upon his adherents and partisans. The composition of the oligarchy of
government
therefore emerges as the dominant theme of politi
civil war and preserves the non political classes. Liberty or stable
government
: that was the question confronting the Romans the
thence to diverge into a description of the character and working of
government
. NotesPage=>001 1 M. Junius Silanus, grand
ing to acquiesce, if not actively to share, in the shaping of the new
government
which a united Italy and a stable empire demanded
f deplorable but necessary illegalities, the second of constitutional
government
. So well did he succeed that in later days, confr
, honours and power through revolution emerge as champions of ordered
government
, they do not surrender anything. Neglect of the c
to supreme power, supplemented by a brief analysis of the working of
government
in the new order, will reinforce their verdict an
a torn and distracted land into a nation, with a stable and enduring
government
. The tale has often been told, with an inevitab
cipal among his partisans. In all ages, whatever the form and name of
government
, be it monarchy, republic, or democracy, an oliga
and agents of power, the same men but in different garb. They are the
government
of the New State. It will therefore be expedien
tate and form NotesPage=>007 (No Notes) PageBook=>008 a
government
. That was left to Caesar’s heir, at the head of a
o frustrate its exercise. The two consuls remained at the head of the
government
, but policy was largely directed by ex-consuls. T
dominating forces behind the phrases and the façade of constitutional
government
the most remarkable was Servilia, Cato’s half-sis
r after a brief tenure. Another year and he was dead (78 B.C.). The
government
which he established lasted for nearly twenty yea
ion in Italy for Catilina attacked property as well as privilege. The
government
of the nobiles, supported by a sacred union of th
e linked in some fashion or other almost all the chief members of the
government
, the principes viri of note during the first deca
ous elevations. Such were the men who directed in war and peace the
government
after Sulla, owing primacy to birth and wealth, l
attack some pestilential tribune, or to curb a general hostile to the
government
. 3 But the Optimates were solid only to outward s
k=>029 subversive designs, he turned upon his ally and saved the
government
. Then, coming back to Rome after six years of abs
onstrate that he was still a force in politics and to embarrass the
government
without provoking flagrant disorder. 3 Generous i
e East at his back, he disbanded his army. Much to his annoyance, the
government
had proved stronger than he expected. A civilian
osals in the next year, causing bitter opposition from leaders of the
government
. The Senate proclaimed a state of emergency, susp
nciers and Crassus waited, patient in rancour. To maintain power, the
government
needed consuls. The men were not easy to find.
opt the language and tactics of a demagogue, might be captured by the
government
at a certain stage in his career, with no discred
tribunes, devising honours for the absent general and trouble for the
government
. 2 He had also prosecuted an ex-consul hostile to
he suburban vicinity of Rome, contemplating the decline of Republican
government
and hastening its end. Ahenobarbus had become c
fact provided resources of patronage for the party in control of the
government
. Nor was it at all likely that the dynast would a
ibonius Curio, a vigorous orator, began the year as a champion of the
government
, but soon showed his colours, blocking the long-a
vinces from Macedonia eastwards were in the hands of men loyal to the
government
, or at least not dangerous; 3 and all the kings,
nus (stationed already on Italian soil or now being recruited for the
government
and on the plea of legitimacy), a faction in the
st Rome. Not of his own choosing his enemies had won control of the
government
and deprived him of the command against Mithridat
cy of Pompeius recognized, Caesar and his adherents would capture the
government
and perhaps reform the State. Caesar’s enemies we
with whom he supplemented the Senate and reinforced the oligarchy of
government
, an important topic, demands separate treatment.
e made plans for a long future or laid the foundation of a consistent
government
. Whatever it might be, it would owe more to the n
to mock and dispel all hope of a return to normal and constitutional
government
. His rule was far worse than the violent and ille
servative and Roman than many have fancied; and no Roman conceived of
government
save through an oligarchy. But Caesar was being f
last of his rivals, converted the old Caesarian party into a national
government
in a transformed State. The composition and vicis
lla. 3 The third consulate of Pompeius thinned the enemies of ordered
government
, and a purge of the Senate soon produced another
the bitter and barren consolation of defaming the members of the new
government
. The most intemperate allegations thrown about by
, with senators and knights keeping to their allotted functions a new
government
of national concentration had been established.
