right on his side. The new party of the Liberat

atilina could not, or would not, understand that reform or revolution had no place in the designs of his employer. Crassus

or life and the sworn allegiance of senators, it seemed clear that he had escaped from the shackles of party to supreme and

d on honour and prestige, asserted that Pompeius was disloyal. Caesar had made enemies through Pompeius and now Pompeius ha

s disloyal. Caesar had made enemies through Pompeius and now Pompeius had joined them. 1 A just complaint, but not integral

rt to their enemies. Certain of the principes by providential death had been spared the experience of another civil war a

use to Caesar or to the State. During the previous three years Caesar had not been able to influence the consular elections

his colleague Messalla or his illustrious predecessors, for all four had been involved in flagrant electoral scandals. 2

might be invoked in excuse. Hence one of the Marcelli, the consul who had placed a sword in the hand of Pompeius, mindful a

eians; likewise L. Marcius Philippus, the prudent son of a father who had passed unscathed through the faction-wars of Mari

.C. 2 The consuls of 54, the Optimates Ahenobarbus and Ap. Pulcher, had arranged one transaction (Ad Att. 4, 15, 7). 3

in the administration of the Empire. 3 Like Curio his friend, Caelius had contracted a feud with Ap. Pulcher. 4 Both were s

Ap. Pulcher. 4 Both were spirited and eloquent, especially Curio, who had already, despite his youth, won rank by vigour an

honoured, for example, by the sons of the proconsuls with whom Caesar had served as military tribune and as quaestor. 5 Cae

whom Caesar had served as military tribune and as quaestor. 5 Caesar had kept faith with Crassus; the younger son was dead

L. Nonius Asprenas (Bell. Afr. 80, 4). Q. Marcius Crispus (ib. 77, 2) had been a legate of L. Piso in Macedonia (In Pisonem

ex. Peducaeus, attested in 48 b.c (Appian, BC 2, 48, 197), the former had been a legate of Q. Cicero in Asia (Ad Q. fratrem

other-in-law of Brutus. D. Junius Brutus Albinus, a distant relation, had been a legate of Caesar in Gaul. For his pedigree

e memory of Sulla was loathed even by those who stood by the order he had established. Pompeius’ repute was evil enough wit

municipal aristocrats. 3 Certain distinguished families of that party had not been proscribed; and some rallied soon or lat

radition in politics was carried on by men called populares. Pompeius had once been a popularis, using tribunes and the adv

onsul of 83 B.C., L. Cornelius Cinna (pr. 44), to whose sister Caesar had once been married, and C. Carrinas, son of the Ma

active tribune was a marked man. Some of these pestilential citizens had succumbed to prosecution, but the eloquent Q. Fuf

Catilinarian P. Cornelius Sulla (a relative of the Dictator Sulla) had been prosecuted in the courts, but rescued by the

rts, but rescued by the able defence of an eloquent lawyer to whom he had lent a large sum of money. 2 He now stood with Ca

The censorship was a valuable weapon. In 70 B.C. two Pompeian censors had cleansed the Senate of undesirables. 4 Twenty yea

. 4 Twenty years later, on the verge of another coup d’état, Pompeius had only one censor on his side, Ap. Claudius, who st

sarian C. Sallustius Crispus, a young man from the Sabine country who had plunged into politics, a tribune conspicuous amon

n partisan, author of salutary legislation in defence of provincials, had been an admirable governor of Syria, as the clear

>067 testimony, that of his enemies, so convincingly reveals: he had delivered over the publicani into the hands of th

sacrificed to the publicani. Pompeius could surely have saved him, had he cared. 2 But Gabinius had served his turn now.

Pompeius could surely have saved him, had he cared. 2 But Gabinius had served his turn now. The extended commands of P

al distinction nobiles, members of reputable senatorial families that had not reached the consulate and sons of Roman knigh

omposition. The fact that he took up arms against the party in power, had been a Marian and a popularis, was feared for a t

tal family. 4 Sulla and Caesar, both members of patrician houses that had passed through a long period of obscurity, strove

could recall a family feud against Pompeius; and his consular brother had been won to Caesar by a large bribe. 5 Servilius

bribe. 5 Servilius belonged to a branch of Servilia’s own clan which had passed over to the plebeians long ago but had not

rvilia’s own clan which had passed over to the plebeians long ago but had not forgotten its patrician origin. P. Servilius

patrician origin. P. Servilius was a man of some competence: Lepidus had influence but no party, ambition but not the will

e will and the power for achievement. Caesar, offering the consulate, had captured them both perhaps with connivance and he

abella prosecuted Ap. Claudius Pulcher in 51 (Ad fam. 8, 6, 1), so he had little choice when it came to civil war. Caesar d

He was Caesar and he would keep faith. ’1 As he also observed, ‘If he had called upon the services of thugs and brigands in

d time to secure the promotion of deserving friends to the station he had himself so arduously attained. For protection a

for wealth and vice,2 and the phenomenal P. Ventidius, whose infancy had known slavery and degradation: captured by Pompei

n slavery and degradation: captured by Pompeius Strabo at Asculum, he had been led or carried in a Roman triumph. From obsc

or. Most of them were Roman knights: but Pansa, and possibly Hirtius, had already entered the Senate. 4 Hirtius was a comfo

ius Lentulus Crus, above, p. 44, n. 4. 3 It may be presumed that he had a hand in the pact of 60 B.C. In December of that

may be presumed that he gave them guarantees against revolution. They had more to fear from Pompeius, and they knew it. Cae

They had more to fear from Pompeius, and they knew it. Caesar’s party had no monopoly of the bankrupts and terrorists; 2 wh

oman financiers. More is known about his son, a banker whose business had wide ramifications over all the world. The disint

rumentum bonitati quaerere videretur. ’ PageBook=>074 But Rome had conquered an empire: the fate of Italy was decide

ds of Pompeius; 3 and it will not have been forgotten that his father had secured Latin rights for the Transpadane communit

had secured Latin rights for the Transpadane communities. But Caesar had the advantage of propinquity and duration. In Ver

ed. The Transpadani were eager for the full Roman citizenship. Caesar had championed them long ago: as proconsul he encoura

ed their aspirations, but he did not satisfy them until the Civil War had begun. In Gaul beyond the Alps, the provincia (

it was soon to be called), there was a chieftain of the Vocontii who had led the cavalry of his tribe for Pompeius against

exploiting help from Spain to his own advantage, Cn. Pompeius Strabo had granted the Roman citizenship to a whole regiment

reconquered Spain from Sertorius and the Marian faction. But Pompeius had enemies in Spain, and Caesar both made himself kn

old province, as he reminded the ungrateful men of Hispalis. 5 Gades had been loyal to Rome since the great Punic War, and

ave inherited the Spanish connexion of his old associate Crassus, who had once raised a private army in the Peninsula. 6

ssus, who had once raised a private army in the Peninsula. 6 Africa had given the name and occasion to the first triumph

h of the young Pompeius. But in Africa the adventurer P. Sittius, who had built up a kingdom for himself, was mindful of ol

, Crassus 6. PageBook=>076 nor the native tribe of the Gaetuli had forgotten Marius and the war against Jugurtha. 1

is friend, domestic historian and political agent. 2 But Caesar, too, had his partisans in the cities of Hellas, augmented

and estates were characters as diverse as Servilia and P. Sulla1 who had acquired an evil name for his acquisitions thirty

found him building, a sign of opulence and display. 2 Senators who had been adherents of the proconsul, distinguished ne

g of a knight was requisite no exorbitant condition. Sons of freedmen had sat in the Senate before now, furtive and insecur

The colonial and Italian element is more conspicuous in Spain, which had been a Roman province for a century and a half. T

te. L. Decidius Saxa, made tribune of the plebs by Caesar in 44 B.C., had served under him in the wars, either as a centuri

a Ulterior under Pollio, who reports, among other enormities, that he had a Roman citizen burned alive and an auctioneer fr

o their allotted functions a new government of national concentration had been established. Cicero shuddered to think tha

abinius. 2 That assembly now harboured many other clients whom Cicero had once defended, not, as Gabinius, under pressure f

nius and the obscure M. Cispius, a man of character and principle who had been condemned on a charge of corruption. 3 Cicer

ends, loyal associates or grateful clients. Balbus, Oppius and Matius had not entered the Senate they did not need to, bein

, once a devoted adherent of Cicero, for activities in whose cause he had been NotesPage=>081 1 W. Schur, Bonner Jah

e army superintending supply or commanding regiments of cavalry, they had acquired varied and valuable experience, now to b

he aristocracy retained in civic and urban garb the predominance they had enjoyed in a feudal or tribal order of society. O

natissimus’ (In Pisonem 64), was aedile in 45 (Ad Att. 13, 45, 1). He had business interests in Africa (Ad fam. 12, 29) and

s carried his lineage back to Attius Tullus, a king of the Volsci who had fought against Rome. 3 Yet there was no lack of

stic families it could in truth be proved as well as stated that they had always been there. The Caecinae of Etruscan Volat

ium, hated for their wealth and power. Centuries before, the citizens had risen to drive them out. 8 The attempt was as vai

lli armis coeptum. ’ PageBook=>084 The governing class at Rome had not always disdained the aristocracies of other c

es of other cities. Tradition affirmed that monarchs of foreign stock had ruled at Rome. More important than the kings were

ng oligarchy, not least the dynastic houses of the plebeian nobility, had been growing ever closer and more exclusive. Mari

er and advanced partisans to office at Rome. 1 But the Marian party had been defeated and proscribed by Sulla. The restor

of Etruria, Umbria and the Sabellic peoples of the central highlands, had not belonged to the Roman State at all, but were

belonged to the Roman State at all, but were autonomous allies. Italy had now become politically united through the extensi

ion of the Roman franchise, but the spirit and practice of government had not altered to fit a transformed state. Men spoke

government, attested and intelligible even in towns and families that had long since been incorporated in the Roman State,

martial peoples, the Marsi in the forefront, without whom no triumph had ever been celebrated whether they fought against

privilege but to destroy Rome. They nearly succeeded. Not until they had been baffled and shattered in war did the fierce

by the strife of local factions. Etruria and Umbria, though wavering, had remained loyal to Rome: the propertied classes ha

, though wavering, had remained loyal to Rome: the propertied classes had good reason to fear a social revolution. Before p

ed along with the stubborn remnants of the Italian insurgents. Marius had many adherents in the Etruscan towns; and all the

united, but only in name, not in sentiment. At first the new citizens had been cheated of the full and equal exercise of th

ated of the full and equal exercise of their franchise, a grant which had never been sincerely made; and many Italians had

chise, a grant which had never been sincerely made; and many Italians had no use for it. Loyalties were still personal, loc

eat and suffering. There could be no reconciliation until a long time had elapsed. Sulla recognized merit among allies or

y represented in the Roman Senate, even by renegades. Pompeius Strabo had a large following in Picenum:3 but these were onl

s, and the military men Afranius and Labienus. 4 The defeated still had to wait for a champion. Cicero was lavish with ap

tina’s first senator was very recent. 2 But Tusculum, and even Atina, had long been integral members of the Roman State.

ts in sympathy with the champion of the oppressed classes. 6 Caesar had numerous partisans in the regions of Italy that h

asses. 6 Caesar had numerous partisans in the regions of Italy that had suffered from participation in the Bellum Italicu

ns in Bell. Afr. 54, 5. PageBook=>090 proconsul who, like him, had crushed the Gauls, the traditional enemies of Ita

of the Pompeii. 4 When the young Pompeius raised his private army, he had to expel the Ventidii from that city. Picenum was

but a class in society and a party in politics. But even now the work had much farther to go in so far as Italy was concern

d much farther to go in so far as Italy was concerned: the Revolution had barely begun. A unity in terms of geography but

n. A unity in terms of geography but in nothing else, the peninsula had been a mosaic of races, languages and dialects. T

rious Salvidienus Rufus perished when cos. des. (in 40). C. Billienus had been a potential consul c. 105–100 B.C., cf. Cice

senators from certain older regions of the Roman State which hitherto had produced very few. Cautious or frugal, many knigh

. Cautious or frugal, many knights shunned politics altogether. Sulla had taught them a sharp lesson. Nor would a seat in t

truscan kings or even to an Italian magnate. Of the consulate there had been scant prospect in the past. But the triumph

consul. He was correct but other novi homines, socially more eminent, had not been debarred in that period; and Cicero was

he did not gratify the expectations of Rabirius; and who at this time had ever heard of Salvidienus Rufus, Vipsanius Agripp

de detection, certain of the marshals, adherents of long standing who had fought in Gaul, conspired to assassinate their le

red military man Ser. Sulpicius Galba alleged personal resentment: he had not been made consul. 5 To the Picene landowner L

to the Capitol to render thanks to the gods of the Roman State, They had no further plans the tyrant was slain, therefore

. Cornelius Dolabella arrayed in the insignia of a consul; for Caesar had intended that Dolabella should have the vacant pl

he Horse, now left in an anomalous and advantageous position. Lepidus had troops under his command, with results at once ap

ntime, the Liberators, descending for a brief space from the citadel, had made vain appeal to the populace in the Forum. A

esent. The Liberators remained ensconced upon the Capitol. Their coup had been countered by the Caesarian leaders, who, in

recognize the Dictator’s will, granting a public funeral. Antonius had played his hand with cool skill. The Liberators a

had played his hand with cool skill. The Liberators and their friends had lost, at once and for ever, the chance of gaining

eed was manifest to the assassins and to their sympathizers. The harm had already been done. Not the funeral of Caesar but

e. But there was no pretext or desire for a reign of terror. Brutus had insisted that Antonius be spared. 4 Had the facti

armies in the provinces would have been too strong. The Liberators had not planned a seizure of power. Their occupation

of the Senate were requisite. Of the consuls, Antonius was not to be had , Dolabella an uncertain factor. The consuls desig

were not to be blamed. Of consulars, the casualties in the Civil Wars had been heavy: only two of the Pompeians, professed

for the rest, the aged, the timid and the untrustworthy. Cicero, who had lent his eloquence to all political causes in tur

be depended on for action or for statesmanship; and the conspirators had not initiated him into their designs. The public

ic support of Cicero would be of inestimable value after a revolution had succeeded. Thus did Brutus lift up his bloodstain

r the august traditions of the Roman Senate and the Roman People they had no sympathy at all. The politicians of the previo

ady for the Empire and the dispensation of bread and games. The plebs had acclaimed Caesar, the popular politician, with hi

fiance of the Senate and his triumph over noble adversaries, they too had a share of power and glory. Discontent, it is tru

s of Caesar’s life, artfully fomented by his enemies; and Caesar, who had taken up arms in defence of the rights of the tri

have persisted in irrational fancies about that Roman People which he had liberated from despotism. As late as July he expe

ished by him, in absence, in honour of the god Apollo. Apollo already had another favourite. More truly representative of

e of whose station and dignity they took up arms against his enemies, had been treacherously slain by those whom he trusted

shals Decimus Brutus and Trebonius before all. The honour of the army had been outraged. Though Rome and the army were de

order and the new government. Various intrigues were afoot. Dolabella had suppressed a recrudescence of the irregular cult

knew and as some of his allies did not. The price was civil war. Even had the Liberators been willing to pay it, they could

cess against the Caesarian governors in the far West. In Syria Bassus had stirred up civil war two years before, seizing th

ad, regretted by many, but not to be avenged; an assertion of liberty had been answered by the Caesarian leaders with conco

ther foolish to hope for normal and ordered government when the storm had spent its strength, when the popular excitement h

nt when the storm had spent its strength, when the popular excitement had subsided: time and forbearance might triumph over

l not be put down to his cowardice or to Caesar’s distrust. Dolabella had been a great nuisance in 47 B.C., during Caesar’s

dden he intervened, punishing the impostor with death. The Liberators had fled the city. Antonius NotesPage=>105 1 T

rder and class, and bound to him by ties of personal friendship. 3 He had no quarrel with the Liberators providing they did

ys fortune seemed to smile upon the Roman State and upon Antonius. It had been feared that the assassination of Caesar woul

ocini auctores’ (Ad Att. 14, 10, 2). PageBook=>107 Roman State had much to be thankful for, as partisan testimony wa

vate fortune of the Dictator, duly surrendered by Calpurnia, Antonius had ample reserves of patronage. Their employment in

or disproof was out of the question: in these early months the consul had embezzled a treasure of seven hundred million ses

Epirus. 4 On the whole, Antonius was distinctly superior to what Rome had learned to expect of the politician in power. His

ely alternatives to Caesar’s autocracy. Chance and his own resolution had given Antonius the position of vantage. At first

nd hardly to be prevented at this juncture. 3 Ib. 14, 12, 1. Caesar had given them only Latin rights 4 Ib. 14, 12, 1, &

n party, there were rivals here and potential adversaries. Antonius had been no friend of Dolabella in the last three yea

the free working of Republican institutions. An innovation indeed: it had seldom, if ever, existed in the preceding twenty

but for different reasons, the Caesarian young men Curio and Caelius, had they survived for so long the inevitable doom o

rmy adequate to defy any enterprises of his enemies. Late in March he had received Macedonia. Before the end of April, howe

n the charge of Caesarians: Plancus took Gallia Comata, while Lepidus had already gone off to his command of the two provin

W. How, Cicero, Select Letters 11 (1926), App. IX, 546ff. 3 Caesar had divided Africa. Sextius’ province was Africa Nova

s. Q. Cornificius held Africa Vetus, without legions; his predecessor had been C. Calvisius Sabinus. PageBook=>111 t

e consular marshals evaded undue prominence, Fufius and Caninius, who had been legates of Caesar in Gaul and elsewhere, and

gates of Caesar in Gaul and elsewhere, and Cn. Domitius Calvinus, who had fought in Thessaly, Pontus and Africa. There was

bout April 21st) and made his way to Campania. The veterans of Caesar had to be attended to, with urgent and just claims no

ed, it was to discover with dismay that a new and incalculable factor had impinged upon Roman politics. NotesPage=>111

grandfather, a rich banker established at the small town of Velitrae, had shunned the burdens and the dangers of Roman poli

scension of Octavianus. A sceptic about all else, Caesar the Dictator had faith in his own star. The fortune of Caesar surv

ds counselled, was wisely postponed. Nor would he enter Rome until he had got into touch with persons of influence and had

enter Rome until he had got into touch with persons of influence and had surveyed the political situation. By the middle o

ng with his step-father, the consular Philippus. 1 More important, he had met Balbus, the trusted confidant and secretary o

attentions to one party. Cicero was living at Cumae at this time. He had heard rumours about Octavianus, according them sc

. Antonius answered with excuses and delays. 1 The Caesarian leader had left this competitor out of account. His primacy

enate. A move to one side would alienate the other. Hitherto Antonius had neglected the avenging of Caesar and prevented hi

onius had neglected the avenging of Caesar and prevented his cult; he had professed conciliation towards the assassins, wit

ot a factor of much influence upon the policy of Antonius. The consul had already decided to take for himself a special pro

made up his mind that Brutus and Cassius should leave Italy. Antonius had returned to Rome with an escort of veterans, much

ple. The tenure of the consular provinces, Syria and Macedonia, which had been assigned to Dolabella and Antonius some two

age=>115 1 He objected that a lex curiata ratifying the adoption had not yet been passed (cf. esp. Dio 45, 5, 3; Appia

extreme Republicans. They knew what the last extended command in Gaul had meant. Two other measures of a Caesarian and po

e distrust and Roman scorn for the mob. The enterprises of Herophilus had shown what dominance the memory of Caesar retaine

ation of popular sentiment. Already, at the Ludi Ceriales, Octavianus had made an attempt to display in public the golden c

all too familiar recital of lost opportunities. 3 The Ludi Ceriales had apparently been postponed from the end of April t

ian rival might well force Antonius back again to the policy which he had deserted by the legislation of June 1st to a stre