the extension of the Roman franchise, but the spirit and practice of
government
had not altered to fit a transformed state. Men s
kon on something more than aversion from politics and distrust of the
government
, attested and intelligible even in towns and fami
A large part of Italy must have been outside the control of the Roman
government
in the years 88–83 B.C. The Samnites held Nola ev
rife. Not only the Italici are hostile to Pompeius and the legitimate
government
of Rome. Caesar has a mixed following, some strip
me, but must embrace all Italy. That Italy should at last enter the
government
of the enlarged state is a fair notion, but perha
ius Basilus, a not altogether satisfactory person, Caesar refused the
government
of a province, offering a sum of money in compens
was both a leading man in the Caesarian party and consul, head of the
government
. The Ides of March could make no difference to th
ution was restored, would Antonius be strong enough to hold party and
government
together? NotesPage=>096 (No Notes) Ch.
coalition of Caesarians and Republicans, Rome received constitutional
government
again. Concord was advertised in the evening when
ong those responsible for the maintenance of public order and the new
government
. Various intrigues were afoot. Dolabella had supp
terests, it was not altogether foolish to hope for normal and ordered
government
when the storm had spent its strength, when the p
ntonius, elected consul for that year, would be left in charge of the
government
when Caesar departed. Born in 82 B.C., Antonius
r a time. With the suppression of the Dictator and return to normal
government
, the direction of the State passed at once to the
ight to retain it. More than that, Antonius was consul, head of the
government
, and so unassailable by legal weapons. In the nex
ompromise and firm on principle, he would have been a nuisance to any
government
: not less so, but for different reasons, the Caes
last. On any count, the outlook was black for the friends of settled
government
. Octavianus did not belong to that class. The r
eady held office and preferment, were loyal to Antonius or to settled
government
, he must turn his hopes and his efforts towards t
of political science as a subject of academic study, that the arts of
government
may be learned from books. The revolutionary care
constitution and beyond the laws. When Caesar went to war with the
government
, avid and desperate men in his party terrified th
ced his conscience and acquiesced in a large measure of authoritative
government
at Rome. He was not a Cato or a Brutus; and Brutu
geBook=>139 some kind of open letter, expressing approval of the
government
. Oppius and Balbus found the result not altogethe
er even seen in the Senate. In spring and summer the cause of ordered
government
was still not beyond hope: to save it, what bette
ated reports from Spain that Sex. Pompeius had come to terms with the
government
. Cicero was sorry. 4 The domination of the Caesar
ction. Six years before, the same policy precipitated war between the
government
and a proconsul. Fanatic intensity seems foreig
ly he had deserted his post after March 17th when concord and ordered
government
might still have been achieved. Now, at last, a
to be the champions of liberty and the laws, of peace and legitimate
government
. That was precisely the question at Rome where an
or non-political elements. First in value come freedom and orderly
government
, without NotesPage=>154 1 BC 38, 3: ‘bonur
something roughly equivalent to the spirit and practice of Republican
government
. Exactly what corresponded to the Republican cons
that a gang (or factio), in control for the moment of the legitimate
government
, was oppressing the Republic and exploiting the c
l, trapped by Pompeius and the oligarchs, turned his arms against the
government
‘in order to liberate himself and the Roman Peopl
erved’, ‘established’ or ‘restored’. Next to freedom and legitimate
government
comes peace, a cause which all parties professed
ntentious zeal that they were impelled to civil strife. The non-party
government
of March 17th, 44 B.C., was inaugurated under the
the generals of the western provinces when they decided to desert the
government
, making common cause with a public enemy. Lepidus
nt humanitarians or high-minded casuists. The party in control of the
government
could secure sanction for almost any arbitrary ac
n organize opinion in Italy so as to exert unofficial pressure on the
government
. This was called a consensus: the term coniuratio
enturer Sex. Pompeius to lay down his arms and come to terms with the
government
in Rome a heavy blow for the Republicans. Antoniu
e of two hundred miles of Rome, but to submit to the authority of the
government
. This was a firm and menacing demand. For the f
rmy and surrender at the discretion of a party that claimed to be the
government
, that was folly and certain extinction. Consideri
ons against a proconsul. Where and with whom stood now the legitimate
government
and the authority of the Roman State, it was impo
ars following depended upon control, open or secret, of the organs of
government
. Pompeius and his allies did not claim to be the
organs of government. Pompeius and his allies did not claim to be the
government
or the State: it was enough that their rivals sho
as presumed, the State would have been set in order and the organs of
government
repaired or the position of the Caesarian leaders
e in the four years that had elapsed since the Pact of Brundisium. Of
government
according to the spirit and profession of the Rom
stitution there could be no rational hope any more. There was ordered
government
, and that was enough. Private gratitude had alr
ns, when there would be no excuse for delay to restore constitutional
government
. Few senators can have believed in the sincerity
through influence or protection got restitution of property. But the
government
had many enemies, the victims of confiscation, ra
mphlets, indicating a programme of order and regeneration for the new
government
that should replace the narrow and corrupt oligar
rred, was to demonstrate how rotten and fraudulent was the Republican
government
that ruled at Rome between the two Dictatorships.