A fair prospect of concord or a subtle intrigue against the consul had been brought to nought. Antonius, for his part,

inst the consul had been brought to nought. Antonius, for his part, had been constrained to an unwelcome decision. In no

arty of Brutus and Cassius. His professions, both public and private, had hitherto been couched in a vein of conciliation;

word in their edict. But they now prepared to depart from Italy. They had hesitated to take over the corn- commission voted

would have to be doubled and redoubled. Octavianus was resolute. He had a cause to champion, the avenging of Caesar, and

t about in the July days at Rome that Octavianus, though a patrician, had designs upon this office. 1 Nothing came of it fo

s, of bribes. With his years, his name and his ambition, Octavianus had nothing to gain from concord in the State, everyt

ivals, from the immediate and still tangible past. The young Pompeius had grasped at once the technique of raising a privat

and betraying his allies. Caesar, more consistent in his politics, had to wait longer for distinction and power. The sen

ul friends and a coherent party. For lack of that, the great Pompeius had been forced at the last into a fatal alliance wit

the last into a fatal alliance with his enemies the oligarchs. Caesar had been saved because he had a party behind him. It

ance with his enemies the oligarchs. Caesar had been saved because he had a party behind him. It was clear that many a man

the study of political cant and the practice of a dissimulation that had been alien to the splendid and patrician nature o

. Alert and resilient among the visible risks of march and battle, he had no talent for slow intrigue, no taste for postpon

mn thanksgivings paid by the Roman State to the immortal gods; and he had already promulgated a bill which provided for an

certain of the veteran soldiers of his bodyguard, alleging that they had been suborned by Octavianus to assassinate him. O

lost. His enemies might win the provincial armies. Brutus and Cassius had left Italy, ostensibly for their provinces of Cre

ate, set out for the East to secure the province of Syria. Antonius had already acted. There was a nearer danger, D. Brut

(Oct. 25th). The informant was Servilia; a slave of Caecilius Bassus had brought the news. Further, Scaptius, Brutus’ agen

cilius Bassus had brought the news. Further, Scaptius, Brutus’ agent, had arrived at Rome. Servilia promised to pass on her

peratura. ’ PageBook=>125 Before he returned, armed revolution had broken out in Italy. Octavianus solicited his fat

nus raised quickly some three thousand veterans. The new Pompeius now had an army. He was at first quite uncertain what to

t for Rome. With armed men he occupied the Forum on November 10th. He had hoped for a meeting of the Senate and public supp

t from senior statesmen. In vain his backers were timid or absent. He had to be content with the plebs and a tribune. Broug

another legion, the Fourth, under Antonius’ quaestor L. Egnatuleius, had embraced the revolutionary cause. Had the consul

haste Antonius proposed a vote complimentary to his ally Lepidus (who had brought Sex. Pompeius to terms) and carried throu

gions and occupy Cisalpine Gaul. Fresh levies were needed. Octavianus had not carried all Campania with him: two old Caesar

ous and martial territory of Picenum. 3 The coalition of March 17th had not merely been split and shattered: it was being

s, by a hostile alliance of Caesarian and Pompeian elements. Antonius had failed as a non-party statesman in Roman politics

d. Senate, plebs and veterans were mobilized against him. His enemies had drawn the sword: naked force must decide. But not

rawn the sword: naked force must decide. But not all at once Antonius had not chosen to declare Octavianus a public enemy,

rces around the city of Mutina and held Brutus entrapped. Civil war had begun, but winter enforced a lull in hostilities,

rated as the deed and policy of Octavianus. In himself that young man had not seemed a political factor of prime importance

and a fair measure of guile. 1 During his consulate and ever since he had shunned dangerous prominence. The emergence of hi

ntal discretion, giving visitors no guidance at all. 2 To be sure, he had dissuaded the taking up of the inheritance: the f

d the taking up of the inheritance: the fact comes from a source that had every reason to enhance the courageous and indepe

public, and damaged in repute, surviving a cause for which better men had died, will none the less have striven through int

s, cf. Münzer, Hermes LXXI (1936), 226 ff.; P-W XIX, 38 ff. Q. Pedius had been legate in Gaul (BG 2, 2, 1, &c.) and pro

MC, R. Rep. 11, 407). No other authority gives ‘Salvius’ as his name: had he taken to latinizing the alien gentilicium? or

a party. It was in truth what in defamation the most admirable causes had often been called a faction: its activity lay bey

ary in origin, attracting all the enemies of society old soldiers who had dissipated gratuities and farms, fraudulent finan

pporters and educate opinion in Rome and throughout Italy. Octavianus had more skill, fewer scruples and better fortune tha

s this all. Caesar, intending to depart without delay to the Balkans, had sent in advance to Brundisium, or farther, a part

ard fact that Octavianus at Brundisium in April, for a time at least, had control both of certain funds destined for the wa

out of history for four years: the manner of his return shows that he had not been inactive. 5 The Caesarian Rabirius Postu

e an elderly and wavering consular. 7 A certain Caecina of Volaterrae had recently tried in vain. 8 When Octavianus journ

erhaps unsavoury individuals, such as Mindius Marcellus, whose father had been active as a business man in Greece. Mindius

cus Bursa the incendiary, the histrionic Caesennius Lento, Nucula who had written pantomimes, the Spaniard Decidius Saxa. 2

onourable mention of three tribunes and a legionary commander whom he had seduced from the consul. 3 These were the earli

desert Antonius is not recorded. L. Egnatuleius, Antonius’ quaestor, had the Fourth, cf. Phil. 3, 39, &c. PageBook=&

his generals and they are not an impressive company. 1 Senators who had come safely through civil war or who owed rank an

thers. Even a nonentity is a power when consul at Rome. A policy they had , and they might achieve it to restore concord in

wn about Pansa. Yet Pansa was no declared enemy of Antonius; 4 and he had married the daughter NotesPage=>133 1 Belo

is own son. 5 Nor was the devious Marcellus wholly to be neglected he had family connexions that could be brought into play

ATESMAN PageBook=>135 IN the Senate three men of consular rank had spoken against Antonius, namely L. Piso, P. Servi

said to have encouraged the designs of Octavianus. That was all they had in common in character, career and policy the thr

ives followed Cato and Pompeius in the Civil War. Servilius, however, had been ensnared by Caesar, perhaps with a bribe to

elonged to the following of Isauricus. 3 Piso and P. Servilius each had a change of side to their credit. No politician c

n adventurer to destroy the Caesarian party. Cicero claimed that he had always been consistent in his political ideal, th

he consulate and entered the ranks of the governing oligarchy. Cicero had never been a revolutionary not even a reformer. I

herence to principle and denial of compromise; and he claimed that he had been abandoned by the allies of Cato. Towards Pom

ies. He showed both judgement and impartiality. 1 It was too late. He had few illusions about Pompeius, little sympathy wit

atriot who boasted never to have been a party politician? As Antonius had once said to him, the honest neutral does not run

the sharp perception that neither the policy nor the party of Caesar had been abolished brought a rapid disillusionment. E

July brought well-authenticated reports from Spain that Sex. Pompeius had come to terms with the government. Cicero was sor

his vessel in the Straits of Messina. At Leucopetra, near Rhegium, he had cognizance on August 7th of news and rumours from

pied in the last preparations for leaving Italy. L. Piso, he learned, had indeed spoken in the Senate but with nobody to su

e Caesarian position were rudely dispelled. Cicero’s changed decision had been all in vain. He persisted, however, and retu

made history by a resolute defence of the Republic. But Cicero as yet had not committed himself to any irreparable feud wit

able feud with Antonius or to any definite line of action. The Senate had already and repeatedly witnessed more ferocious d

foreign even to the secret thoughts of the agents themselves. Cicero had first made the acquaintance of Caesar’s heir in A

een Antonius and Octavianus. Yet of these events he will perhaps have had cognizance at Leucopetra. Only a domestic quarrel

When he made his decision to return, Cicero did not know that unity had been restored in the Caesarian party. Again, in t

ginning of November daily letters passed between them. Octavianus now had an army NotesPage=>141 1 Ad Att, 14, 13a;

he memory of the glorious Nones of December. 2 Cicero was not to be had . He left Campania and retired to Arpinum, foresee

r’s heir, the towns of Campania were enthusiastic. Among the plebs he had a great following; and he might win more respecta

icero was possessed by an overweening opinion of his own sagacity: it had ever been his hope to act as political mentor to

olitical mentor to one of the generals of the Republic. When Pompeius had subdued the East to the arms of Rome, he received

position legalized. The offensive was therefore launched earlier than had been expected. Now came the last and heroic hou

and the guilty knowledge of his own inadequacy. He knew how little he had achieved for the Republic despite his talent and

he Republic despite his talent and his professions, how shamefully he had deserted his post after March 17th when concord a

d government might still have been achieved. Now, at last, a chance had come to redeem all, to assert leadership, to free

adership, to free the State again or go down with it in ruin. Once he had written about the ideal statesman. Political fail

he ideal statesman. Political failure, driving him back upon himself, had then sought and created consolations in literatur

. This treatise was published in 51 B.C. About the same time Cicero had also been at work upon the Laws, which described

their splendour and power, the principes Crassus, Caesar and Pompeius had fallen short of genuine renown. The good statesma

st the forces of anarchy or despotism. He would stand as firm as Cato had stood, he would be the leader of the Optimates.

ocious. But Cicero’s political feuds, however spirited at the outset, had not always been sustained with constancy. 1 Cicer

giance, for Antonius, for Octavianus, or for peace. The new consuls had a policy of their own, if only they were strong e

the ill-famed profession of auctioneer:5 or stay, worse than that, he had immigrated thither from the land of trousered Gau

and enigmatic individual, he possessed many virtues, which for a time had deceived excellent and unsuspecting persons, incl

he badge of devout but harmless Pythagorean practices; 8 and Gabinius had once been called a ‘vir fortis’, a pillar of Rome

adara, a town in high repute for literature and learning. 10 Antonius had attacked Dolabella, alleging acts of adultery.

s, betrays his true colours, as detestable as Antonius. From youth he had revelled in cruelty: such had been his lusts that

s detestable as Antonius. From youth he had revelled in cruelty: such had been his lusts that no modest person could mentio

her citizens! Where a man came from did not matter at all at Rome it had never mattered! 7 From the grosser forms of abu

ontemporaries an immense reputation as a wit and as a humourist. Cato had to acknowledge it. 1 The politician Vatinius coul

were abolished. For the sake of peace and the common good, all power had to pass to one man. That was not the worst featur

s of aiming at regnum or dominatio that was too simple, too crude. It had all been heard before: but it might be hard to re

t could demand the unquestioning loyalty of all good citizens? Rome had an unwritten constitution: that is to say, accord

e was a state of emergency, or that certain individuals by their acts had placed themselves in the position of public enemi

on rather than a programme. If the political literature of the period had been more abundantly preserved, it might be disco

the judgement of the historian Sallustius. After Pompeius and Crassus had restored the power of the tribunate, Roman politi

αὶ πολέμιοι τῆς πατρίδος καὶ ἀλι-τήριοι ὠνομἀσθησαν. Like Sallust, he had studied Thucydides with some attention. PageBoo

catorius’:2 not in a favourable sense. The word ‘pacificator’ already had a derisive ring. 3 The friends of peace had to

d ‘pacificator’ already had a derisive ring. 3 The friends of peace had to abandon their plea when they spoke for war. Pe

composed, private loyalties surrendered, for the public good. Cicero had descended to that language years before when he e

he exemplary prayer that private feuds should be abandoned. 4 Plancus had assured Cicero that no personal grounds of enmity

assion the task of the apostle of concord was not always easy when he had to deal with enemies whom he had described as ‘ma

concord was not always easy when he had to deal with enemies whom he had described as ‘madmen’, ‘raging brigands’ or ‘parr

s again’. Plancus was an adept. Years before in Caesar’s Civil War he had spontaneously offered his good offices to bring a

loyalty they might follow great leaders like Caesar or Antonius: they had no mind to risk their lives for intriguers such a

, empty names. Roman discipline, inexorable in the wars of the State, had been entirely relaxed. The soldiers, whether pres

own head. After the end of all the wars the victor proclaimed that he had killed no citizen who had asked for mercy:1 his c

all the wars the victor proclaimed that he had killed no citizen who had asked for mercy:1 his clemency was published on n

y to save the State. Of that the Senate was supreme judge. What if it had not lent its sanction? Why, true patriots were th

d. All the phrases, all the weapons were there: when the constitution had perished, the will of Army and People could be ex

manded respect, and the traditional phrases were useful and necessary had not the Republic been rescued from tyranny and re

Republic been rescued from tyranny and restored to vigour? Octavianus had the veterans, the plebs and the name of Caesar: h

eized the chance to develop a programme for future action. Octavianus had no standing at all before the law, and Brutus was

ender the province. That point Cicero could not dispute. He therefore had resort to the most impudent sophistries, deliveri

Caesar’s heir? Senators could recall how twenty years before a consul had secured the execution of Roman citizens without t

armed forces against the State. Now the champion of the constitution had become the ally of a Catilina, NotesPage=>16

st be crushed and would be crushed, as once Senate, People and Cicero had dealt with Catilina. In brief, Cicero proposed

ank, no Valerius, no Claudius. 2 Of the Cornelii, whose many branches had produced the Scipiones and the Lentuli, along wit

from the Senate that fought against Antonius. The assassins of Caesar had left Italy, and the young men of the faction of C

ed with their kinsman and leader M. Junius Brutus, whether or no they had been implicated in the Ides of March. Like Brutus

ated in the Ides of March. Like Brutus himself, many of these nobiles had abandoned the cause of Pompeius after Pharsalus.

psus and Munda thinned their company: Afranius, Petreius and Labienus had fallen in NotesPage=>163 1 Phil. 4. 2 M.

ere alive at the end of 44 B.C., Cicero and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus. Nor had the years of Caesar’s Dictatorship furnished enou

humiliation and frustration. In this December the total of consulars had fallen to seventeen: their effective strength was

, p. 94. One of them, the patrician Q. Fabius Maximus (cos. 45 B.C.), had died in office. That left six consulars of the ye

haps he indulged in mild parody of that smooth exemplar. Plancus, who had served as Caesar’s legate in the Gallic and in th

ourted the favour of Lepidus, now in an advantageous position, for he had recently induced the adventurer Sex. Pompeius to

his loyalties at variance or out of date: it is pretty clear that he had no use for any party. He knew about them all. The

of Africa and of Illyricum were in the hands of Caesarians. Macedonia had been almost completely stripped of its garrison.

f its garrison. Antonius’ ally Dolabella was on his way eastwards: he had sent legates in advance, the one to Syria, the ot

he contrary, discordance of policy and aim. The programme of Cicero had already been established and made public on Decem

ergencies the Senate enjoyed special discretionary powers. The Senate had granted before now imperiutm and the charge of a

had granted before now imperiutm and the charge of a war to a man who had held no public office. But there were limits. The

168 be invoked to confer senatorial rank upon a private citizen. It had not been done even for Pompeius. That the free vo

that he held his extraordinary command in virtue of a plebiscite, as had both Pompeius and Caesar in the past. 2 To contes

the friends of Antonius, however, it meant that a declaration of war had been averted; for the advocates of concord, a res

e Senate and hence subject to Caesar’s ordinance. Secondly, the law had been passed in defiance of the auspicia: but that

uspicia: but that plea was very weak, for the authority of sacred law had been largely discredited by its partisan and unsc

s perhaps maintained the validity of the Lex Clodia of 58 B.C., which had virtually abolished this method of obstruction, c

y, the loyalty of the plebs and the unanimity of Italy. The State now had spirit and leadership, armies and generals. No ne

onius was in effect a public enemy and beyond the law. Cicero himself had always been an advocate of peace. But this was di

er, a distinguished knight and an excellent patriot, L. Visidius, who had watched over Cicero’s safety during his consulate

or second day of February the envoys returned, lacking Sulpicius, who had perished on the arduous journey, and announcing t

stion, he required guarantees: it was not merely his dignitas that he had to think of, but his salus. The sole security for

onsidering the recent conduct of his enemies at Rome and in Italy, he had every reason to demand safeguards in return for c

uccess. While the Senate negotiated with Antonius, Brutus and Cassius had acted: they seized the armies of all the lands be

is hands; and not only Macedonia Vatinius the governor of Illyricum had been unable to prevent his legions from passing o

us was appointed proconsul of Macedonia, Illyricum and Achaia. Cicero had acquired no little facility in situations of this

izure of a dozen legions was not confirmed until more than two months had elapsed. For the Republican cause, victory now

ough Asia on his way to Syria and opposed by the proconsul Trebonius, had captured him and executed him after a summary tri

igh treason, justified by assistance which Trebonius and his quaestor had given to the enterprises of Brutus and Cassius. A

vantage with allegations of atrocities it was affirmed that Dolabella had applied torture to the unfortunate Trebonius. The

hought of negotiation so long as Antonius retained his army. 2 Cicero had in his hands an open letter sent by Antonius to H

waiting for Pansa to come up with his four legions of recruits. Pansa had left Rome about March 19th. Antonius for his part

constitution, the living and the dead, new and extraordinary honours had already been devised. 2 A thanksgiving of fifty d

y and all the fine soldiers slain’, wrote Pollio from Spain. 3 Cicero had boasted in the Senate that the Caesarian veterans

f the western provinces nor to the Liberators; Cicero and his friends had reckoned without the military resource of the bes

Brutus went to consult Pansa at Bononia, only to find that the consul had succumbed to his wounds; Antonius soon increased

s soon increased his lead, for his army was strong in cavalry. Brutus had none; and the exhilaration of a victory in which

utus had none; and the exhilaration of a victory in which his legions had so small a share could not compensate the ravages

. That was not the worst. The conduct of the war by the two consuls had overshadowed for a time the person of Octavianus.

esar’s heir refused to take orders from Caesar’s assassin: nor, if he had , is it certain that the troops would have obeyed.

at amply justified his decision: he was to be discarded as soon as he had served the purposes of the enemies of Antonius. S

ence ruin to the Caesarian cause, and soon to Caesar’s heir. Antonius had warned him of that, and Antonius was uttering a p

epublicans in the Senate showed their hand. The position of M. Brutus had already been legalized. Shortly after the news of

re consigned to Cassius in one act. Nor was this all. Sextus Pompeius had already promised his aid to the Republic against

to Antonius during the War of Mutina remained in his company, another had studiously refrained from barring the road to Nar

r long Labienus NotesPage=>164 M. Junius Silanus, his kinsman, had actually fought at Mutina (Ad fam. 10, 30, 1). It

Lepidus was not as vigilant against the dangers of fraternization as had been the generals of Pompeius. He did not wish to

ng, in the elevated phrases now universally current, how his soldiers had been unwilling to take the lives of fellow-citize

0th that Antonius and Lepidus carried out their peaceful coup. They had now to reckon with Plancus. In April the governor

D. Brutus to come over the pass of the Little St. Bernard. If Plancus had by now resolved to join Antonius, his design was

bernus. ’ PageBook=>166 surviving epistle to Cicero. His style had lost none of its elegance: he protested good will

ng up with two legions from Hispania Ulterior. Earlier in the year he had complained that the Senate sent him no instructio

Italy against the will of the ambiguous Lepidus; further, his troops had been solicited by envoys of Antonius and Lepidus.

o Plancus joined the company of the ‘parricides’ and ‘brigands’ as he had so recently termed them. The unfortunate Brutus,

he Caesarian generals for lack of heroism and lack of principle. They had no quarrel with Antonius; it was not they who had

of principle. They had no quarrel with Antonius; it was not they who had built up a novel and aggressive faction, mobilizi

ius deprecated bitterly the influence of the veterans. 4 The veterans had no wish for war they had NotesPage=>166 1

he influence of the veterans. 4 The veterans had no wish for war they had NotesPage=>166 1 Ad fam. 10, 24. On Octavi

nciples invoked by faction and to fight against their fellow-citizens had the result that they were described as ‘Madmen’ b

interest or patriotism of the governors of the western provinces, all had conspired to preserve him from the armed violence

the armed violence of an unnatural coalition. In Italy that coalition had already collapsed; Caesar’s heir turned his arms

the month of May wore on, rejoicing gave way to disillusion. Antonius had escaped to the West. Men blamed the slowness and

suls were elected. There was no leadership, no policy. A property-tax had been levied to meet the demands of the armies of

The return was small and grudging; 3 and the agents of the Liberators had intercepted the revenues of the eastern provinces

provinces. As Cicero wrote late in May, the Senate was a weapon that had broken to pieces in his hands. 4 The prime caus

e of disquiet was Cicero’s protégé, the ‘divine youth whom Providence had sent to save the State’. 5 Octavianus and his arm

’. 5 Octavianus and his army grew daily more menacing. That young man had got wind of a witticism of Cicero he was to be pr

with clear perception of the dangers of their equivocal alliance. He had not been deluded then. 2 But during the months af

t Octavianus would still support the constitutional cause now that it had become flagrantly Pompeian and Republican. 3 Th

fact, the betrothal of his daughter to the young adventurer. 5 Cicero had already crossed swords with Servilius more than o

that Cicero would usurp the vacant place. 1 Later, after both consuls had fallen, Brutus in Macedonia heard a report that C

th consuls had fallen, Brutus in Macedonia heard a report that Cicero had actually been elected. 2 Of a later proposal ther

loyed in guiding and repressing the inordinate ambitions of youth. It had ever been Cicero’s darling notion to play the pol

litary leader; and this was but the culmination of the policy that he had initiated in the previous autumn. Brutus was ev

ch manoeuvre. 4 He remained in Macedonia, though a vote of the Senate had summoned him to Italy after the Battle of Mutina.

icy. This is made evident by two incidents. Already Cicero and Brutus had exchanged sharp words over C. Antonius, whom Brut

ro and Brutus had exchanged sharp words over C. Antonius, whom Brutus had captured in Macedonia. Cicero insisted that the c

ighly distasteful in Cicero’s fanatical feud against Antonius. Brutus had not broken off all relations with M. Antonius he

the brother of the Caesarian leader was a valuable hostage. Brutus had been desperately unwilling to provoke a civil war

y exile for the sake of concord. 8 NotesPage=>169 1 The rumour had been spread by Cicero’s enemies, Phil. 14, 15 f.

Cicero 45 f. If Plutarch is to be believed, Augustus admitted that he had played upon Cicero’s ambition to be consul. 4 A

cundiam exercendam. ’ 7 Gelzer, P-W x, 1003 f. In February Antonius had recognized the claims of Brutus and Cassius to th

refused to concur in the hounding down of the family of Lepidus, who had married his own half-sister. Family ties had prev

e family of Lepidus, who had married his own half-sister. Family ties had prevailed against political hostility in civil wa

to be closely dated. According to Gelzer, Brutus did not act until he had news of the session of November 28th, when Antoni

us deprived Brutus and Cassius of the praetorian provinces which they had refused to take over (P-W x, 1000). This date is

eny that they are the supplications of a slave to a despot. ’1 Cicero had suggested that Octavianus might be induced to par

ical precedents of a familiar kind. 5 The argument of youth and merit had already been exploited by Cicero. 6 The Senate re

am esse per ilium praestat. ’ Cicero himself in the previous November had written μηδ σωθϵίην ὑπό γϵ τοιούτου (Ad Att. 16,

ot lose hope. In the evening came a rumour that the two legions which had deserted the consul for Octavianus in the Novembe

e Fourth and the Martia, ‘heavenly legions’ as Cicero described them, had declared for the Republic. The Senate met in hast

w held Rome after the second attempt in ten months. The first time he had sought backing from senior statesmen and from the

rted on a voyage. Pirates or shipwreck took the blame. 4 Octavianus had spent his patrimony for purposes of the State, an

housand five hundred denarii more than ten times a year’s pay. 5 They had still to receive as much again. With a devoted ar

reckoning with Antonius, whom he could now face as an equal. Antonius had been thwarted and defeated at Mutina. That was en

he decrees of outlawry against Antonius and Lepidus for Lepidus, too, had been declared a public enemy. The last six mont

d diplomacy decided the fate of the Roman world. Antonius when consul had abolished the Dictatorship for all time. The tyra

ence. Antonius constrained the young Caesar to resign the office he had seized. The rest of the year was given to P. Vent

in P. Decius, on whom cf. Phil. 11, 13; 13, 27). PageBook=>189 had few partisans of merit or distinction; which is n

nidius Crassus and Rufrenus were fervent Antonians; 1 M. Silanus, who had carried his messages to Antonius, soon fell away

eady have been feared, and it was soon to be known, that some of them had been seized by the adventurer Sex. Pompeius, acti

ich the Pompeians requited Caesar’s clemency. 1 The Caesarian leaders had defied public law: they now abolished the private

private rights of citizenship no disproportionate revenge for men who had been declared public enemies. Rome shivered und

men alive who remembered Sulla. Often enough before now proscriptions had been the cause of secret apprehension, the pretex

le vices of cupidity and treachery. The laws and constitution of Rome had been subverted. With them perished honour and sec

t of Fulvia. It may be doubted whether contemporaries agreed. If they had the leisure and the taste to draw fine distinctio

ents. For Antonius there was some palliation, at least when consul he had been harried by faction and treason, when procons

no merit beyond his name: ‘puer qui omnia nomini debes’, as Antonius had said, and many another. That splendid name was no

t or with Sex. Pompeius on the western seas and in the islands. There had been delay and warning enough. For the Triumvirs

ned soon, saving their lives but making a sacrifice in money. 2 There had been an extenuating feature of faction- contests

ies could sometimes be avoided, among the aristocracy at least. Sulla had many enemies among the nobiles, but certain of th

of the more eminent, through family connexions and social influence, had been able to evade proscription, such as the fath

ot put on the list even for form’s sake or as a warning to others: he had recently shown conspicuous kindness to the wife a

ing blame in certain circles,3 but trusting his own judgement; and he had already secured a guarantee for the event of a Re

again, rapacious and vindictive. The fierce Marsians and Paelignians had long and bitter memories. Yet some of the proscri

7, 201 f. This Sittius presumably a relative of P. Sittius of Nuceria had spent money on Cales. PageBook=>194 landow

d above parties. He did not champion one class against another. If he had begun a revolution, his next act was to stem its

oman senator, now perished for his wealth; 5 so did M. Fidustius, who had been proscribed by Sulla, and the notorious C. Ve

and the notorious C. Verres, an affluent exile. 6 The knight Calidus had property in Africa. 7 Cicero, though chronically

7 Nepos Vita Attici 12, 4. Antonius’ agent P. Volumnius Eutrapelus had his eye on it. 8 The town mansion, which had co

. Volumnius Eutrapelus had his eye on it. 8 The town mansion, which had cost 3,500,000 sesterces, fell to the Antonian no

scating real property only. 2 Hitherto the game of politics at Rome had been financed by the spoils of the provinces, ext

own magnificence and for the delight of the Roman plebs; the knights had saved their gains and bought landed property. The

ct to no kind of taxation, direct or indirect. But now Rome and Italy had to pay the costs of civil war, in money and land.

s of the East in the hands of the Republicans. From Italy, therefore, had to be found the money to pay the standing army of

e territories of eighteen of the most wealthy cities of Italy. 3 What had already happened was bad enough. After the victor

s: before long it was to number over a thousand. 5 Scorn and ridicule had greeted the nominees of the Dictator: with the ig

na was dominant at Rome. In December of the year 44 B.C. the Senate had been able to count only seventeen ex-consuls, the

s and Cicero, without notable accessions Hirtius, Pansa and Dolabella had fallen in war, and the consul Q. Pedius succumbed

and L. Caesar, lapse completely from record. Philippus and Marcellus had played their part for Caesar’s heir and served th

uli and the Marcelli were in eclipse, for the heads of those families had mostly perished, leaving few sons; 2 there was no

n generals joined Cassius in Syria. 9 Trebonius the proconsul of Asia had been put to death by Dolabella; but his quaestor

ive with a fleet for the Republic. 10 Most of the assassins of Caesar had no doubt left Italy at an early date; and the par

1 The Caesarian party, though reunited after strange vicissitudes, had suffered heavy loss both in ability and in distin

character by its composition as well as by its policy. The Triumvirs had expelled from Italy not only the nobiles, their p

e pack and inaugurate an epoch, as clearly manifest in its consuls as had been the last and transient supremacy of the olig

ls enters the field, almost all non-Latin in their nomenclature. Some had held independent command under Caesar: Allienus a

tion. From the beginning, the faction of Octavianus invited those who had nothing to lose from war and adventure, among the

tion-members’ being Agrippa and Salvidienus Rufus. Octavianus himself had only recently passed his twentieth birthday: Agri

for military command in the wars of the Revolution. 2 The Republic had been abolished. Whatever the outcome of the armed

delay. Octavianus turned aside to deal with Sex. Pompeius, who by now had won possession of all Sicily, sending Salvidienus

37, p. 1001. PageBook=>203 In the meantime, Brutus and Cassius had been gathering the wealth and the armies of the E

sia, he met Cassius at Smyrna towards the end of the year 43. Cassius had a success to report. He had encountered Dolabella

a towards the end of the year 43. Cassius had a success to report. He had encountered Dolabella, defeated him in battle and

ok his own life: Trebonius was avenged. Except for Egypt, whose Queen had helped Dolabella, and the recalcitrance of Rhodes

recalcitrance of Rhodes and the cities of Lycia, the Caesarian cause had suffered complete eclipse in the East. Brutus a

Rome: the avenging of Caesar and the extermination of the Liberators had not been Antonius’ policy when he was consul. But

ion. Under this conviction a Roman aristocrat and a Roman patriot now had to sever the ties of friendship, class and countr

Brutus pitched his camp on the right wing, Cassius on the left. They had leisure to unite and fortify their front. Then

round the flank of Cassius, he at last forced on a battle. Octavianus had now come up though shattered in health and never

ops his movements: on his own account he obeyed a warning dream which had visited his favourite doctor. 2 The other wing of

Livius Drusus. 1 Brutus, their own leader, took his own life. Virtus had proved to be an empty word. 2 The victor Antoni

pped off his purple cloak and cast it over the body of Brutus. 3 They had once been friends. As Antonius gazed in sorrow up

d, the tragedy of his own life may have risen to his thoughts. Brutus had divined it Antonius, he said, might have been n

might have been numbered with Cato, with Brutus and with Cassius: he had surrendered himself to Octavianus and he would pa

ed Octavianus. A number of them were put to death. 5 A body of nobles had fled to the island of Thasos, among them L. Calpu

a and Sex. Pompeius in Sicily. 8 It was a great victory. The Romans had never fought such a battle before. 9 The glory of

Antonius and abode with him for ten years. The Caesarian leaders now had to satisfy the demands of their soldiers for land

s and civilized regions Umbria, Etruria and the Sabine country, which had been loyal to Rome then, but had fought for the M

truria and the Sabine country, which had been loyal to Rome then, but had fought for the Marian cause against Sulla. Now a

ccumbing to just such an alliance of Caesarians and Republicans as he had stirred up against Antonius nearly three years ea

h as can have attended none of his more recent predecessors when they had liberated Rome from the domination of a faction.

all the Gallic provinces. Octavianus, with Agrippa in his company, had retired to southern Etruria. His situation was pr

ny, had retired to southern Etruria. His situation was precarious. He had already recalled his marshal Salvidienus, who was

he decision to abolish this province and unite the territory to Italy had not yet, it appears, been carried out, perhaps ow

, been carried out, perhaps owing to the recalcitrance of Pollio, who had adopted an ambiguous and threatening attitude ear

him by Calenus and Ventidius with a huge force of legions: they, too, had opposed Salvidienus. 2 But that was not all. Th

ollio and Ventidius followed, slow but menacing, in his rear. The war had already broken out in Italy. 3 Etruria, Umbria an

s of the Antonian generals. The soldierly Ventidius knew that Plancus had called him a muleteer and a brigand; and Pollio h

factor than the doubts and dissensions of the generals their soldiers had an acute perception of their own interests as wel

ptives were a problem. Many senators and Roman knights of distinction had espoused the cause of liberty and the protection

remainder were put to death among them Ti. Cannutius, the tribune who had presented Caesar’s heir before the people when he

h the exception, it is said, of one man, an astute person who in Rome had secured for himself a seat upon the jury that con

the men of Nursia set an inscription which proclaimed that their dead had fallen fighting for freedom. Octavianus imposed

e young Caesar, his coeval Agrippa and Salvidienus Rufus their senior had triumphed over all hazards. Confronted by their v

he most eminent and the most experienced of the partisans of Antonius had collapsed, two consulars, the soldier Ventidius a

diplomatic Plancus, and one consul for the illustrious year of Pollio had begun. Yet Octavianus was in no way at the end

faced by the invasion of a Moorish prince whom L. Antonius and Fulvia had incited; 2 in Africa the ex-centurion Fuficius Fa

source in a confused war against T. Sextius, the former governor, who had remained in the province, was at last overcome an

ibonia,4 who was the sister of that Libo whose daughter Sex. Pompeius had married. But Pompeius, as was soon evident, was a

returned towards the end of the summer, it was to find that Antonius had come up from the East and was laying siege to Bru

obarbus and Pompeius as open and active allies. The affair of Perusia had been sadly mismanaged. This time the enemies of O

erusia had been sadly mismanaged. This time the enemies of Octavianus had a leader. The final armed reckoning for the herit

ed inevitable; for Rome the choice between two masters. Which of them had the sympathy of Italy could scarcely be doubted;

pian, BC 5, 26, 103. 3 Ib. 5, 26, 102; Dio 48, 22, 1 ff. T. Sextius had at last suppressed Q. Cornificius and won Africa

ius and won Africa for the Caesarians, cf. above, p. 189, n. 5. Fango had been sent by Octavianus after Philippi to take ov

r at Alexandria, he left Egypt in the early spring of 40 B.C. That he had contracted ties that bound him to Cleopatra more

all. Nor did he see the Queen of Egypt again until nearly four years had elapsed. On the havoc of intestine strife a for

years had elapsed. On the havoc of intestine strife a foreign enemy had supervened. The Parthians, with Roman renegades i

re already current: he soon learned that a new and alarming civil war had broken out between his own adherents and the Caes

own share was the gathering of funds in the East in which perhaps he had not been very successful. 2 He felt that he was w

, the war in Etruria and the investment of Perusia, it may be that he had no cognizance when he arrived at Tyre in February

ia was confused and mysterious, even to contemporaries. 4 All parties had plenty to excuse or disguise after the event; and

, 52, 217): they brought with them Julia, the mother of Antonius, who had fled to Sicily. Ti. Claudius Nero and his wife al

cus was afraid. Ahenobarbus struck his flag and joined Antonius. 1 He had already been secured by Pollio. 2 Brundisium, t

us. He laid siege to the city. Then Sex. Pompeius showed his hand. He had already expelled from Sardinia M. Lurius the part

ion of Antonius, deserted and proscribed his associates before a year had passed; again, at Perusia, he stamped out the lib

sudden and complete rout of a body of hostile cavalry. 3 His brother had tried to defend the landed class in Italy from th

end the landed class in Italy from the soldiery; and Antonius himself had been inactive during the War of Perusia. His erro

onius himself had been inactive during the War of Perusia. His errors had enabled Octavianus to assert himself as the true

he interests of the legions. But his errors were not fatal Octavianus had great difficulty in inducing the veterans from th

command a mass of legions: they were famished and unreliable, and he had no ships at all. Not merely did Antonius hold the

idus the dynasts resigned possession of Africa, which for three years had been the theatre of confused fighting between gen

t was sealed by a matrimonial alliance. Fulvia, the wife of Antonius, had recently died in Greece. Antonius took in wedlock

ainst citizen? No enemy in Italy, Marsian or Etruscan, no foreign foe had been able to destroy Rome. Her own strength and h

l, Hermes LXXIII (1938), 237 ff. 2 The last Ludi Saeculares at Rome had been celebrated in 149 B.C. They were therefore d

here invoked was shortly to become a father. The sister of Octavianus had a son, Marcellus, by her consular husband; but Ma

born two years earlier. 6 In 40 B.C. Octavianus himself, it is true, had contracted a marriage with Scribonia; Julia, his

tonius and Octavia. 7 Pollio the consul was Antonius’ man, and Pollio had had a large share in negotiating the treaty he is

us and Octavia. 7 Pollio the consul was Antonius’ man, and Pollio had had a large share in negotiating the treaty he is an

of the Caesarian party, should in truth have ruled over a world that had been pacified by the valour of his father pacat

made their way to Rome. Of Antonius’ men, the Republican Ahenobarbus had been dispatched to Bithynia to facilitate the Cae

own to historical record. Octavianus now learned of the danger that had menaced him. In a moment of confidence in their n

able, perhaps, of all the marshals of the Revolution. Like Balbus, he had held as yet no senatorial office the wars had har

lution. Like Balbus, he had held as yet no senatorial office the wars had hardly left time for that. But Octavianus had des

atorial office the wars had hardly left time for that. But Octavianus had designated him as consul for the following year.

rom Dio 48, 26, 3. 4 Appian, BC 5, 65, 276. 5 Dio 48, 32, 1. They had a very brief tenure. 6 Velleius 2, 76, 4: ‘per

re a visible reminder of Caesarian loyalty alone of the senators they had sought to defend Caesar the Dictator when he was

aesar in prestige and in popularity. Of Lepidus none took account: he had family influence and did not resign ambition, but

m the larger share of credit for making peace when the fortune of war had been manifestly on his side. The complacency of

crats would have disdained to associate with the young adventurer who had made his way by treachery and who, by the virtue

ever exposed to the raids of tribes from Albania and southern Serbia, had been neglected during the Civil Wars and demanded

nt as his legate or quaestor the Marsian Poppaedius Silo. 6 Ventidius had served under Caesar, and he moved with Caesarian

ook=>224 place. There was delay and allegations that Ventidius had taken bribes from the prince of Commagene. Antoni

tion of Samosata. Ventidius departed, and in November the Picene, who had been led a captive by Pompeius Strabo fifty-one y

siege Jerusalem surrendered (July, 37 B.C.). The authority of Rome had been restored. It remained to settle the affairs

ucasus. 4 In the disposal of the vassal kingdoms certain arrangements had already been made by Antonius. During the course

and acts of his young colleague, who, as in his revolutionary début, had everything to gain by stirring up trouble. Octavi

eius. Octavianus, persisting, incurred ruinous disaster (38 B.C.) and had to beg the help of Antonius, sending Maecenas on