try, besides and above mere invective, could be made an instrument of
government
by conveying a political message, unobtrusive, bu
fter Sulla, the colonies of veterans, while maintaining order for the
government
, kept open the wounds of civil war. There was mat
might escape from control, terrorize their neighbourhood and defy the
government
. After the end of the campaigns in Sicily, Calvis
ous from pride in their exploits, conscious that by their support the
government
stood or fell. Grave mutinies broke out in 36 and
om Rome,3 that was only a testimony to their power, an attempt of the
government
to monopolize the control of prophecy and propaga
thynia, Asia and Macedonia. These vassal-states, serving the needs of
government
and defence, were not knit together by any princi
Cilicia Aspera conceded to Cleopatra did not come under direct Roman
government
until a century had elapsed. A large measure of
ecords voluntary manifestations of popular sentiment under a despotic
government
, a certain suspension of belief may safely be rec
s a return, not to freedom—anything but that—but to civil and ordered
government
, in a word, to ‘normal conditions’. Octavianus in
of indemnity will have depended upon the will and convenience of the
government
. How far was the process of regulating the Stat
in a fraudulently harmonious account of the restoration of Republican
government
at Rome. The denial to Crassus of the title of
an, not absolutist. Seeking to establish continuity with a legitimate
government
, Caesar’s heir forswore the memory of Caesar: in
Livy, Virgil and Horace of all Augustan writers stand closest to the
government
. On the whole, better to say nothing of Caesar, o
potism. There were none of them left—they had all joined the national
government
. Cicero would easily have proved to himself and t
laimed to be unique. Romans instructed in a long tradition of law and
government
did not need to take lessons from theorists or fr
almost unnoticed. No change in the foreign or domestic policy of the
government
, in currency or in economic activity. Indeed, the
s presidency. 5 Augustus’ purpose was just the reverse. He controlled
government
and patronage, especially the consulate, precisel
is more instructive to discover, in any time and under any system of
government
, the identity of the agents and ministers of powe
a multiplication of small provinces. No less simple the fashion of
government
. The ruler proposed to divide up the different te
e Princeps must build up, for Rome, Italy and the Empire, a system of
government
so strong and a body of administrators so large a
consul Piso, to Agrippa his signet-ring. 2 Under their direction the
government
could have continued for a time. Augustus recov
rsonal interest to discover a solider insurance, a tighter formula of
government
. Whatever happened, the new order must endure. Tw
the scheme: he now devised a formidable and indefinite instrument of
government
, the tribunicia potestas. As early as 36 B.C. he
le restriction of his powers in that sense a return to constitutional
government
, in so far as his authority was legal. The new se
ain the standards of Crassus and so acquire easy prestige for the new
government
. 3 Not only that. Syria was the only military p
Liberty had perished. The Revolution had triumphed and had produced a
government
, the Principate assumed form and definition. If a
ement of 23 B.C and to reveal the crisis in the inner councils of the
government
. The constitution is a façade as under the Repu
that art treasures in private possession should be confiscated by the
government
for the benefit of the whole people. 3 This was t
the distant future might bring, a more urgent problem confronted the
government
. Agrippa, Livia and the chief men in the governin
by the history of the Caesarian party and by the demands of imperial
government
. It was not the only formula or the only system a
ular and normal administration, held by the principal servants of the
government
. PageNote. 347 1 Velleius 2, 127, 2: ‘etenim
ution, behind the Princeps and his family, to build up a syndicate of
government
. 1 It is time to investigate in some detail the c
c. Capital received guarantees which it repaid by confidence in the
government
. More welcome than the restoration of constitut
divorced from his general and personally attached to the head of the
government
and, through him, to the Roman State. One body of