Once again he found that Brundisium would not admit him. Not that he had either the desire or the pretext for war, but he

an angry mood. Once again for the benefit of an ambiguous partner he had to defer the complete pacification of the East. C

us light. 2 The powers of the Triumvirs as conferred by the Lex Titia had already run out with the close of the previous ye

Titia had already run out with the close of the previous year. Nobody had bothered about that. The Triumvirate was now prol

Antonius departed. Before long the conviction grew upon him that he had been thwarted and deceived. He may have hoped tha

. Further, from duty to his ally and to the Caesarian party, Antonius had lost the better part of two years, sacrificing am

to arms, no thought in his mind the chance to suppress Caesar’s heir had been offered repeatedly three years before, by fo

hree years before, by fortune, by Fulvia and by Salvidienus. Antonius had rejected those offers. As yet, however, neither

NUS XVII pg227-242 PageBook=>227 AT Brundisium Caesar’s heir had again been saved from ruin by the name, the fortu

peius without reluctance; and few Republicans could preserve, if they had ever acquired, sufficient faith in the principles

the principles of any of the Pompeii, into whose fatal alliance they had been driven or duped. Ahenobarbus kept away from

ho gave guarantee neither of victory nor even of personal security he had recently put to death on the charge of conspiracy

at Pharsalus but not destroyed, the family and faction of the Pompeii had incurred heavy losses through desperate valour at

r at Thapsus and Munda; and princes or local dynasts in foreign lands had lapsed by now to the Caesarian party. Sextus’ bro

tius Saturninus. The list is partial in every sense of the term. Nero had already left Pompeius for Antonius (Suetonius, Ti

tain L. Plinius Rufus. 3 To the defeated of Philippi and Perusia it had seemed for a time that the young Pompeius might b

champion of the Republican cause. But it was only a name that the son had inherited, and the fame of Pompeius Magnus belong

of Mucia, Pompeius’ third wife, by her second husband. Sex. Pompeius had married a daughter of L. Scribonius Libo c. 55 B.

ribune Livius Drusus),2 she married a kinsman, Ti. Claudius Nero, who had fought for Caesar against Pompeius, for L. Antoni

scandal (Jan. 17th, 38 B.C.)4. The grandson of a small-town banker had joined the Julii by adoption and insinuated himse

he year. 5 One of the suffect consuls was L. Marcius Philippus, who had probably followed the discreet and ambiguous poli

aughter Cornelia, married to Paullus Aemilius Lepidus (cos. 34 B.C.), had Scipionic blood (Propertius 4, 11, 29 f.), but ca

e as 38 B.C. A P. Scipio became consul suffect in 35 B.C.: perhaps he had been previously married to Scribonia, before 40 B

ried to Scribonia, before 40 B.C. PageBook=>230 Octavianus now had a war on his hands earlier perhaps than he had pl

t;230 Octavianus now had a war on his hands earlier perhaps than he had planned. His best men, Agrippa and Calvinus, were

nus, were absent. Lepidus in Africa was silent or ambiguous. Ambition had made him a Caesarian, but he numbered friends and

of Sex. Pompeius might be able to influence Antonius or Lepidus: they had done so before. For Octavianus there subsisted th

initial advantage one of the most trusted of the freedmen of Pompeius had surrendered the island of Sardinia, a war-fleet a

etty certainly the Servilia once betrothed to Octavianus. 2 Lepidus had several children. Their destiny, save for the eld

as conciliated or cajoled, perhaps through Antonius. Octavianus now had the ships. He needed crews and a harbour. Twenty

s of the fleet. Hope soon revived. His generals, and Lepidus as well, had secured a firm footing in the island. They soon o

oman People never forgave the brutal and thankless Titius, whose life had been saved by Pompeius several years earlier. 3

ad been saved by Pompeius several years earlier. 3 The young Caesar had conquered the island of Sicily. Chance delivered

at his back, ordered Octavianus to depart from Sicily. But Octavianus had not acquired and practised the arts of the milita

name of Caesar as his sole protection: it was enough. 4 The soldiers had no opinion of Lepidus and this was Caesar’s heir,

rvived the loss of honour by twenty-four years. The ruin of Lepidus had no doubt been carefully contrived, with little ri

ts of Lepidus’ contemporaries. 6 Appian indicates that the soldiers had carefully been worked upon (BC 5, 124, 513), and

proscriptions. During the campaign in Sicily the presence of Maecenas had been urgently required at Rome; 3 and there had b

presence of Maecenas had been urgently required at Rome; 3 and there had been disturbances in Etruria. 4 The cessation of

and the liberation of Rome from famine placated the urban plebs that had rioted so often against the Triumvirs. Their iron

st the Triumvirs. Their iron rule in Italy, while it crushed liberty, had at least maintained a semblance of peace in the f

, had at least maintained a semblance of peace in the four years that had elapsed since the Pact of Brundisium. Of governme

here was ordered government, and that was enough. Private gratitude had already hailed the young Caesar with the name or

was granted sacrosanctity such as tribunes of the plebs enjoyed. 7 He had already usurped the practice of putting a militar

, 15, 5 f. 8 Above, p.113. PageBook=>234 disturbances, order had been restored by land and sea. 1 The formulation,

in himself. Of his victories the more considerable part, it is true, had been the work of his lieutenants. His health was

y skill. But craft and diplomacy, high courage and a sense of destiny had triumphed over incalculable odds. He had loyal an

urage and a sense of destiny had triumphed over incalculable odds. He had loyal and unscrupulous friends like Agrippa and M

wing party in Rome and throughout the whole of Italy. How desperate had been his plight at the time of the War of Perusia

nators. Again, at Brundisium his position was critical. Caesar’s heir had the army and the plebs, reinforced in devotion, b

Caesar’s heir had the army and the plebs, reinforced in devotion, but had attached few senators of note, even when four yea

devotion, but had attached few senators of note, even when four years had elapsed since the foundation of the faction and t

f them, Pollio, Ventidius and Plancus, were with Antonius. Octavianus had two and two only, the military men C. Carrinas an

om his house that Caesar set forth on the Ides of March; 4 and Caesar had destined him to be NotesPage=>234 1 Appian

l at Mutina for the Republic or for Octavianus. 3 Sex. Peducaeus, who had served under Caesar in the Civil Wars, was one of

ae:1 to say nothing of aliens and freedmen, of which support Pompeius had no monopoly, but all the odium. 2 C. Proculeius,

the first time among his generals or active associates seven men who had held or were very soon to hold the consulate, all

idus went with Caesar’s heir from hatred of his triumviral uncle (who had proscribed his father) or from a motive of fami

oman history. In the Bellum Siculum no Metelli, Scipiones or Marcelli had revived their family laurels and the memory of vi

the beginning of 35 B.C.; the upstart Laronius and the noble Messalla had to wait for some years not many. High priesthoo

h offices: Taurus followed his unholy example. 4 Most of the colleges had already been crammed full with the partisans of t

the partners of Taurus, Calvisius, Cornificius and Laronius. Agrippa had already married an heiress, Caecilia, the daughte

2 Ib., 14, 3; Velleius 2, 81, 2; Virgil, Aen. 8, 684. 3 Salvidienus had been imperator before becoming a senator (BMC, R.

an. That was not the only advantage now resting with Octavianus. He had cleared the sea of pirates, eliminated Lepidus an

sturbed the balance of power and disconcerted Antonius. Three dynasts had held the world in an uneasy equilibrium. With onl

vianus emancipated himself from the tutelage of Antonius; and Octavia had given Antonius no son to inherit his leadership o

full confidence. The young man became formidable. As a demagogue he had nothing to learn: as a military leader he needed

uld win no support along or near the coast of Dalmatia. These dangers had been threatened or experienced in Caesar’s war ag

test of display and advertisement that heralded an armed struggle. It had begun some six years before. 2 At first Octavia

rotecting deity of the young Caesar, and to Apollo on the Palatine he had already dedicated a temple in 36 B.C. In the same

ipley, Mem. Am. Ac. Rome IX (1931), 7ff. PageBook=>242 Agrippa had already begun the repair of a great aqueduct, the

, of unprecedented length: it contains seven other names. Hitherto he had promoted in the main his marshals, with a few pat

ed and extended his power. L. Vinicius was one of the new consuls: he had not been heard of for nearly twenty years. Comple

ier and engineer, were solid and visible: the other minister Maecenas had been working more quietly and to set purpose. It

the holders of property. Veterans by grant, and freedmen by purchase, had acquired estates, sometimes with improvement of s

no more expulsions of Italian gentry and farmers. Many of the exiles had returned, and some through influence or protectio

fluence or protection got restitution of property. But the government had many enemies, the victims of confiscation, rancor

ew men far outweighed the nobiles. 2 Some families of the aristocracy had NotesPage=>243 1 Dio 49, 14, 3; Appian, BC

inent in their place, Etruscan or Umbrian, Picene or Lucanian. 4 Rome had known her novi homines for three centuries now, a

virtute nobilitas coepit. ’5 Then Rome’s wars against foreign enemies had augmented the aristocracy with a new nobility. No

or by craft. 2 The marshals might disappear, some as suddenly as they had arisen, but the practice of diplomacy engendered

t confer the highest rewards. The practice of public speaking at Rome had recently been carried to perfection when Hortensi

d masculine enough for their taste. 3 Of those great exemplars none had survived; and they left few enough to inherit or

theme would scarcely have retained their hold upon a generation that had lost leisure and illusions and took no pains to c

fe. The revulsion from politics, marked enough in the generation that had survived the wars of Marius and Sulla, now gained

he beginning for the success of agricultural and military operations, had been carefully maintained by the aristocracy to i

ip, taking as his subject all antiquities, human and divine. 1 Caesar had invoked his help for the creation of public libra

lations of Varro embraced historical as well as antiquarian works, he had gathered the materials of history rather than wri

m of the Triumvirate Sallustius turned aside with disgust. 4 Ambition had spurred his youth to imprudent NotesPage=>24

the ambition of Sallustius and his belief in reform and progress. He had once composed pamphlets, indicating a programme o

upt oligarchy of the nobiles. 2 In his disillusionment, now that Rome had relapsed under a Sullan despotism, retired from p

ty, concision and, above all, an immortal rapidity of narrative. 5 He had certainly forged a style all of his own, shunning

, and refusing to detect any sign of internal discord so long as Rome had to contend with rivals for empire, he imitated Gr

he tutor of Pompeius Magnus, was the first of his class. 1 So popular had history become. On the writing of poetry, however

ittle more than twenty years a generation and a school of Roman poets had disappeared almost to a man. Lucretius, who turne

Alexandrine poets. In politics, likewise, a common bond. Many of them had attacked in lampoon and invective the dynast Pomp

ly. Young Propertius came too late. The consular Pollio, however, who had ties with the new poets, survived to write verses

about the monarchs of mythical antiquity; 2 before that, however, he had earned the gratitude of two poets, Gallus and Vir

the lady of his passion and ostensible source of his inspiration (he had inherited her from another),6 NotesPage=>252

storical record to emerge after nine years in splendour and power. He had probably gone eastwards with Antonius soon after

do better. The mannered frivolity and imitated graces of the Eclogues had already been touched by contemporary politics and

now in favour. Bibaculus and the Narbonensian poet P. Terentius Varro had sung of the campaigns of Caesar; 3 and a certain

ne. It was folly not to exploit the treasures of erudition that Varro had consigned to public use; if not the national anti

then perhaps the land and the peasant. Varro’s books on agriculture had newly appeared; men had bewailed for years that I

d the peasant. Varro’s books on agriculture had newly appeared; men had bewailed for years that Italy was become a desert

f sentimental politicians, the sturdy peasant-farmer. Varro, however, had described the land of Italy as no desolation but

no desolation but fruitful and productive beyond comparison; 1 Italy had barely been touched by the wars; and it would hav

irgil was not the only discovery of Maecenas. Virgil with short delay had introduced Horace to his new patron. In the compa

Italia vidistis? ’ 2 Horace, Sat. 1, 5. PageBook=>255 Horace had come to manhood in an age of war and knew the age

man classics and the new models of the preceding generation. Fashions had altered rapidly. A truly modern literature, disda

he wounds of civil war. There was material for another revolution: it had threatened to break out during the Sicilian War.

harbingers of trouble before or after the contest with Antonius. Rome had witnessed a social revolution, but it had been ar

contest with Antonius. Rome had witnessed a social revolution, but it had been arrested in time. After the next subversion

embracing not only impoverished citizens but aliens and slaves. There had been warning signs. The conservative NotesPage=

tus, assumed the form of a dislike of freedmen and foreigners. Aliens had served in the legions of the Roman People; and th

nts of the franchise. In times of peace and unshaken empire the Roman had been reluctant to admit the claims of foreign peo

of his own people. It was much more than the rule of the nobiles that had collapsed at Philippi. The doom of empire was rev

ill to be found in the higher ranks of the Senate a number of men who had come to maturity in years when Rome yet displayed

me and the fabric of a free state. That was not so long ago. But they had changed with the times, rapidly. Of the Republica

th the times, rapidly. Of the Republicans, the brave men and the true had perished: the survivors were willing to make thei

Antonius, Messalla and other nobles in the alliance of Caesar’s heir, had shown the way. The new monarchy could not rule wi

not rule without help from the old oligarchy. The order of knights had everything to gain from the coercion of the gover

a, the husband of Caecilia Attica. 2 The lineaments of a new policy had become discernible, the prime agents were already

fatally easy to overestimate the strength and popularity that by now had accrued to Octavianus. It was great, indeed, not

vianus was no longer the terrorist of Perusia. Since then seven years had passed. But he was not yet the leader of all Ital

t office lapsed, Antonian consuls would be in power at Rome. Antonius had already lost the better part of two years not Ven

owerful and most wealthy of the Roman vassals, the Queen of Egypt: he had not seen her for nearly four years. Fonteius brou

tary of them all, lay low, aged but not decrepit: true to himself, he had just grasped possession of all Galatia, murdering

, 33, 5. 5 Strabo, p. 660. 6 Ib., p. 574. PageBook=>260 He had Caesar’s eye for talent. After the Pact of Brundi

of Rome and wardens of the frontier zone. A Roman province, Cilicia, had disappeared, mainly for the benefit of Amyntas th

ic kingdom in splendour and wealth, though not in military power. She had reconstituted her heritage, now possessing the re

r Antonius’ departure from Egypt nearly four years earlier, Cleopatra had given birth to twin children, not a matter of any

to his clientela all the kings, dynasts and cities of the wide East, had shown the way to imperial power. Beside princes o

r and won a kingdom for his reward; 2 and Antipater the Idumaean, who had lent help to Gabinius and to Caesar, governed in

the Dictator not to cross the arid plains of Mesopotamia, as Crassus had done, there to be harried by cavalry and arrows.

edia Atropatene from the north- west. Canidius in a masterly campaign had already reduced the peoples beyond Armenia toward

d. 2 Sosius was left in charge of Syria, Furnius of Asia. Ahenobarbus had been governor of Bithynia since the Pact of Brund

. The western soldiers were held to be far the best. Eastern levies had an evil and often exaggerated reputation yet Gala

them: Antonius wanted the twenty thousand legionaries that Octavianus had promised to provide. The faithless colleague sent

rovide. The faithless colleague sent seventy ships: of ships Antonius had no need. Octavia was instructed by her brother to

sary moved. 3 Antonius was resentful. He accepted the troops. Octavia had come as far as Athens. Her husband told her to go

ius. With Media Antonius was now on good terms, for Mede and Parthian had at once quarrelled after their victory. NotesPa

ian associates, the marshals Ventidius and Decidius were dead. Pollio had abandoned public life, perhaps Censorinus had as

idius were dead. Pollio had abandoned public life, perhaps Censorinus had as well. Other partisans may already have been ve

267 It was later remarked that certain of his most intimate friends had once been Antonians. 1 Evidence is scanty. Yet

ighly circumspect. M. Cocceius Nerva and a certain C. Cocceius Balbus had held official commands under Antonius; 2 the amia

M. Oppius Capito, obscure persons, and the two marshals whom Antonius had trained Sosius, the conqueror of Jerusalem, and C

ius had trained Sosius, the conqueror of Jerusalem, and Canidius, who had marched on Pompeius’ path to the Caucasus. 7 No

viour of the city (ILS 8780). C. Cocceius Balbus (cos. suff. 39) also had won an imperatorial salutation (IG II2, 4110: Ath

G II2, 4110: Athens). L. Cocceius Nerva did not become consul. 3 He had charge of the correspondence and seal-ring of Ant

nd seal-ring of Antonius in 35 B.C. (Appian, BC 5, 144, 599). Plancus had a certain following, for example, M. Titius and C

On Sosius and Canidius, above, p. 200. PageBook=>268 Antonius had been a loyal friend to Caesar, but not a fanatica

assassinated the Dictator, only to bring on worse tyranny. The group had suffered heavy casualties. P. Servilius had deser

worse tyranny. The group had suffered heavy casualties. P. Servilius had deserted long ago, Cato and the consulars Bibulus

his son was betrothed to the elder daughter of Antonius. Both parties had the habit of keeping faith. In birth and in reput

nd Cassius of Parma ; 3 young Sentius Saturninus, a relative of Libo, had also been among the companions of Pompeius. But

ynast, but decorative rather than solid and useful. Many of these men had never yet sat in the Roman Senate. That mattered

were preparing. The cause or rather the pretext was the policy which had been adopted by Antonius in the East and the sini

f Antonius, were also bestowed upon the three children whom Cleopatra had borne him. Hostile propaganda has so far magnifie

eality the aggressor, his war was preceded by a coup d’état: Antonius had the NotesPage=>270 1 Plutarch (Antonius 54

ast to judge by Per. 131) fully exploited this attractive theme. They had no reason to spare Antonius. PageBook=>271

the policy and intentions of Antonius, the domination which Cleopatra had achieved over him and the nature of her own ambit

ct resign to alien princes any extensive or valuable territories that had previously been provinces of the Roman People. Th

Cleopatra did not come under direct Roman government until a century had elapsed. A large measure of decentralization wa

of the northern frontier clamoured to be regulated, as Caesar himself had probably seen, by fresh conquests in the Balkans

empire. It was doubly necessary, now that Rome elsewhere in the East had undertaken a fresh commitment a new province, Arm

e Punic Wars the new imperial power of Rome, from suspicion and fear, had exploited the rivalries and sapped the strength o

ns of the knights. The empire, and especially the empire in the East, had been the ruin of the Republic. NotesPage=>27

ented, could never be a menace to the empire of Rome. Ever since Rome had known that kingdom its defences were weak, its mo

ng or a god. Years before, in the company of his Roman wife, Antonius had been hailed as the god Dionysus incarnate. 3 No

e ambition of Antonius might have moved farther in this direction. He had not been in Rome for six years : had his allegian

ed farther in this direction. He had not been in Rome for six years : had his allegiance and his ideas swerved from Rome un

d word of covenants, which was a mistake. Antonius complained that he had been excluded from raising recruits in Italy; tha

he had been excluded from raising recruits in Italy; that his own men had been passed over in the allotment of lands; that

n men had been passed over in the allotment of lands; that Octavianus had deposed in arbitrary fashion a colleague in the T

posed in arbitrary fashion a colleague in the Triumvirate. 2 Antonius had already professed readiness to lay down office an

r. So far official documents and public manifestoes, of which there had been a dearth in the last few years. Lampoon and

hich there had been a dearth in the last few years. Lampoon and abuse had likewise been silent under the rule of the Triumv

to drink and to Cleopatra. Antonius retorted it was nothing new, but had begun nine years ago: Cleopatra was his wife. As

tius were only eleven years from Hirtius and Pansa. Then the new year had been eagerly awaited, for it brought a chance to

Octavianus lacked standing before the law, for the triumviral powers had come to an end. 6 He was not dismayed: he took no

ther, the statement and attitude of Octavianus is perfectly clear: he had been Triumvir for ten years (Res Gestae 7). A mas

beginning of 32 B.C. may be taken as fair proof that the Triumvirate had come to an end, legally at least. PageBook=>

went beyond Senate and People, appealing to a higher sanction, so far had the Roman constitution declined. Octavianus ret

n January 1st. They did not read the dispatch of Antonius, which they had received late in the preceding autumn. They may p

. Returning to Rome, on his own initiative he summoned the Senate. He had discarded the name of Triumvir. But he possessed

w, of support from the Roman aristocracy. 3 For the moment violence had given Octavianus an insecure control of Rome and

f they dared: it was a bad sign that more than three hundred senators had decided to join Antonius, clear evidence of somet

, still employed the name, again offered to give up his powers, as he had two years before. 4 Furthermore, if the law and t

Furthermore, if the law and the constitution still mattered, Antonius had a valid plea both NotesPage=>279 1 Dio 50,

power were enormous. It is in no way evident that the mishap in Media had ruined his reputation, while the material damage

ccesses and by the ordering of the north-eastern frontier. Octavianus had to wait and hope for the best. His enemy would so

have to make a ruinous decision. Antonius was at Ephesus; his army had recently been raised to the imposing total of thi

ra provided for the war. 2 Canidius prevailed: it was alleged that he had been bribed. The compromising ally remained. In

s to Samos and from Samos to Athens. Now it might seem that Cleopatra had finally triumphed. Antonius formally divorced Oct

er ally, whatever the nature of the tie that bound them. 3 Antonius had presumed too much upon the loyalty of a party tha

use but by personal allegiance. Generous but careless, in the past he had not been NotesPage=>280 1 BMC, R. Rep. n,

mpanied by his nephew Titius, he deserted and fled to Rome. 4 Plancus had never yet been wrong in his estimate of a delicat

nged by absence or by the diplomatic arts of the new master of Italy, had changed their allegiance on a calculation of inte

, alleges that this corrupt character, ‘in omnia et omnibus venalis’, had been detected in peculation by Antonius. PageBo

ds to remember and perpetuate. The Pompeians Saturninus and Arruntius had turned Caesarian by now; and certain consular dip

the East, nor the indignation fomented about the divorce of Octavia, had served his purpose adequately. Men could see that

Page=>282 1 The truth of the matter is lost for ever. Octavianus had the first view of the document, alone καì πρῶτoν

easily could forgery be detected? PageBook=>283 that Antonius had abruptly left a court of law in the middle of a s

f the Romans, because Cleopatra was passing by in her litter, that he had bestowed upon his paramour the whole library of P

or posthumous dispositions. Already a senator of unusual independence had openly derided the revelations of the renegade Pl

Antonius for his part made no move yet. Not merely because Octavianus had picked the quarrel to invade Italy with Cleopatra

he civil population were suppressed by armed force for the soldiers had been paid. To public taxation was added private i

obles of Rome, not least the dynastic house of the patrician Claudii, had enhanced their power by inducing men of repute an

s., phil.-hist. Abt., N.F. 15 (1937). PageBook=>286 Italy then had been foreign, and the activities of Drusus precip

influence Roman opinion in favour of the exiled statesman. 1 Pompeius had sponsored the movement. When Pompeius fell ill at

rated these partial attempts. The name of Italy long remained as it had begun, a geographical expression. Italia was firs

Though the whole land was enfranchised after the Bellum Italicum, it had not coalesced in sentiment with the victorious ci

tock, was conveniently oblivious of recent Italian history. The Marsi had no reason at all to be passionately attached to R

t would have been difficult enough to enlist Italian sentiment. Italy had no quarrel with Antonius; as for despotism, the t

, after victory, did men realize to the full the terrible danger that had menaced NotesPage=>287 1 Horace, Odes 3, 5

us there can have been little difficulty. Though many of the veterans had served under Antonius, they had received their la

fficulty. Though many of the veterans had served under Antonius, they had received their lands from his rival, regarded Cae

eir dependents, just as that wholly admirable character, L. Visidius, had done for Cicero’s consensus Italiae against Anton

done for Cicero’s consensus Italiae against Antonius. 1 Many senators had fled to Antonius. Rival factions in the towns cou

at no opposition confronted Maecenas at Arretium, where his ancestors had ruled as kings, that the Appuleii (a family relat

nt partisans might be no less effective. The Paelignian town of Sulmo had opened its gates to M. Antonius when he led troop

of East and West between the two dynasts after the Pact of Brundisium had been prejudicial to Italian economy as well as al

oss of the dominions beyond the sea would be ruinous to an Italy that had prospered and grown rich from the revenues of the

e revolted. Was it for this that the legions of the imperial Republic had shattered and swept away the kings of the East, c

th it not merely to the middle class, but to the nobiles. Their cause had fallen long ago, not perhaps at Pharsalus, but fi

struggle. One man, however, stood firm, the uncompromising Pollio. He had been a loyal friend of old to Antonius, of which

inded him. Pollio in reply claimed that in mutual services Antonius had been the gainer: his own conscience was clear. 1

mendacious propaganda revolted both his honesty and his intellect: he had no illusions about Octavianus and his friends in

ar with all the traditional pomp of an ancient rite. With Antonius he had NotesPage=>291 1 Velleius 2, 86, 4: ‘mea,

him as a public enemy. 1 The winter passed in preparation. An oath had also been administered to the provinces of the We

devoted to the Caesarian cause. Men from Spain and Gallia Narbonensis had already been admitted to the Senate by Caesar the

otesPage=>292 1 As Dio very clearly states (50, 6, 1). 2 Gades had five hundred citizens with the knight’s census, a

d fleet, but not perhaps as resolute as he might appear. Antonius now had to stand beside Cleopatra—there could be no turni

or a principle, but only for a choice of masters. In ships Antonius had the preponderance of strength; as for number of l

ing quality was another matter. Since the Pact of Brundisium Antonius had been unable to raise recruits in Italy. The retre

us had been unable to raise recruits in Italy. The retreat from Media had seriously depleted his army. 2 But he made up the

egions. 1 But would Roman soldiers fight for the Queen of Egypt? They had all the old personal loyalty of Caesarian legions

vantage of attack and that stimulating dose of patriotic fervour that had been administered to the army of the West. Yet, i

loy sea-power with a mastery that neither Pompeius nor the Liberators had achieved when they contended against invaders com

vaders coming from Italy. If that was his plan, it failed. Antonius had a great fleet and good admirals. But his ships an

ndward side and invest his position proved a signal failure. The plan had been turned against him—he was now encompassed an

t: Antonius dispatched his belongings after him. 3 Plancus and Titius had departed on a political calculation. Now the mili

Dio 51, 4, 3. There is no indication of the date of his desertion. He had previously been with Sex. Pompeius. 3 Plutarch,

Against Tarn’s theory it can be argued, with Kromayer, that Antonius had already been severely defeated at sea, baffled on

induce his soldiers to march away through Macedonia, but in vain. He had to escape to Antonius. After some days the legion

een artfully staged. Neither of the rivals in the contest for power had intended that there should be a serious battle if

lete. There was no haste to pursue the fugitives to Egypt. Octavianus had a huge army on his hands, with many legions to be

sent Agrippa at once to Italy. The work must begin without delay. He had not gone farther east than Samos when he was hims

t than Samos when he was himself recalled by troubles in Italy. There had been a plot—or so it was alleged. It was suppress

he author was a son of the relegated Lepidus: his wife, Servilia, who had once been betrothed to Octavianus, bravely follow

rovide occupation for some of his legions. Though no serious outbreak had disturbed the provinces, the repercussions of a R

ubsidized in Rome. There remained the partisans of Antonius. Caesar had invoked and practised the virtue of clemency to e

io 51, II, 4 (Proculeius); Plutarch, Antonius 79 (Gallus). Proculeius had been holding a naval command at Ccphallcnia after

gainst his leader and suffered a double detraction. They said that he had deserted the legions after Actium, that he died w

confirmed their titles when he did not augment their territories. It had been an essential part of his propaganda to demon

hey were worth, Octavianus naturally cancelled; for the rest, when he had completed his arrangements, the territory in Asia

Syria directly administered by Rome was considerably smaller than it had been after Pompeius’ ordering of the East, thirty

monarchic. 2 The frontier itself was not an urgent problem. Armenia had been annexed by Antonius, but Armenia fell away d

ter Actium—or less relevant to the history of those years. Octavianus had his own ideas. It might be inexpedient to defy, b

concord. Peace was a tangible blessing. For a generation, all parties had triven for peace: once attained, it became the sp

became the spoil and prerogative of the victors. Already the Senate had voted that the Temple of Janus should be closed,

er stability than did any foreign enemy. After Actium, the victor who had seduced in turn the armies of all his adversaries

r the final stabilization of the revolutionary age. The War of Actium had been fought and won, the menace to Italy’s life a

rn everso iuvenem succurrere saeclo ne prohibete. 5 The poet Virgil had brought to completion the four books of his Georg

ctium and Octavianus’ absence in the East. The Georgics published, he had already begun to compose a national epic on the o

y, or by the inevitable flattery of eastern lands. Like Alexander, he had spread his conquest to the bounds of the world; a

oyal mausoleum beside the Tiber; and public sacrifices for his safety had been celebrated by a Roman consul. 3 The avenging

of empire be transferred to other lands. The propaganda of Octavianus had skilfully worked upon such apprehensions. Once ar

Full honour was done to the founder in the years after Actium. Caesar had set his own statue in the temple of Quirinus: Cae

th and infusing it with new vigour. The attempts of earlier statesmen had been baulked by fate—or rather by their own ambit

e constitution on a stable basis (rei publicae constituendae). Caesar had put off the task, the Triumvirs had not even begu

i publicae constituendae). Caesar had put off the task, the Triumvirs had not even begun. The duty could no longer be evade

longer be evaded on the plea of wars abroad or faction at home. Peace had been established, there was only one faction left

the sixth time with Agrippa as his colleague. In the previous year he had augmented the total of the patrician families; th

, under what name were the Caesarian party and its leader to rule? He had resigned the title of Triumvir, but it might have

nued unobtrusively to exercise the dictatorial powers of that office, had the question been of concern to men at the time.

e question been of concern to men at the time. From 31 B.C onwards he had been consul every year. But that was not all. The

n power to the discretion of the Senate and the People. By what right had it been in his hand? He indicates that it was thr

in his hand? He indicates that it was through general consent that he had acquired supreme power—‘per consensum universorum

f to the wishes of the chief men in his party. For loyal service they had been heavily rewarded with consulates, triumphs,

y rewarded with consulates, triumphs, priesthoods and subsidies; some had even been elevated into the patriciate. Octavianu

was highly variegated. There was scarce a man among the consulars but had a Republican—or Antonian—past behind him. Treache

t claimed more, namely the ancient honour of the spolia opima, for he had slain the chieftain of the enemy in battle with h

n the chieftain of the enemy in battle with his own hand, a feat that had fallen to only two Romans since Romulus. Such mil

opima. An arbitrary decision denied him the title of imperator, which had been conceded since Actium to other proconsuls, a

he spolia opima when military tribune: but Augustus told Livy that he had seen in the temple of Juppiter Feretrius a linen

e of four centuries, was no doubt invoked to demonstrate that Crassus had no valid claim to the spolia opima because he was

granted the bare distinction of a triumph when a convenient interval had elapsed (July, 27 B.C.), after which he disappear

ect continuation of the Triumvirate, even though that despotic office had expired years before: in law the only power to wh

Roman People or monarch of Egypt. 4 NotesPage=>309 1 Messalla had left Syria, perhaps succeeded there by M. Tullius

link is known, save that each was once a partisan of Antonius. 3 Who had not been? Neither Gallus nor Crassus is even ment

Crassus was a noble, from a great house, the grandson of a dynast who had taken rank with Pompeius and Caesar; in military

he rule of the Triumvirate, and after its nominal decease, proconsuls had governed large provinces, taken imperatorial accl

forms were changed, and not all of them. As ‘dux’ the young Caesar had fought the war under the national mandate, and ‘d

warfare and party politics were deemed to be over and gone. The word had too military a flavour for all palates: it would

ole primacy, was ready to hand. The leading statesmen of the Republic had commonly been called principes, in recognition of

st. The senators adjured him not to abandon the Commonwealth which he had preserved. Yielding with reluctance to these mani

f laurel should be placed above the door-post of his dwelling, for he had saved the lives of Roman citizens; that in the Se

virtues inscribed thereon, clemency, valour, justice and piety. 2 He had founded—or was soon to found—the Roman State anew

t therefore have been called Romulus, for the omen of twelve vultures had greeted him long ago. 3 But Romulus was a king, h

or to accident in preparing these exemplary manifestations. The ruler had taken counsel with his friends and allies—and per

In name, in semblance and in theory the sovranty of Senate and People had been restored. It remains to discover what it all

koning. But Augustus did not take all the legions: three proconsuls had armies under their command, the governors of Illy

ustus graciously resigned them to proconsuls. Further, Cisalpine Gaul had ceased to be a province. Augustus’ own armies lay

was plenty of justification. The civil wars were over, but the Empire had not yet recovered from their ravages. Spain, a va

Empire had not yet recovered from their ravages. Spain, a vast land, had not been properly conquered; Gaul cried out for s

cede their necessity. 1 If the grant of extended imperium in the past had threatened the stability of the State, that was d

tee against any recurrence of the anarchy out of which his domination had arisen. But Augustus was to be consul as well a

ving senators. Lacking any perception of the dogma of progress—for it had not yet been invented—the Romans regarded novelty

Romans regarded novelty with distrust and aversion. The word ‘novus’ had an evil ring. Yet the memory of the past reminded

evil ring. Yet the memory of the past reminded the Romans that change had come, though slow and combated. Rome’s peculiar

study of law, the art of casuistry and the practice of public debate had languished for long years. Certain precedents o

red was not the ambitious and perfidious dynast but that Pompeius who had fallen as Caesar’s enemy, as a champion of the Fr

is revolutionary ally or with the venerable adversary whose memory he had traduced after death. Again, Horace in the Odes o

t Cicero, in despair and longing, wrote of an ideal commonwealth that had once existed, the Rome of the Scipiones, with the

Augustus which was hidden from contemporaries. In so far as Cicero had a political programme, he advocated the existing

e hopes. PageBook=>320 opinion of Augustus, for the Revolution had now been stabilized. Neither the Princeps nor any

nturers and ministers of despotism. There were none of them left—they had all joined the national government. Cicero would

he Greeks (ib., 36). 4 W. Weber (CAH XI, 367) alleges that Augustus had conceived the idea of the rule of the ‘optimus ci

on supreme power through civil war. All that he needed from Cicero he had got long ago, in the War of Mutina. In politics h

ro he had got long ago, in the War of Mutina. In politics his mentors had been Philippus and Balbus. To retain power, howev

ople would unfailingly elect the candidates whom Caesar in his wisdom had chosen, with or without formal commendation. He c

n was to be permanent and unshaken: the era of rival military leaders had closed. 6 NotesPage=>324 1 Dio 53, 11, 5;

us stood second only to Agrippa as a soldier and an administrator: he had fought with the young leader in Sicily and in Ill

r: he had fought with the young leader in Sicily and in Illyricum, he had governed Africa and Spain, he had thrice been acc

ader in Sicily and in Illyricum, he had governed Africa and Spain, he had thrice been acclaimed imperator by the legions. 1

ain to Antonius, thence to the better cause. 3 The father of Norbanus had been general, along with Saxa, in the campaign of

ner of controlling the provinces the recent past could offer lessons, had Augustus stood in need of instruction. Reunited a

great army of twenty legions or more. In recent years these provinces had been governed by proconsuls, usually consular in

by proconsuls, usually consular in rank. Thus all Spain, it appears, had been under one governor, with several legates as

ng. Triumviral authority, succeeded by an enhanced consular imperium, had recently been employed to control the armed proco

ploy. 1 They might be ex-praetors or ex-consuls. Thus Pompeius Magnus had governed Spain as proconsul in absence through th

are praetorian in a majority. That was to be expected. Consulars who had governed vast provinces as proconsuls, who had fo

xpected. Consulars who had governed vast provinces as proconsuls, who had fought wars under their own auspices and had cele

inces as proconsuls, who had fought wars under their own auspices and had celebrated triumphs would consider it no great ho

ould consider it no great honour to serve as legates. The Triumvirate had replenished the ranks of the consulars—there must

ow about forty men of this rank—and after the Pact of Brundisium Rome had witnessed no fewer than ten triumphs of proconsul

efore Actium, and six more since then. Some of these men were dead or had lapsed long ago from public notice. Nor was it li

any more conspicuous. Most of them were young enough, for advancement had been swift and dazzling. Yet the novi homines lik

ernors in the early years of the Principate of Augustus are not to be had . 3 Namely M. Acilius Glabrio (cos. suff. 33), c

pine lands, restless and unsubdued, called for attention. A beginning had been made; 3 and the work of conquest was to be p

connexions of one of the legates are uncertain; 2 none of the others had consular ancestors—if their parents were senatori

s (CIL III, 2877 f.; cf., however, below, p. 362, n. 2); and Vinicius had a tribe named in his honour at Corinth (L’ann. ép

s divine parent. 1 The design of conquering either Britain or Parthia had no place in the mind of Augustus. Passing through

Gaul he arrived in Spain before the end of the year. Two centuries had elapsed since the armies of the Roman Republic fi

ange of territory from the western Pyrenees to the north of Portugal, had never yet felt the force of Roman arms; and in th

certain of the more highly civilized peoples. Cn. Domitius Calvinus had governed Spain during a difficult three years (39

three years (39-36 B.C.); 2 Calvinus and five proconsuls after him had celebrated Spanish triumphs in Rome. Some of thes

arisius). PageBook=>333 In Citerior the next three legates all had hard fighting to do. 1 Finally in 19 B.C Agrippa,

of life, Augustus returned to Rome towards the middle of 24 B.C. He had been away about three years: Rome was politically

ath secured condemnation of the offender. 4 Varro Murena the consul had been among the defenders of the proconsul of Mace

f. The mendacious Velleius (2, 90, 4) asserts that Augustus in person had achieved the conquest of Spain (in 26 and 25 B.C.

that catastrophe until recently the chief men of the Caesarian party had remained steadfastly loyal to Caesar’s heir even

associates of Augustus, Cornelius Gallus, the first Prefect of Egypt, had been recalled and disgraced. The tall trees fal

he thunderbolt strikes the high peaks. 2 Another of the party-dynasts had come to grief. Murena was the brother of Terentia

roculeius, an intimate friend of Augustus, could save him. Proculeius had openly deplored the fate of Gallus; 3 and Procule

r his efforts on behalf of Murena. 4 What friends or following Murena had is uncertain but the legate of Syria about this t