was quite superfluous. The absence of any system of representative
government
from the republics and monarchies of antiquity ha
ently provincial), vigorous and prosperous regions, were loyal to the
government
of Rome now that they had passed from the cliente
exert himself, firm and without fear. 2 What name the enemies of the
government
found for his behaviour has escaped record. One o
statesman, much in demand on decorative occasions as speaker for the
government
. It was necessary to be pliable. The spirit of in
new régime, but also feuds and dissensions in the secret oligarchy of
government
. When the social parvenu and revolutionary adve
reted the Sibylline oracle no doubt to justify the date chosen by the
government
. 6 Yet beside the great soldiers and politicians
id the debt by composing a history of Rome, fulsome in praise for the
government
and bitter in rebuke of lost causes and political
the military adventurer. That did not mean that the direction of the
government
now rested in the hands of Senate and magistrates
In a sense, the consulars of the Republic might be designated as the
government
, ‘auctores publici consilii’. But that government
e designated as the government, ‘auctores publici consilii’. But that
government
had seldom been able to present a united front in
the crisis of 23 B.C. furnished a deputy-leader and a partner in the
government
of the provinces. Agrippa was active in the East
had seldom been together in the same place. Demanded by the needs of
government
, the separation of the two dynasts also helped to
ain was provision for the soldier at the end of service to coerce the
government
and terrify the owners of property he was to rece
nd with success. But now Drusus was dead and Tiberius in exile. The
government
resisted the trial. For all his capacity and meri
at Tiberius was Rome’s sole and incomparable general. 1 A system of
government
had by now been built up. As has been shown, the
nd distinguished consulars was available for the needs of warfare and
government
. In the first and tentative years of the new disp
ncial commands. Of an unbroken career at the head of armies or in the
government
of provinces, legates of Pompeius and Caesar like
r than administrative. The legate of Syria might be a menace to the
government
in Rome. NotesPage=>397 1 Fleets are now c
mous. 5 Thus the New State endured, well equipped with ministers of
government
. But it was not in the provinces only that the pr
of Romulus, could justly claim to be the second founder of Rome. A
government
had been established. The principes viri were tam
partly to combat this practice and gain a monopoly of loyalty for the
government
. The last proconsul with a priest consecrated to
and their sons from becoming patroni (ILS 6087, c. 130). The central
government
under the Principate, however, was strong enough
uiring force of law. Yet once again, behind the nominal authority and
government
of the Roman Senate the real and ultimate power n
trol behind the scenes of all public transactions. The era of cabinet
government
has set in. The Senate was no longer a sovran bod
body, but an organ that advertised or confirmed the decisions of the
government
; senatorial rank and the tenure of high office we
sel; and Balbus was instrumental in forming a famous compact. Cabinet
government
already existed in the brief Dictatorship of Caes
nsent and modest executive powers. It was therefore advisable for the
government
that is, the Princeps and the party- dynasts to s
r Monarchy, these advisory bodies were indispensable for the needs of
government
and administration. Talent and experience of th
ry talent and the artistic dissemination of opinion favourable to the
government
, Maecenas knew no peer and left no successor. In
hining glories it appears to have broken away from the control of the
government
. Augustus had grown hard and bitter with age; and
s, the members of his family and his personal adherents were the real
government
. The Principate arose out of usurpation. It never
sed Claudius in succession to his nephew Caligula, when Rome lacked a
government
for two days and in the Senate men debated about
the succession to the Principate or rather, for the continuity of the
government
. No less evident the acute differences of opinion
rotector of the young princes and minister of the Princeps in war and
government
. The marriage was unwelcome, so gossip asserted.