5 Josephus, BJ 1, 398; AJ 15, 345. PageBook=>335 The Republic had to have consuls. To take the place of Murena in t

o, a Republican of independent and recalcitrant temper. Hitherto Piso had held aloof from public life, disdaining office. A

broke down: undermined in Spain and temporarily repaired, his health had grown steadily worse, passing into a dangerous il

e catastrophe was near. For some years, fervent and official language had celebrated the crusade of all Italy and the glori

he corruption of ancient virtue and the decline of ancient patriotism had brought low a great people. Ruin had been averted

he decline of ancient patriotism had brought low a great people. Ruin had been averted but narrowly, peace and order restor

rtain of the Odes of Horace. 1 The chief men of the Caesarian party had their own reasons. If Caesar’s heir perished by d

rument of government, the tribunicia potestas. As early as 36 B.C. he had acquired the sacrosanctity of a tribune for life,

; and a new generation of nobiles was growing up, the sons of men who had fallen in the last struggle of the Republic, or t

of the year he dispatched Agrippa to the East. An invasion of Arabia had failed, and the ill- advised project was abandone

the execution of his duty of pacifying the wild tribes of the Taurus had been killed in battle. 1 Rome inherited: M. Lolli

might seem secure, governed by a viceroy of equestrian rank yet there had been Cornelius Gallus. The next prefects, M. Aeli

Gallus and P. Petronius, were dim figures compared with the poet who had commanded armies in the wars of the Revolution. 4

twenty-one years from the first coup d’état of Caesar’s heir. Liberty had perished. The Revolution had triumphed and had pr

st coup d’état of Caesar’s heir. Liberty had perished. The Revolution had triumphed and had produced a government, the Prin

Caesar’s heir. Liberty had perished. The Revolution had triumphed and had produced a government, the Principate assumed for

rely Narbonensis and Cyprus, no great loss to Gaul and Syria. 1 There had been successful operations in Gaul and in the Alp

ct anticipations of the reforms that Rome expected and for which Rome had to wait five years longer. Again Augustus put off

tain accidents. In the previous winter flood, famine and pestilence had spread their ravages, producing riots in Rome and

nted to take charge of the corn supply of the city as Pompeius Magnus had done: this function, however, he transferred to a

pa. Augustus could not afford to alienate all three. In alliance they had made him, in alliance they might destroy him. T

n alliance they might destroy him. The marriage with Livia Drusilla had been a political alliance with the Claudii, thoug

alone. The cold beauty with tight lips, thin nose and resolute glance had inherited in full measure the statecraft of house

of state. It was worth having, and she never betrayed a secret. Livia had not given the Princeps a child. She had two sons

ever betrayed a secret. Livia had not given the Princeps a child. She had two sons by her first husband, Ti. Claudius Nero

Nero and Nero Claudius Drusus. For them she worked and schemed; they had already received dispensations allowing them to h

28, 3), becoming quaestor in the next year. PageBook=>341 Even had they not been the step-sons of the Princeps, Tibe

f the patrician Claudii, the Nerones. There was closer kin. Octavia had been employed in her brother’s interest before an

oyed in her brother’s interest before and knew no policy but his. She had a son, C. Marcellus. On him the Princeps set his

o years earlier the marriage of his nephew to his only daughter Julia had been solemnized in Rome. Already in 23 the young

h. At his trial, M. Primus the proconsul of Macedonia alleged that he had been given secret instructions by Marcellus as we

is services and the sake of his counsel. Yet the position of Maecenas had been compromised. He could not withstand Agrippa.

ttered the constitutional façade of the New Republic men like Agrippa had no great reverence for forms and names. It went

unobtrusive but ever present in counsel and ready for action. Agrippa had been through all the wars of the Revolution and h

r action. Agrippa had been through all the wars of the Revolution and had won most of them. With exemplary modesty the vict

s on this Augustan masterpiece. Virtus begets ambition; and Agrippa had all the ambition of a Roman. His refusal of honou

s hated the grim upstart, the ruthless instrument of the tyranny that had usurped their privileges and their power. M. Vips

d, perhaps already married, to Agrippa’s daughter Vipsania. The match had been contrived long ago by Livia, that astute pol

, they are not even appropriate to a later date, when Agrippa’s power had been accorded status and definition before the la

to assume the inheritance of sole power, to become all that Augustus had been. The nobiles would not have stood it. Agripp

the full and flagrant sense of those terms. But the Caesarian party had thwarted its leader in the matter of Marcellus.

vernment. Agrippa, Livia and the chief men in the governing oligarchy had averted the danger of any premature manifestation

he danger of any premature manifestation of hereditary monarchy; they had restored unity by secret compulsion, with Agrippa

inaugurated the rule of one man. No sooner destroyed, the Triumvirate had to be restored. The alliance of equals had proved

destroyed, the Triumvirate had to be restored. The alliance of equals had proved unsatisfactory and ruinous. Lepidus lacked

Lepidus lacked capacity, Antonius cunning and temperance: Octavianus had been too ambitious to be a loyal partner. Now tha

he lacked the vigour and the splendour of that dynamic figure. But he had inherited the name and the halo. A domestic minis

nifestation of suitable opinions. Maecenas was there. Again, Augustus had neither the taste nor the talent for war: Agrippa

est in the years between the Pact of Brundisium and the War of Actium had been alarming, because it corresponded so clearly

otal, so Augustus proudly affirmed, no fewer than eighty-three either had already held the consulate or were later rewarded

rely indifferent, but even hostile, to birth and breeding. The Senate had swollen inordinately, to more than a thousand mem

ason for reducing the roll of the Senate. Over three hundred senators had chosen Antonius and the Republic at the time of t

, never reached the consulate, Cinna not until more than thirty years had elapsed. But some perished or disappeared. Nothin

ame at least. As soon as a census came they would forfeit it, if they had lost their fortunes. After Actium certain cities

dignity: local magnates of the Antonian faction in the towns of Italy had local enemies. A number of victims of the purge

des remained, men to whom adventure, intrigue and unscrupulous daring had brought the rapid rewards of a revolutionary age.

provincial origin was no bar. Of the great plebeian marshals a number had perished Salvidienus a traitor to his friend and

What in Cicero’s advocacy was propaganda for the moment or mere ideal had become palpable reality as the result of a violen

olent redistribution of power and property. The aristocratic Republic had disguised and sometimes thwarted the power of mon

he gains of the Revolution were to be consolidated and extended: what had begun as a series of arbitrary acts was to contin

r aspirations for land and security would be recognized, the soldiers had been able to baffle politicians, disarm generals

the discharged legionaries with land, Italian or provincial, which he had purchased from his own funds. After that, he inst

ation of ‘comrades’ and enforced a sterner discipline than civil wars had tolerated. 2 But this meant no neglect. Augustus

rian order, that is to say, for knights (including senators’ sons who had not yet held the quaestorship). Ex-centurions wou

quaestorship). Ex-centurions would naturally not be excluded, if they had acquired the financial status of knights (which w

h military service. T. Flavius Petro, from Reate, a Pompeian veteran, had a son of equestrian rank, T. Flavius Sabinus the

the New State. In the last generation of the Republic the financiers had all too often been a political nuisance. When at

the wars of the Revolution and the rule of the Triumvirate. Knights had been of much more value in the armies of Rome tha

suls, legates and quaestors, permitted to be acknowledged. Centurions had no monopoly of long service certain knights, acti

type. Note also P. Considius (BG 1, 21, 3), a centurion or knight who had served in the armies of Sulla and of Crassus. 2

conjectured that men like Ventidius, Salvidienus and Cornelius Gallus had been praefecti fabrum. Under the Principate, howe

pectable. Some said that Vitellius’ father was a freedman no doubt he had many enemies. L. Annaeus Seneca, a wealthy man fr

ion made by the Tarraconenses will support the conjecture that Magius had been a procurator in Spain. 7 Strabo, P. 618, c

by Augustus towards the end of his Principate. The praefectus annonae had charge of the food-supply of the capital; and the

was novel and revolutionary. Not indeed that a sharp line of division had hitherto separated senators from knights. They be

96 (Volsinii). Cf. C. Cichorius, Hermes XXXIX (1904), 461 ff. Seianus had several relatives of consular rank (Velleius 2, 1

se to enter the Senate. If it was thus in colonies and municipia that had long been a part of the Roman State, or in wealth

ities of old civilization, what of the backward regions of Italy that had only been incorporated after the Bellum Italicum?

aly that had only been incorporated after the Bellum Italicum? Cicero had spoken of Italy with moving tones and with genuin

with genuine sentiment. But Cicero spoke for the existing order even had he the will, he lacked the power to secure admiss

he national war of Actium, the process of creating the unity of Italy had not yet reached its term. Augustus was eager to p

ome, whose own Sabine or Etruscan origins, though known and admitted, had been decently masked, for the most part, long ago

uscidius from Canusium. 3 These dim characters with fantastic names had never been heard of before in the Senate or even

6 Suetonius, Divus Vesp. 1, 3. PageBook=>362 Others already had gone farther, securing from Augustus ennoblement

s was a knight’s son from the colony of Cales. P. Sulpicius Quirinius had no connexion with the ancient and patrician house

a name of that type, nearly anticipated, however, by Salvidienus. Nor had there been a consul with a name ending in ‘-a’ si

Lamia (cos. A.D. 3) was highly respectable, the grandson of a man who had been ‘equestris ordinis princeps’. Nothing defini

Italy, many of them from the Italia whose name, nation and sentiments had so recently been arrayed in war against Rome. But

Italy of all, Italia Transpadana, renowned already in Latin letters, had sent its sons to Caesar’s Senate. Quite early in

ial goods. But Augustus was sometimes disappointed, precisely when he had every reason to expect the right kind of senator:

and grew stronger with time. The votes of confidence of the municipia had been invoked in the crisis of civil war: they wer

ured the election of members of a hereditary nobility. Yet the Senate had once seemed to represent the Roman People, for it

unction in the comprehensive, traditional and conservative party that had superseded the spurious Republic of the nobiles.

he act of any one man, it could hardly be suspended at one blow. Even had he desired, a ruler would be impotent to arrest t

rosperous regions, were loyal to the government of Rome now that they had passed from the clientela of the Pompeii to that

ircumstances by the time Augustus acquired sole power, the Revolution had already proceeded so far that it could abate its

m without any danger of reaction. The greater number of his partisans had already been promoted and rewarded. NotesPage=&

s better and knew its failings. His name, his ambition and his acts had denied the revolutionary leader the support of th

cracy were slow to forgive the man of the proscriptions. The Princeps had his revenge. He did not care to exclude any large

C.), joined perhaps from a disinterested patriotism. The old families had been decimated by a generation of civil wars: the

on his earlier supporters the plebs, the veterans and the knights who had won the War of Actium. In the crisis of 23 B.C. t

ave crystallized into the law of the constitution. Sulla the Dictator had probably fixed thirty as the age at which the qua

hich the quaestorship could be held, forty- two the consulate. Caesar had been hasty and arbitrary: the Triumvirs were brut

utal among the grosser anomalies, men designated to the consulate who had never been senators, such as Balbus the Elder and

consul at the prescribed term, but the son of a Roman knight commonly had to wait for a number of years. Which was fitting.

as probably established in 29-28 B.C. PageBook=>370 The Senate had been purged once. That was not enough for Augustu

f candidates for office, calling for various expedients. 2 The Senate had been purified: it was rejuvenated in two ways, by

ynasts dealt out offices and commands to their partisans. The dynasts had destroyed the Republic and themselves, down to th

ir patronage, he conveniently revived the Republic to be used as they had used it. To the People Augustus restored freedom

h having to the aristocracy. From one fraud Augustus was debarred. He had already restored the Republic once he could not d

violence. A certain Egnatius Rufus when aedile several years before had organized his private slaves and other suitable i

are very puzzling. It almost looks as though, in each year, Augustus had filled one place with his own candidate, leaving

authentic Republic, something very different from the firm order that had prevailed in the first four years of the Principa

peril peace so long as the Princeps controlled the armies. Nor indeed had there been serious danger in Rome itself. During

he absence of the ruler (22-19 B.C.) each year one of the two consuls had been a partisan of Augustus and a military man, t

disorders were barely heard of again. The domination of the Triumvirs had created numerous consuls, in 33 B.C. no fewer tha

atter are men whose fathers through death or defeat in the Civil Wars had missed the consulate. Here and on the Fasti of th

n over by the Princeps at this point) and Spain, which probably still had two armies, cf. below, p. 394 f. PageBook=>3

ip, unless aided by such powerful protection as the low-born Afranius had from Pompeius; and Pompeius’ consul Gabinius was

not to alluring programmes or solid merit. Caesar and the Triumvirs had changed all that. None the less, though modified,

which was held to be right and proper, a debt repaid to ancestors who had deserved well of the Roman People. 6 Yet there we

f by Augustus; 3 the other, a critic of exacting taste, so they said, had Ovid’s poems by heart. 4 Nobiles did not need t

command of armies brought the highest distinction to men whose youth had been trained in the wars of the Revolution and wh

ome were passed over, such as M. Lurius and P. Carisius, both of whom had served against Sex. Pompeius and elsewhere. But L

consulate did not matter so much. Enemies were dangerous only if they had armies and even then they would hardly be able to

ee. 3 Some frauds could perhaps evade detection. Certain great houses had sunk for ever. Others, through casualties in the

ones. 3 Pliny, NH 35, 8. Observing other frauds, old Messalla Rufus had taken to writing family histories (ib.). Pliny ob

ed if Augustus like that great politician, the censor Appius Claudius had been blessed with five daughters for dynastic mat

s. 2 The daughter was not the Princeps’ only pawn. His sister Octavia had children by her two marriages: from the first, C.

onius. The elder Antonia went to L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, to whom she had been betrothed from infancy, the younger to Augus

us Fabius Maximus. By his own match with Livia, the Princeps long ago had won the Claudian connexion: through the marriages

e, his adherents shared in his social ascension. Agrippa’s first wife had been one of the prizes of the Civil Wars. She was

end. PageBook=>380 Power, distinction and wealth, the Princeps had seized all the prerogatives of the nobility. The

inceps had seized all the prerogatives of the nobility. The youth who had invested his patrimony for the good of the State

, to adorn the city and to subsidize his political allies. Corruption had been banished from electoral contests: which conf

red from alliances with those financial interests with whom they once had shared the spoils of the provinces. Augustus was

scale. Egypt was his, the prize upon which politicians and financiers had cast greedy eyes a generation before; and in Egyp

re admiral M. Lurius. 2 As proconsul of Gaul or as Dictator, Caesar had spent generously. Cicero was moved to indignation

is was the centre, but only a part, of an ever-growing palace. Cicero had acquired an imposing mansion from his profits as

was able to bequeath to the populace of Rome a sum as large as Caesar had , twenty-five denarii a head. 1 But Balbus began a

, 22. His divorced wife Aemilia Lepida dishonestly pretended that she had borne him a son. 7 Pliny, NH 9, 117 (on the wea

f the Lollii in Rome (for the details, P-W XIII, 1387). 8 Ib. Pliny had seen the woman. 9 Macrobius 3, 13, 11. PageBo

election by the People, the claims of birth, influence and patronage had always been paramount. Nobles and above all patri

patronage had always been paramount. Nobles and above all patricians had a long start. M. Aemilius Lepidus became a pontif

at the age of twenty-five:1 he was a patrician. The novus homo Cicero had to wait until he became a senior consular before

g against Ahenobarbus. 2 Augustus’ revival of ancient colleges that had lapsed for centuries was not merely a sign of his

ign of his pious care for the religion of Rome. The existing colleges had naturally been filled with partisans during the R

al or public merit. 7 Though supplemented by Caesar, the patriciate had been reduced again in the wars, being represented

, open or secret. Tiberius, being the head of the Claudii, would have had a dynastic and personal following whatever the ch

was Prefect of Egypt under Augustus. 3 On the other, his grandfather had helped Ti. Claudius Nero in the fight for liberty

Magius of Larinum (Pro Cluentio 21 and 33). 4 Velleius 2, 76, 1. He had been a praefectus fabrum of Pompeius, of M. Brutu

d that the patriotic clubs (collegia iuventutis) of the Italian towns had a definite role to play. Knights themselves mig

nger. 5 A kinsman of the poet Propertius entered the Senate. This man had married well his wife was Aelia Galla, the daught

son of Seius Strabo, L. Aelius Seianus. Seius, the son of a Terentia, had married a wife from a patrician family. Seianus h

on of a Terentia, had married a wife from a patrician family. Seianus had brothers, cousins and an uncle of consular rank.

ge which he could exert would have been formidable enough, even if he had not been Prefect of the Guard and chief favourite

ius, Divus Claudius 26, 2). 1 Suetonius, Galba 5, 2. Galba’s father had married a second wife, Livia Ocellina, from a dis

d as the government, ‘auctores publici consilii’. But that government had seldom been able to present a united front in a p

concord after the assassination of Caesar the Dictator, the consulars had failed lamentably, from private ambition and pers

at the time of the Pact of Brundisium, their total and their prestige had sunk still further except for the dynasts Antoniu

r the Battle of Actium, until Nero, the last of the line of Augustus, had perished and Galba assumed the heritage of the Ju

broad an emperor could be created elsewhere than at Rome. 2 Everybody had known about it. After the first settlement Augu

mbulatory Princeps or for consorts in his powers. In 27 B.C. Augustus had set out for the West without delay; and of the fi

ly returned from Spain and Gaul. During the last fourteen years, they had seldom been together in the same place. Demanded

ejuvenated and disciplined, for by now the veterans of the Civil Wars had been established in Italian and provincial coloni

vement of the foreign policy of Augustus. 2 His own earlier campaigns had been defensive in purpose; nor had the Balkan ope

ustus. 2 His own earlier campaigns had been defensive in purpose; nor had the Balkan operations of M. Licinius Crassus grea

the Empire might split into two parts. By 13 B.C. a firm beginning had been made. The conquest of the Alpine lands, prep

rom historical record: the two Claudii, the stepsons of the Princeps, had their martial exploits commemorated by a contempo

n Macedonia M. Lollius (19-18 B.C.) and L. Tarius Rufus (17-16 B.C.?) had recently been employed; 1 and on this occasion th

acedonia, whoever he may have been, was surely not inactive. Conquest had to come from two directions, from the west and fr

’ He is not described as ‘proconsul’. This may mean that the Princeps had temporarily taken over the province or refrained

perhaps was dead by now; and Maecenas, no longer a power in politics, had a short time to live. But there was a new generat

the two untried boys, Lucius and Gaius, the sons of Agrippa, whom he had adopted as his own. Down to 13 B.C., Augustus a

esult of accident. Augustus himself never again left Italy. Agrippa had been indispensable in the earlier years, as deput

o take supreme charge of the northern wars. Yet Tiberius and Drusus had filled the gap and borne the general’s task in sp

the heritage of power and command, both nobles and novi homines. They had hitherto been kept in the background for politica

was Rome’s sole and incomparable general. 1 A system of government had by now been built up. As has been shown, the Prin

the revolutionary period. After twenty years they were growing old or had disappeared: a new constellation of able and dist

province; in the pacification of its southern boundaries King Amyntas had lost his life; and though there was no permanent

e imperial legate of Moesia. 3 When both Illyricum and the Rhine army had been divided in the last years of the Principate,

inistration and in foreign policy. All new conquests or annexations had fallen to the share of the Princeps: he also took

ia, Raetia, Noricum and Judaea. PageBook=>395 To the Senate he had restored no military territories, but only, from

got for Caesar the Gallic command he gave him Labienus, who must have had previous experience. 2 Another Pompeian from Pice

e had previous experience. 2 Another Pompeian from Picenum, Afranius, had served under his patron continuously, in the Span

a military man. 4 He may have served in Spain before Varro certainly had , and Varro, whom posterity knows as a learned ant

s and knights promoted to the Senate, like Velleius Paterculus, often had a useful record behind them. For the rest, young

re Q. Marcius Crispus and L. Valerius Flaccus (In Pisonem 54). Cicero had C. Pomptinus (Ad Jam. 15, 4, 8). Flaccus and Pomp

ed after his consulate to govern one of the great military provinces, had not always been very long or very thorough. The

s and Canidius were models and precedents. A great school of admirals had also been created. After Actium, no place for the

C. Poppaeus Sabinus (cos. A.D. 9). During twenty-five years this man had charge of Moesia, for most of the time with the p

, 2; ILS 921 (near Tibur). 7 Piso’s father, of philhellenic tastes, had been proconsul of Macedonia. For the activity of

ps and his party when Drusus was dead and Tiberius in exile. Whatever had happened at Rome, there would have been a lull in

midated and Bohemia, where Maroboduus, the monarch of the Marcomanni, had built up a powerful dominion, was isolated on wes

f Ulterior, it would show that by now the region of Asturia-Callaecia had been transferred from the latter province to the

rom the latter province to the former and that the two Spanish armies had by now been fused into one. Which is not unlikely

part in administration. 1 In the past the generals of the Republic had commonly devoted the profits of victory to the co

of other roads radiating from Rome, fell to some of his generals who had recently celebrated triumphs both Messalla and Ca

death, with the help of a large staff of slaves and workmen which he had recruited and trained. 5 That could not go on.

s of senators; and in any case Augustus would have wished, even if he had not been forced, to substitute regular administra

s vigilum. 1 In the meantime a number of permanent boards of senators had been established. The first dealt with roads (20

, could justly claim to be the second founder of Rome. A government had been established. The principes viri were tamed,

high court of justice under the presidency of the consuls. 6 Augustus had frequent resort to the People for the passing of

d beyond all measure under the Republic the great questions of policy had been the subject of open and public debate: they

rate or general. Augustus could have invoked tradition and propriety, had he needed or cared to justify the various bodies

rs have their place in the different councils of state. Roman knights had been amongst the earliest friends of Augustus. So

ground. When life ebbed along with power, the descendant of kings who had led to battle the legions of Etruria surrendered

somnum et inertiam magis ostentabat. ’ PageBook=>410 Maecenas had suppressed the conspiracy of young Lepidus: it wa

oriously indulgent to the vices of his friends. 3 Yet Vedius Pollio had once been useful he appears to have been active i

aps setting in order the system of taxation. 4 When the civil service had developed, freedmen did not hold the procuratorsh

um, which he also subsidized from his own private fortune. 7 Augustus had huge sums of money at his disposal he paid the bo

later emerge as ministers of State, under Caligula and Claudius: they had been there for a long time. 8 Senators might pr

ng time. 8 Senators might preside over the treasury, but the Senate had no control of financial policy, no exact knowledg

tters Augustus required expert advisers. As time went on, knights who had served in the provinces as procurators became ava

a land strictly managed on monopolistic principles. The first Prefect had succumbed to a political intrigue, the second had

. The first Prefect had succumbed to a political intrigue, the second had been unsuccessful in his invasion of Arabia. More

of the term, that other public proposals of those momentous sessions had been shaped in private before being sponsored by

ate before being sponsored by eminent senators if possible by such as had a reputation for independence. The eloquent Messa

left no successor. In the same year as Maecenas, Horace died: Virgil had gone eleven years before. In the last period of A

ears to have broken away from the control of the government. Augustus had grown hard and bitter with age; and Sallustius Cr

n provincial commands, men like Lollius, Quirinius and Piso will have had something to say. NotesPage=>412 1 Tacitus

s, the consulate, and, no doubt, a place in councils of State. Silius had conducted mountain warfare in Spain and in the Al

governed Macedonia and Gaul in succession; it may be presumed that he had formed certain impressions about the problems of

a died and then Drusus, Tiberius retired morosely to Rhodes. A crisis had supervened, at the very core of the party. Anothe

ed the loss of his two most trusty counsellors, Agrippa and Maecenas: had they lived, certain things would never have happe

ys malevolent, was all too well founded. The propaganda of Octavianus had been merciless against Fulvia, the wife of Antoni

nus had been merciless against Fulvia, the wife of Antonius; and Rome had fought a national war against a political woman,

this ‘conspiracy’. The fact that Cinna was consul in A.D. 5 may have had something to do with the origin of the story, as

Guard. 2 It is evident that Augustus and his confidential advisers had given anxious thought to the problem of providing

2 Dio 69, 1; SHA Hadr. 4, 10. PageBook=>416 Agrippa and Livia had thwarted the dynastic ambitions of the Princeps i

s could rely on Tiberius’ submission and his own prestige. 3 Tiberius had conquered Illyricum and extended the gains of Dru

d at the expense of the Roman People. In the last six years, Tiberius had hardly been seen in Rome; and there was no urgent

Agrippa, he would yield to Augustus but not in all things. His pride had been wounded, his dignitas impaired. But there wa

is position in their turn. 2 That was too much. Tiberius and Drusus had received special dispensations and early distinct

l in Armenia and in the Alpine campaigns. The stepson of Augustus, he had benefited from that relationship. Yet even had Li

tepson of Augustus, he had benefited from that relationship. Yet even had Livia not been the wife of the Princeps, her son

from control, or he may be removed by death. For the moment, Augustus had his way. He was left in 6 B.C. with the two boy

e one in his fourteenth, the other in his eleventh year. The Princeps had broken loose from the Caesarian party, alienated

st prominent among whom have already been indicated. The Princeps now had to lean heavily on the loyalty and tried merit of

yalty and tried merit of certain novi homines. For many years nothing had been heard of Lollius and Vinicius. Their emergen

by war and revolution, swept up into one party and harnessed as they had been to the service of the State, the nobiles now

nce in the strange but not incongruous alliance of monarchy. Augustus had passed beyond the measure and proportions of a Ro

the measure and proportions of a Roman politician or party leader. He had assumed the stature of a monarch and the sure exp

themselves, noble and patrician at that, and so was Tiberius Augustus had never been. Though the nobiles despised the origi

ns to Rome in the personal light of their own ambitions. The Republic had served their ends, why not the Monarchy? The most

er from Agrippa the one Marcella, P. Quinctilius Varus (cos. 13 B.C.) had married the daughter of the other. 1 Paullus Fabi

ed the daughter of the other. 1 Paullus Fabius Maximus (cos. 11 B.C.) had taken to wife Marcia, the granddaughter of August

erson, was an intimate friend of the Princeps, whose glorification he had assiduously propagated during his proconsulate of

us and Sulla; his grandfather, the enemy of both Caesar and Pompeius, had fallen at Pharsalus; his father was the great Rep

Lepidus, from the Sicilian War onwards a personal friend of Augustus, had two wives, Cornelia and the younger Marcella. Pau

d of remembered rancour and postponed revenge. Yet Tiberius must have had a following among the nobiles. Of the dynastic

tics and the scandals of these years. Messalla still lived on; and he had something of a party. 1 The Scipiones were all bu

ular Marcellus is Aeserninus (22 B.C.), a person of no great note who had been a partisan of Caesar the Dictator. As for th

alty acknowledged the ties of family, of fides, of amicitia. Tiberius had few kinsmen. Yet the excellent L. Volusius Saturn

olusius Saturninus will not have forgotten altogether that his father had married a relative of Tiberius. 4 Many men of mer

at his father had married a relative of Tiberius. 4 Many men of merit had shared with Tiberius’ parents the flight from Ita

s in adversity for the Republic. 5 Cn. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 23 B.C.) had been a Republican but rallied to Augustus; his so

f the revolutionary wars, Carrinas, Calvisius, Cornificius and others had disappeared. Taurus was dead, and his son did not

rsession of Sentius in Syria by Varus in 6 B.C. may, or may not, have had political causes. No doubt, however, about the si

loyal servants of whatever happened to be the government of Rome now had their turn for nine years. Livia waited and worke

auch the Forum and the very Rostra from which the Princeps her father had promulgated the laws that were to sanction the mo

427 Augustus was bitter and merciless because his moral legislation had been baffled and mocked in his own family. Yet he

Tiberius harmless, his own sons secure. Though absent, Tiberius still had a following; though an exile he still held his tr

Suetonius, Tib. 11, 4. PageBook=>428 The position of Tiberius had long been anomalous. It now became doubtful and p

advisable to display the heir apparent to provinces and armies which had seen no member of the syndicate of government sin

departed from the East twelve years before. In the meantime, able men had governed Syria the veteran Titius, not heard of s

e to Samos with due submission to pay his respects to the kinsman who had supplanted him; he returned again to his retreat

espicable eastern king, Archelaus of Cappadocia, whose cause Tiberius had once defended before the Senate, was emboldened t

s, Ann. 4, 1 (Seianus). 3 Suetonius, Tib. 13, 1. 4 lb. His father had been active in Narbonensis for Caesar (ib. 4, 1).

on and political intrigue. 2 Against Lollius it was alleged that he had taken bribes from eastern kings3 in itself no gra

stus, loathed by Tiberius. In 17 B.C., when governor of Gaul, Lollius had suffered at the hands of raiding Germans a trifli

function of guiding C. Caesar succeeded P. Sulpicius Quirinius, who had paid assiduous court to the exile of Rhodes witho

A.D. 3, he got Aemilia Lepida for his wife. Groag suspects that Livia had something to do with the match (P-W IV A, 837).

spects grew no brighter. His spirit appears to have been broken. He had already begged to be allowed to return, and his p

n broken. He had already begged to be allowed to return, and his plea had been reinforced by the repeated intercession of h

ll of Lollius, Augustus remained obdurate. He now gave way what Livia had been unable to achieve was perhaps the work of po

tus’ ambition of securing the succession for one of his own blood. He had surmounted scandal and conspiracy, merciless towa

rivals. In this emergency Augustus remained true to himself. Tiberius had a son; but Tiberius, though designated to replace

a potestas and a special imperium, was dispatched to the North. There had been fighting in Germany with more credit to Rome

assed to Illyricum. In the interval of his absence, the power of Rome had been felt beyond the Danube. The peoples from B

to the ultimate advantage of the Roman People. Julia, it was alleged, had slipped into the wayward habits of her gay and ca

tion for conspiracy. 4 The charges brought against Agrippa Postumus had been more vague, his treatment more merciful but

on Juvenal 6, 158, states that Julia was relegated after her husband had been put to death, then recalled, but finally exi

geBook=>433 The strength of body and intractable temper which he had inherited from his father might have been schoole

uagenarian, accompanied only by his intimate, Paullus Fabius Maximus, had made a voyage by sea to visit Agrippa Postumus in

but not the ambition, Asinius Gallus the ambition only: L. Arruntius had both. 4 NotesPage=>433 1 Suetonius, Divus

the manner of Sallustius. 2 The time for such exciting speculations had passed ten years before. The government party amo

e by Augustus to support the monarchy and the succession of his sons, had been transformed both in composition and in alleg

re dead, others discredited, others displaced. Astute politicians who had not committed themselves too deeply were quick to

rals reaped the fruits of prudent abstention from intrigue. Quirinius had prospered; 3 likewise P. Quinctilius Varus, a per

; 3 likewise P. Quinctilius Varus, a person of consequence at Rome he had married Claudia Pulchra, the daughter of Marcella

Rome he had married Claudia Pulchra, the daughter of Marcella. Varus had other useful connexions. 4 A new party becomes

ed Tiberius to defraud them of military glory. The deplorable Lollius had a son, it is true, but his only claim to fame or

s (Tacitus, Ann. 1, 31). 4 Velleius 2, 105, 1 (A.D. 4). How long he had been there is not recorded. Velleius says of Sent

verus (cos. suff. 1 B.C.) was in charge of Moesia (now that Macedonia had lost its army). 2 In the three years of the rebel

e and character of Tiberius’ party. Members of families that hitherto had not risen to the consulate are prominent yet not

.) was connected, it is true, with the family of Caesar; but the bond had not been tightened. Piso was an aristocrat of var

They never let out a secret. It will be recalled that Seius Strabo had a wife from one branch of the patrician Cornelii

The exaggeration is palpable and shameless. 3 At Rome due provision had been made for the peaceful transmission of the Pr

t 19th, A.D. 14, the Princeps died at Nola in Campania. Tiberius, who had set out for Illyricum, was recalled by urgent mes

n, inevitably mocked and disbelieved. It did not matter. Everything had been arranged, not merely the designation of his

in formalities remained. On April 3rd of the previous year Augustus had drawn up his last will and testament. 4 About the

usoleum. These were official documents. It is evident that Augustus had taken counsel with the chief men of his party, ma

ents in the public conferment of the Principate upon the heir whom he had designated. Tiberius himself was ill at ease, con

his enemies were alert to prosecute their advantage. Tiberius Caesar had the power they would not let him enjoy it in secu

such as Asinius Gallus, played without skill the parts for which they had been chosen perhaps in feigned and malignant clum

well as for material reform. Augustus claimed that a national mandate had summoned him to supreme power in the War of Actiu

he truth of that contention, he could not go back upon it, even if he had wished. The mandate was not exhausted when the St

the personnel, but not the character, of government. The same men who had won the wars of the Revolution now controlled the

oman nationalism to a formidable and even grotesque intensity. Rome had won universal empire half-reluctant, through a se

as glorious, but it was not Empire. Armies of robust Italian peasants had crushed and broken the great kings in the eastern

ings in the eastern lands, the successors of the Macedonian; and they had subdued to their rule nations more intractable th

heir rule nations more intractable than the conqueror of all the East had ever seen. In a surge of patriotic exaltation, th

by the long series of civil wars were only too well grounded. Actium had averted the menace but for how long? Could Rome m

but for how long? Could Rome maintain empire without the virtues that had won it? 4 A well-ordered state has no need of g

nt and the class war; and many of the principal actors of the tragedy had little of the traditional Roman in their characte

udge by the catalogues of worthies as retailed by patriotic poets, he had to go a long way back to find his favourites befo

s of the principes that barred them from recognition. Their virtues had been pernicious. Pompeius’ pursuit of gloria, Cae

o animi, the candour and the chivalry of Antonius all these qualities had to be eradicated from the principes of the New St

w required was men like those of old, and ancient virtue. As the poet had put it long ago, moribus antiquis res stat Roma

ere poor, but the State was rich. His immoral and selfish descendants had all but ruined the Roman People. Conquest, wealth

f resolution ’iustum et tenacem propositi virum’. 3 That way a mortal had ascended to heaven. Though bitterly reviled in hi

x et Honos Pudorque priscus et neglecta redire Virtus audet. 2 It had not been easy. Opposition arose in the Senate, an

out to a recalcitrant Senate the whole of the speech which a Metellus had once delivered in the vain attempt to arrest a de

ent self. In the aristocracy of the last age of the Republic marriage had not always been blessed with either offspring or

control of their own property in marriage. The emancipation of women had its reaction upon the men, who, instead of a part

remedies and incomplete redress, into a crime. The wife, it is true, had no more rights than before. But the husband, afte

and propagate. Material encouragement was required. Many old families had died out through lack of heirs, the existence of

new members to the citizen body. 3 This generosity, which in the past had established Rome’s power in Italy on the broad ba

ct of the whole unhallowed and un-Roman era of Roman history. Temples had crumbled, ceremonies and priesthoods lapsed. No p

completion of the great temple of Apollo on the Palatine. Neither god had failed him. Divus Julius prevailed over the Repub

ile. 2 Phoebus, to be sure, was Greek in name and origin. But Phoebus had long been domiciled in Latium. Though the natio

e potentes stamus. 5 Though debased by politics, the notion of pietas had not been entirely perverted. Pietas once gave wor

rtues of a warrior race. No superfluous exhortation, since the Romans had recently tasted the bitter realities of war. Next

d the scene of martial ceremonies. This gallery of national portraits had already been foreshadowed by the patriotic poets.

he virile peasant soldier, rusticorum mascula militum proles, who had stained the seas red with Carthaginian blood, who

m proles, who had stained the seas red with Carthaginian blood, who had shattered Pyrrhus, Antiochus and Hannibal. 5 Th

d in Etruria, when Etruria was martial. 6 The fiercest of the Italici had recently fought against Rome in the last struggle

the exaltation of ‘Itala virtus’ Rome magnified her valour, for Rome had prevailed over Italy. PageNotes. 449 1 Proper

ange tongues Etruscan and Osean, even Celtic and Illyrian. The prayer had been answered: sit Romana potens Itala virtute

diers, along with improvement in the art and practice of agriculture, had transformed the economy of Italy. Over a hundred

Over a hundred years earlier, the decline of the military population had excited the alarm and the desperate efforts of a

orms of the Gracchi were incomplete or baffled; and the small holding had not become any more remunerative since then. Samn

e grown, though not for profit. 3 Thousands and thousands of veterans had been planted in Italy but may more correctly be r

d to counsel and encourage. The profiteers from war and proscriptions had bought land. Though a number of these men may hav

alien to the practice of agriculture. Citizens of Italian municipia, had mostly been born, or had lived, on country estate

agriculture. Citizens of Italian municipia, had mostly been born, or had lived, on country estates; and it will be recalle

s than did adversity. Horace, in whom the horrors of the Perusine War had inspired visions of the Fortunate Isles, where na

the benefit of the deserving and Roman poor, whose peasant ancestors had won glory and empire for Rome. The Revolution was

neither of the consuls who gave their names to the Lex Papia Poppaea had wife or child. 2 One of them came of a noble Samn

oils of conquest, wealth, luxury and power, new tastes and new ideas, had discarded without repining the rugged ancestral v

s life, self-righteous and intolerably moral. The Italian bourgeoisie had their sweet revenge when the New State was erecte

us was a singularly archaic type. 2 Not indeed without culture but he had not been deeply influenced by the intellectual mo

l Roman virtue. Augustus might observe with some satisfaction that he had restored a quality which derived strength from me

the aristocracy, he might reflect that Rome was not Italy; and Italy had been augmented in the north there was a new Italy

for it included the descendants of Italian colonists and natives who had received the Roman citizenship equally Roman befo

thus adding a sublime crown to the work of earlier generations which had transformed the history of Rome by assiduously ex

tices of the revolutionary age were unobtrusively perpetuated. Caesar had raised a legion in Narbonensis; Spain had already

usively perpetuated. Caesar had raised a legion in Narbonensis; Spain had already supplied whole legions as well as recruit

s in Augustus’ policy of moral and patriotic regeneration, the effort had not been in vain: it was not one man’s idea, and

it went back before Actium. The different classes in the Commonwealth had been aroused to a certain consciousness of dignit

uper ubique iacet. 3 Laws were not enough. The revolutionary leader had won power more through propaganda than through fo

propaganda than through force of arms: some of his greatest triumphs had been achieved with but little shedding of blood.

of the sovran people were indispensable to Roman politicians. Crassus had a happier touch than Pompeius. The demagogue Clod

le of Augustus is established, men of letters, a class whose habit it had been to attack the dominant individual or faction

f literature were left far behind. Pollio lost his Virgil. Messalla had to be content with the anaemic Tibullus. Fabius M

en. 6, 726 f. PageBook=>462 That did not matter. The New State had its lyric poet, technically superb. Personal misf

t decision in council with his friends at Apollonia, the young Caesar had not wavered or turned back. Announced by Apollo,

ivy’s history was patriotic, moral and hortatory. Even antiquarianism had its uses. But history did not need to be antiquar

er books of Livy with their record of recent and contemporary history had been preserved, they would no doubt set forth the

ugustus’ historian also spoke with respect of Brutus and Cassius they had fought for the constitution; and even with praise

dship with Augustus. The class to which these men of letters belonged had everything to gain from the new order. Both Virgi

ged had everything to gain from the new order. Both Virgil and Horace had lost their paternal estates in the confiscations

holiasts as did the poets. But the opulent city of Patavium certainly had to endure severe requisitions when Pollio governe

C., cf. Phil. 12, 10. PageBook=>465 If Livy, Horace and Virgil had private and material reasons for gratitude to Aug

d, their genius was not the creation of the Augustan Principate. They had all grown to manhood and to maturity in the perio

orace was the son of a wealthy freedman from Venusia. Virgil and Livy had a more respectable origin. Whatever racial differ

iotic rather than partisan. The North, unlike so many parts of Italy, had no history of its own, with memories of ancient i

nd confused. There was patriotic recollection of the great Marius who had saved Italy from the German invader, there was de

saved Italy from the German invader, there was devotion to Caesar who had championed the communities of Italia Transpadana

sius inherited a connexion with the Transpadani; 1 and Brutus’ father had been besieged at Mutina by Pompeius. In the time

onal devotion to Rome. Further, as might be expected of a region that had only recently become a part of Italy, the name ‘I

dia civis), sic mihi praecipue pulvis Etrusca dolor. 2 A relative had fallen in the War of Perusia. 3 Propertius’ dista

be a soldier: nullus de nostro sanguine miles erit. 5 The family had been despoiled of property during the Civil Wars.

espoiled of property during the Civil Wars. 6 None the less, the poet had eminent connexions, the Aelii Galli, and influent

ristia 2, 354. No Roman husband, even in the lowest class of society, had any cause to suspect him (ib. 351 f.). PageBook

ure, a composite or rather an imaginary figure. The poet himself, who had married three times, was not unhappy in his last

and excellent woman. 1 That did not matter. Ovid was a disgrace. He had refused to serve the State. Sulmo and the Paelign

so the Princeps pointed out, from the aqueducts which his son-in-law had constructed for the people. 1 He could have added

could be commended Augustus set up a monument in honour of a girl who had produced five children at one birth. 5 For reason

ion there flocked to Rome from the towns of Italy such a concourse as had never before been seen. 8 This unique and spontan

of the national programme. In 13 B.C., when both Augustus and Agrippa had returned from the provinces, with the Empire paci

from Aeneas and Romulus in the beginning down to recent worthies who had held triumphs or received the ornamenta triumphal

ere the ancestors of the Julian house. The temple of Mars the Avenger had been vowed by Caesar’s son at Philippi when he fo

ivus Julius was the watchword of the Caesarian army; and Divus Julius had been avenged by his son and heir. This dynastic m

laced by Princeps. Augustus was Divi filius. The avenging of Caesar had been the battle-cry and the justification of Caes

seen, recalled or invented everywhere, especially when the guarantors had disappeared. 1 The wife of C. Octavius fell asl

was rhetorical, not religious: he also applied it to the legions that had deserted the consul Antonius, ‘heavenly legions’.