the steady and public progress of monarchy the importance of cabinet
government
is enhanced; secret policy and secret strife in t
olicy and secret strife in the counsels of the Princeps determine the
government
of Rome, the future succession and the destiny of
eir majority, a Council of Regency, open or secret, would control the
government
. It would be idle indeed to speculate upon the
a consul at this time. 4 Other families dominant in the oligarchy of
government
after Sulla are now missing or sadly reduced abov
t or dishonest, and the loyal servants of whatever happened to be the
government
of Rome now had their turn for nine years. Livia
rusive. There must be no open evidence of discord in the syndicate of
government
. In the end, everything played into her hands. In
to provinces and armies which had seen no member of the syndicate of
government
since Agrippa the vicegerent departed from the Ea
catastrophe. Against that risk the Princeps and the chief men of the
government
must have made careful provision. The way was sti
time for such exciting speculations had passed ten years before. The
government
party among the aristocracy old and new, built up
th L. Volusius Saturninus), and a firm company of novi homines. A new
government
is already in being. Yet this was not enough to
a list of the military and financial resources and obligations of the
government
and the Index rerum a se gestarum, which was to b
the working of patronage, the creation of an oligarchy and system of
government
. Security of possession, promotion for loyalty or
eror for another and changed the personnel, but not the character, of
government
. The same men who had won the wars of the Revolut
ers they cheerfully resigned the contest. The Roman arts were war and
government
: tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento. 3
inceps. For the formation of character equal to the duties of war and
government
, the sciences, the fine arts and mere literature
ement and centres for the propagation of correct sentiments about the
government
. 1 Augustus awarded commissions in the militia eq
trong cannot derive its validity or its success from mere action by a
government
. There is much more authentic religious sentiment
society where profit and promotion depended upon the patronage of the
government
. To say nothing of the patent vice or rapacity of
ive was vigorous, ferocious but indiscriminate, save when there was a
government
in being. Then it mustered for the attack. Pamphl
nant individual or faction, appear to be fervently on the side of the
government
. It would be premature to discern in this metamor
hyrio. PageBook=>461 As was fitting, the poets favoured by the
government
proceeded to celebrate in verse the ideals of ren
PageBook=>464 Like other literary compositions fostered by the
government
, Livy’s history was patriotic, moral and hortator
a plebiscite expressing loyalty to the Princeps and confidence in the
government
. There were less spectacular but more permanent
palm he might meditate on the aspirations or the achievements of the
government
stamped in some concentrated phrase Libertatis P.
the seviri or augustales. These observances attested devotion to the
government
and seconded the dynastic and monarchic policy of
oreover, the Roman citizen of the towns with his tradition of law and
government
could respect the magistrate and the imperator wi
hy guaranteed its ready acceptance. The lower classes had no voice in
government
, no place in history. In town or country there wa
the Great did not shake Augustus’ confidence in the efficiency of his
government
. Herod’s death showed his value it was followed b
riends rather than expose or surrender the principal ministers of the
government
. The pearls of Lollia Paullina had a notorious or
n, the Roman colony was a military station. In Italy garrisons of the
government
, in the provinces the colonies were outposts of t
ese plots may not have been either as frequent or as dangerous as the
government
affected to believe and discover. 2 There was a g
its heart and core and compromised the existence of the new order. A
government
may invent conspiracies for its own ends: if it c
r such as could usefully be revived to adorn legend or consecrate the
government
. Caesar was saddled with the whole guilt of the C
tice, it was necessary to say much about that. Less advertised by the
government
, but no less distasteful to the nobiles, were the
w enormities. Strained relations between the principal members of the
government
were eagerly detected or surmised. As the most im
ese outbursts of liberty flattered their authors without alarming the
government
; and men might still read without danger the oppr
Pollio, however, did not suffer himself thus to be captured by the
government
. This austere and embittered champion of Libertas
s or for occasional and apparently spontaneous criticism of the whole
government
. The major scandals, it is true., did not always
salla and Pollio; and its ablest exponents were bitter enemies of the
government
. PageNotes. 487 1 Suetonius, Vitellius 2, 1.
h or disgrace delivered up members of the dynasty or partisans of the
government
to retribution at last: curramus praecipites et
, 104, 2. 6 Ib. 2, 116, 2. PageBook=>489 Velleius, a typical
government
writer, is unswervingly loyal to Tiberius and to
rained to veiled criticism or delayed revenge upon the enemies of the
government
. Satire valiantly attacked the dead and the helpl
he satirist did not dare to deride the new nobility, the oligarchy of
government
in his own day. He makes mock of the needy Greek
were now confronted by an organized party and an organized system of
government
. PageNotes. 490 1 Juvenal 8, 1. 2 lb. 3, 60
their names, as families had done in happier days, upon a period or a
government
. In the background lurk their allies or their riv
r been pressing forward, able, wealthy or insinuating, devoted to the
government
whoever the Princeps might be. The son of the con
ageBook=>503 When his position becomes stronger, and a coalition
government
based largely on family ties has been built up, n
to a descendant of the Republican nobility and a loyal servant of the
government
, Ser. Sulpicius Galba: they should have been righ
of provincial consuls. They herald the Empire’s invasion of the Roman
government
, they seize supreme power but do not hold it for
already equestrian officers and political or financial agents of the
government
, not merely under Augustus but even with Pompeius
ht only be accelerated by ‘bad emperors’ or masterful servants of the
government
. It could not be arrested. The defeat of the nobi
s been sufficiently shown, may be appropriated by any faction and any
government
: it soon went the way of Pax and became Libertas
the moral may readily be inferred Cato, always an advocate of ordered
government
, would have been an enthusiastic supporter of the
enator Tacitus, who admired Republican virtue but believed in ordered
government
, wrote a history of the civil wars that his own g
eized control of the State, it would be plain folly to regard the new
government
as a collection of amiable and virtuous character
emands and produces sterner qualities. About the chief persons in the
government
of the New State, namely the Princeps himself and
lignant informants reveal the most eminent personages in the national
government
as a sinister crew, worthy heirs to the terrible
on of the Caesarian party and debarred from attacking the head of the
government
, has been at work here, eager to enhance or to in
dy to surrender the ruinous privilege of freedom and submit to strict
government
as in the beginning of time: nam genus humanum, d
. Personal rights and private status need not depend upon the form of
government
. And even though hereditary succession was sternl
tradition of philosophic thought held monarchy to be the best form of
government
. It was also primeval, fated to return again when
Aemilius Lepidus enjoyed the friendship of Tiberius; he supported the
government
without dishonour, his own dignity without danger
nce and the Caesarian party itself was transformed and transcended. A
government
was created. ‘Legiones classes provincias, cunc
ortal man, while it consolidated his own regime and the new system of
government
, none the less made the task of his successor mor
a faction’. Dux had become Princeps and had converted a party into a
government
. For power he had sacrificed everything; he had a
Rome, 461; repression of, 486; decline of, 487, 515 f.; servility of
government
writers, 488. See also History, Roman Poets. Li
ility of, 258, 291; constitutional, 320, 516 ff.; as the best form of
government
, 516, 518; as a guarantee of liberty, 518; and co
3. Munatius Plancus Bursa, T., Antonian partisan, 132. Municipia,
government
of, 82; votes of, 169, 286, 364; aristocrats from
96, 350. Officers, see Knights, Centurions. Oligarchy, as a form of
government
, 7 f., 18; of Sulla, 17 ff., 45, 61; code of, 57
358. Poets, politics of, 62 f., 251 ff.; ‘new poets’, 252; and the
government
, 251 ff., 459 ff. Pola, 363. Polemo, King of
; allotment in 44 B.C., 103, 107; of the Triumvirs, 189, 206 f., 217;
government
in the Triumviral period, 310; arrangements of An
entum, 225; date of expiry, 225, 277 f., 279; merits of, as a form of
government
, 347. Troy, not to be rebuilt, 305; Trojan desc