Antonius, ‘heavenly legions’. But the orator would have been shocked had he known that the testimony of his earlier dreams

from Jupiter, and recognized again by Cicero on the next day when he had the first sight of Caesar’s grandnephew in the co

2 Phil. 5, 43. PageBook=>472 Perusia, Philippi and Actium all had their portents. With victory, the flood of miracl

or was Divus Julius enough. His son could hardly have prevented, even had it been expedient, the gratitude of the people to

d come in due course, from merit and for service, as to Hercules, who had made the world habitable for mankind, and to Romu

ndasque tuum per numen ponimus aras. 1 In Rome the magistri vicorum had their altars; likewise throughout Italy and in Ro

ult of the numen of Augustus. 5 Italy and the provinces of the West had sworn a military oath of personal allegiance to t

due to gods. In Egypt, indeed, Augustus succeeded Ptolemy as Ptolemy had succeeded Pharaoh a god and lord of the land. Els

Cf. J. Gage, Res Gestae Divi Augusti(1935), 155 ff. Urbs Salvia even had the Fasti triumphales (L’ann. ép., 1926, 121, cf.

worship of Augustus as a god. The West was different. The Roman towns had altars but not temples, as at Tarraco and at Narb

nensis and the more civilized parts of Spain. The Gaul which Caesar had conquered received special treatment. The justifi

’ (ib., 141). Ch. XXXI THE OPPOSITION PageBook=>476 THE army had made one emperor and could make another; and the

ate was a monarchy guaranteed its ready acceptance. The lower classes had no voice in government, no place in history. In t

s are recorded in the time of Augustus: one of them reveals what Asia had to suffer from a murderous proconsul. 4 Lack of p

principal ministers of the government. The pearls of Lollia Paullina had a notorious origin. 5 Lollius’ disgrace was due t

;478 Yet on the whole the provinces were contented enough, for they had known worse, and could see no prospect of a succe

f his partisans. M. Titius owed benefits to the house of Pompeius. He had made an ill requital. The Pompeii were dead, but

Titius lived on, in wealth and power. The town of Auximum in Picenum had once honoured Pompeius Magnus as its patron. 6 No

rity. The new men were contented, the most independent of the nobiles had perished. On a superficial view the domestic hist

The nobiles were unable or unwilling to overthrow the New State that had been built up at their expense. They had no illus

overthrow the New State that had been built up at their expense. They had no illusions about it and they remembered Philipp

ement from the present order. For the sake of peace, the Principate had to be. That was admitted. But was Augustus the id

Suetonius (Divus Aug. 19, 1) they were usually discovered before they had gone very far. 3 This is the argument in Tacitu

air by wearing high heels. Nor were all his features prepossessing he had bad teeth and sandy hair. After the end of the Ci

means widely distributed. Augustus alleged that in the Civil Wars he had put to death no citizen of his enemies’ armies wh

Civil Wars he had put to death no citizen of his enemies’ armies who had asked that his life be spared. 3 The claim was im

um, exclaims that he would have behaved precisely so in earlier wars, had it been possible. 4 As for Actium, men might reme

the assassins of Caesar. It was no doubt recalled that Caesar’s heir had been willing, for the ends of political ambition,

pact with Pompeians; and when uniting with Antonius at Brundisium he had condoned the return of one of the assassins, Cn.

e of the assassins, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Nor, on the other hand, had he refused to proscribe Cicero, an ally and benef

ere the domestic parsimony and petty superstitions which the Princeps had imported from his municipal origin. The person

da. Though the realities of power were veiled, none the less senators had an opportunity in the Curia or in the law courts

an Valerius Messalla gave himself airs of independence. In 26 B.C. he had laid down the office of praefectus urbi almost at

tus urbi almost at once; and it was his habit to boast openly that he had always followed the better cause in politics. 2 A

nly that he had always followed the better cause in politics. 2 As he had been among the earliest of the nobiles who fought

zzled without scandal, too recalcitrant to be won by flattery, Pollio had acquired for himself a privileged position. In th

ge attack upon the patriotic gymnastics in which one of his grandsons had broken a leg. 4 The great jurist M. Antistius L

Antistius Labeo, whose father, one of the assassins of the Dictator, had committed suicide after Philippi, also preserved

allies: he was able to preserve from justice a certain Castricius who had given him information about the conspiracy of Mur

rator; and in history he was critical as well as creative. Sallustius had died at his task, carrying his Historiae no farth

ontemporaries, especially when they dealt with the period of which he had personal experience, he must have found much to c

experience, he must have found much to criticize. Certain politicians had not delayed to produce their memoirs: it may be p

e. Q. Dellius described the eastern campaigns of Antonius in which he had participated; 2 the disasters of Antonius will no

he wars and politics of his time and became a historian. Both writers had practical experience of affairs; and it will be a

than a century later, was scornful of the academic historian. 2 Livy had come to history from the study of rhetoric. That

s speech showed traces of his native dialect. Pollio himself may have had a local accent. Nor was the judgement merely one

Timagenes, who, quarrelling with his patron and falling from favour, had boldly consigned to the flames an adulatory histo

our, had boldly consigned to the flames an adulatory history which he had formerly composed in honour of the Princeps. 6 La

d and publicly burned. That did not matter, said Cassius Severus, who had them all by heart. 7 But Cassius did not go unsca

st the State. Not all emperors, however, were succeeded by rulers who had an interest in the deification of their own prede

xt to Virgil he names among epic poets the grandiloquent Rabirius who had written about the War of Actium. 1 Governments ch

, survived in Juvenal’s day, and they mattered not at all. The Empire had broken their power and their spirit. The satirist

tinction. The better cause and the best men, the brave and the loyal, had perished. Not a mere faction of the nobility had

brave and the loyal, had perished. Not a mere faction of the nobility had been defeated, but a whole class. The contest had

ion of the nobility had been defeated, but a whole class. The contest had been not merely political but social. Sulla, Pomp

at were the Republic and Rome. The faction-wars of Marius and Sulla had been a punishment and a warning. In the brief res

es were involved in the struggles of the dynasts. For many of them it had been hard enough to preserve and perpetuate the g

esar, engross the stage of history, imposing their names, as families had done in happier days, upon a period or a governme

eir rivals, certain great houses or permanent factions. The Scipiones had been an age of history. Their power had passed to

anent factions. The Scipiones had been an age of history. Their power had passed to the Metelli. Both houses waned before t

lli. Both houses waned before the Julii and their allies. The Metelli had backed Sulla: they made a final bid for power whe

passed to another branch of the patrician Cornelii, the Lentuli, who had also decided for Pompeius against Caesar, but wer

ion of the Free State or were abruptly extinguished in the Revolution had a better fate than some that prolonged an ignoble

d them to his family and built up a new faction. By force or craft he had defeated the Aemilii and the Antonii: to rule at

entabatur; neque tamen effugit magnae fortunae pericula. ’ His father had been executed in A.D. 14 by Asprenas the proconsu

e with the company of his clients, the patrician house of the Claudii had been an integral part of the history of the Repub

ook back through the annals of the family to that Appius Claudius who had promoted the aristocratic reform programme of Ti.

did prize was spoiled and tarnished. Like a Roman noble, the Claudian had aspired to primacy among his peers but not at the

endants of the Julii. Iullus Antonius, the alleged paramour of Julia, had been executed: his son, the last of the Antonii,

ivate station, relegated to the university of Massilia. 2 Two Aemilii had met violent ends, accused of conspiracy. 3 Such w

ct succession in the male line, but with diverse fortune. The Aemilii had been perilously close to the supreme power, with

with Caesar, he followed Cato’s lead and fell at Pharsalus. Whatever had been the vicissitudes of the subsequent struggle,

d been the vicissitudes of the subsequent struggle, if the Liberators had prevailed at Philippi or Antonius at Actium, the

inheritance to the later generations of the Julii and Claudii. Livia had given her husband no children but the Claudii rul

met and mingled in their successors. Caligula, Claudius and Nero all had Antonian blood in their veins, Nero from both sid

s. A.D. 14) and Fabia Numantina. 2 The patrician P. Quinctilius Varus had left a son by Claudia Pulchra: he succumbed to a

h the family of L. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 15 B.C.). Pompeius the Great had descendants only through collaterals or through t

bonius, Hirtius and Pansa left no consular descendants, any more than had Pompeius’ consuls Afranius and Gabinius. Cicero h

ts, any more than had Pompeius’ consuls Afranius and Gabinius. Cicero had been the great novus homo of that age: the family

ditane Cornelius Balbus and of Sosius, Antonius’ admiral. 2 M. Titius had no known progeny from his alliance with the patri

Caninius Gallus (cos. 37 B.C.), and M. Herennius (cos. 34 B.C.) each had a consular son, but no further descendants. 4 S

dants. 4 Seneca, De clem. 1, 15. PageBook=>499 Lollius, too, had only one son. M. Papius Mutilus the Samnite and t

ook=>500 The Etruscan A. Caecina was prolific. 1 P. Silius Nerva had three sons, all consulars. 2 But his three grands

nus (cos. 12 B.C.,) himself of an ancient and respectable family that had not risen above the praetorship. 6 Even under T

earance of their peers. The family of M. Plautius Silvanus from Tibur had become connected in some way, through marriage or

derly and peaceful M. Cocceius Nerva was elevated to the purple. He had no children one of the reasons, no doubt, for the

endants even of a Triumviral consul. 10 PageNotes. 500 1 His wife had given birth to six children, Tacitus, Ann. 3, 33.

th Trajan, a Spanish and Narbonensian faction comes to power. New men had ever been pressing forward, able, wealthy or insi

s; 4 the other enjoyed a brief tenure of the Principate that Augustus had founded. Ambition, display and dissipation, or

oret? oppleturos omnia divites illos. ’ PageBook=>502 The harm had already been done. The millionaires Balbus and Se

added. The banker Atticus knew all about contemporary history: Balbus had a share in the making of it, from the dynasts’ pa

ed, then Antoninus Pius, in origin a Narbonensian from Nemausus. Even had Antoninus Pius not become emperor, he would still

h, Verginius Rufus might have become emperor. 3 Nero and his advisers had made a prudent choice. They also thought that the

of Augustus. Vespasian’s nobility was his own creation. The Flavians had cause to be suspicious. Though the murderous tyra

animi was a dangerous anachronism. Murena would have escaped his doom had he been content with ‘aurea mediocritas’. 2 The l

like a gentleman. If he wished to survive, the bearer of a great name had to veil himself in caution or frivolity and pract

as. Of the authentic champions of that ideal, Brutus and Cassius, who had fought against Caesar’s heir at Philippi, could n

ic supporter of the New State; the better cause for which Cato fought had prevailed after his death when the Roman People w

history of Republican Rome. That was not the worst. Political liberty had to go, for the sake of the Commonwealth. But when

government, wrote a history of the civil wars that his own generation had witnessed. He had no illusions about the contesta

a history of the civil wars that his own generation had witnessed. He had no illusions about the contestants or the victors

c justification of success. One man only of all whom the Revolution had brought to power deserved any public repute, and

he was bloodthirsty, overbearing and extravagant. 2 Augustus himself had to intervene, prohibiting one of his gladiatorial

the frieze of weapons on the mausoleum he was building at Caieta, he had seldom been responsible for the shedding of Roman

mean part of it. The Roman patrician and the Italian novus homo alike had salvaged honour and fame, yet had done well for t

an and the Italian novus homo alike had salvaged honour and fame, yet had done well for themselves and their families. Mess

pa, Messalla occupied the house of Antonius on the Palatine. 2 Pollio had been more intractable during the Civil Wars, the

son of a nobleman, almost the last of the Marcelli. 6 He should have had nothing to complain of under the new dispensation

t to rehabilitate anarchy, the parent of despotism. The rule of law had perished long ago, with might substituted for rig

rerumque potiri. 2 The nobiles, by their ambition and their feuds, had not merely destroyed their spurious Republic: the

d their feuds, had not merely destroyed their spurious Republic: they had ruined the Roman People. There is something mor

c still maintained for a season its formal and legal existence, there had been deception enough in the assertion of Republi

tus, Hist. 4, 5. 4 Titinius Capito (Pliny, Epp. 1, 17). This person had been a high secretary of state under Domitian, Ne

omplain that his own theme was dull and narrow. But the historian who had experienced one civil war in his own lifetime, an

literary and sentimental conventions. Like Sallustius and Pollio, he had no illusions about the Republic. The root of the

iberty, glory or domination. 1 Empire, wealth and individual ambition had ruined the Republic long ago. Marius and Sulla ov

not even admit a restoration of the Free State if Brutus and Cassius had prevailed at Philippi. Such was the conventional

cum imperii magnitudine adolevit erupitque,’ &c. Pollio no doubt had similar observations to proffer. 2 Tacitus, His

e, for long speeches in the Senate or before the People, when one man had the supreme decision in the Commonwealth, and he

government. It was also primeval, fated to return again when a state had run through the whole cycle of change. The Roma

s was something different from the monarchies of the East. The Romans had not sunk as low as that. Complete freedom might b

raud: his successors paid for it. Libertas in Roman thought and usage had never quite meant unrestricted liberty; and the i

uld be the very spirit of the Principate. All too long, soul and body had been severed. It was claimed that they were unite

ad to the sombre theme of the Annals. As a Roman historian, Tacitus had to be a Republican: in his life and in his politi

boundless: it fell mostly upon his immediate entourage. 5 The Roman had once boasted that he alone enjoyed libertas while

. Quies was a virtue for knights, scorned by senators; and neutrality had seldom been possible in the political dissensions

at the age of ninety-three. 2 As for the family of the Cocceii, they had a genius for safety. There could be great men s

of spirit but not for political wisdom. 3 Neither Tacitus nor Trajan had been a party to this folly; the brief unhappy Pri

atory suffered, but order and concord were safeguarded. As Sallustius had observed, ‘pauci libertatem, pars magna iustos do

gite hunc statum, hanc pacem, hunc principem’. 2 The old constitution had been corrupt, unrepresentative and ruinous. Caesa

ntest the greatest of the principes and better than all of them. They had been selfish dynasts, but he was ‘salubris prince

ople his relationship was that of Father, Founder and Guardian. Sulla had striven to repair the shattered Republic; and Cic

the shattered Republic; and Cicero, for saving Rome in his consulate, had been hailed as pater patriae. But Sulla, with wel

of his pretensions, the ‘Romulus from Arpinum’. 5 Augustus, however, had a real claim to be known and honoured as the Foun

ution was neither exclusive nor immobile. While each class in society had its peculiar functions, there was no sharp divisi

ution; but the rhythm, though abated, was steady and continuous. It had been Augustus’ most fervent prayer that he might

t he might lay the foundations of the new order deep and secure. 2 He had done more than that. The Roman State, based firml

even a new literature that was already classical. The doom of Empire had borne heavily on Rome, with threatened ruin. But

could bear the burden with pride as well as with security. Augustus had also prayed for a successor in the post of honour

of honour and duty. His dearest hopes, his most pertinacious designs, had been thwarted. But peace and the Principate endur

had been thwarted. But peace and the Principate endured. A successor had been found, trained in his own school, a Roman ar

pire. It might have been better for Tiberius and for Rome if Augustus had died earlier: the duration of his life, by accust

or by anxiety for the Empire. He quietly asked his friends whether he had played well his part in the comedy of life. 2 The

one answer or none. Whatever his deserts, his fame was secure and he had made provision for his own immortality. 3 Durin

his Autobiography. Other generals before him, like Sulla and Caesar, had published the narrative of their res gestae or re

e can have fabricated history with such calm audacity. Other generals had their memorial in the trophies, temples or theatr

generals had their memorial in the trophies, temples or theatres they had erected; their mailed statues and the brief inscr

tor. This was the recompense due to ‘boni duces’ after death. 4 Sulla had been ‘Felix’, Pompeius had seized the title of ‘M

e due to ‘boni duces’ after death. 4 Sulla had been ‘Felix’, Pompeius had seized the title of ‘Magnus’. Augustus, in glory

nary leader in public sedition and armed violence, the heir of Caesar had endured to the end. He died on the anniversary of

first consulate after the march on Rome. Since then, fifty-six years had elapsed. Throughout, in act and policy, he rema

army and ‘liberated the State from the domination of a faction’. Dux had become Princeps and had converted a party into a

State from the domination of a faction’. Dux had become Princeps and had converted a party into a government. For power he

me Princeps and had converted a party into a government. For power he had sacrificed everything; he had achieved the height

a party into a government. For power he had sacrificed everything; he had achieved the height of all mortal ambition and in

had achieved the height of all mortal ambition and in his ambition he had saved and regenerated the Roman People. NotesPa