was a sinister character, ‘hated by heaven and by the nobility’, for good reasons. 4 There were no words to describe Cn. Po

e bill to pieces. Yet he claimed at the same time that he was doing a good service to Pompeius. 1 Cicero was in high spirits

his consulate, and Cicero was compelled to give private guarantees of good behaviour, public demonstrations of loyal acquies

fortunes of a noble family. The Metelli had employed their women to good effect in the past; and one of their daughters wa

ay, in the hands of loyal partisans, or of reconciled Pompeians whose good sense should guarantee peace. For that period, at

nse of impotence and frustration he had been all things and it was no good . 3 He had surpassed the good fortune of Sulla Fel

ion he had been all things and it was no good. 3 He had surpassed the good fortune of Sulla Felix and the glory of Pompeius

code was certainly narrow but not by contemporary standards. Brutus’ good repute has been prejudiced by the regrettable aff

Pompeius could not be described as a consistent party politician, for good or for evil. Caesar the proconsul was faithful to

h the language and the topography of the imperial city. 2 The joke is good , if left as such. Gallia Cisalpina still bore t

ough wavering, had remained loyal to Rome: the propertied classes had good reason to fear a social revolution. Before peace

us. But Antonius’ talents were not those of a mere soldier. Caesar, a good judge of men, put him in control of Italy more th

of the perilous inheritance. But he kept his head, neither dazzled by good fortune nor spurred to rash activity the appeal t

ce was sufficient. 3 His own patrimony he was soon to invest ‘for the good of the Commonwealth’ and much more than his patri

l war. Hirtius was accessible to the sinister influence of Balbus3 no good prospect for the Republicans, but a gain for Octa

y were to the easy and conventional reproach of neglecting the public good for the pursuit of selfish pleasure, might still

ld still muster. In public pronouncements Cicero went sponsor for the good conduct and loyalty of the adventurer,3 in privat

keeping loyally to their separate functions in pursuit of the common good , submitting to the guidance of a small group of e

ry distinction; access lay open to merit as well as to birth; and the good statesman would not be deserted by his peers, coe

Crassus, Caesar and Pompeius had fallen short of genuine renown. The good statesman will not imitate those military dynasts

o was not the only consular who professed to be defending the highest good of the Roman People. The survival of the Philippi

moral paragons of early days; which is fitting, for the evil and the good are both the fabrication of skilled literary arti

so, for his stand against Antonius, acquires the temporary label of a good citizen, only to lapse before long, damned for a

s than that man from Gades, the irreproachable Balbus. Would that all good men and champions of Rome’s empire might become h

. Cato had to acknowledge it. 1 The politician Vatinius could give as good as he got he seems to have borne Cicero no malice

reedom when both were abolished. For the sake of peace and the common good , all power had to pass to one man. That was not t

gitimate authority that could demand the unquestioning loyalty of all good citizens? Rome had an unwritten constitution: t

ghts but hardly the belief and conviction that popular sovranty was a good thing in itself. Once in power, the popularis, we

of Senate and People as a mask for personal domination. The names of good citizens and bad became partisan appellations; we

agrant treacheries were gaily consummated; and devotion to the public good was supported by the profession of private virtue

olution of one alliance and the formation of another was justified by good sense to acquire new friends without losing the

ies should be composed, private loyalties surrendered, for the public good . Cicero had descended to that language years befo

. Years before in Caesar’s Civil War he had spontaneously offered his good offices to bring a Pompeian general to his senses

ly described as the generous investment of a patrimony for the public good ; 4 when the legions of a consul deserted, it was

a remedy. The private enterprise of citizens, banded together for the good of the Commonwealth, might then organize opinion

and Vatinius. Fourteen remained, but few of note in word or deed, for good or evil, in the last effort of the Senate. Only t

s spoke against it. Cicero supported him, with lavish praises for the good offices of those patriotic and high-minded citize

stle to Cicero. His style had lost none of its elegance: he protested good will and loyalty, explained how weak his forces w

ntiquary, found harbourage in the house of Calenus. 2 Foresight and good investments preserved Atticus: his wealth alone s

round. It must be lured out again. Capital could only be tempted by a good investment. The Caesarian leaders therefore seize

ro, it was not so much sorrow as shame that he felt for Rome. 2 For good reasons Brutus and Cassius decided not to carry t

ntonius, fresh from the Cappadocian charmer Glaphyra,4 succumbed with good will but did not surrender. The Queen, who was ab

tavianus created new families of that order, for patronage but with a good pretext. 1 Among the consulars could be discern

was the son of an owner of property from the town of Mantua. Pollio’s good offices may have preserved or restored the poet’s

but one of themselves, displaying not tolerant superiority but active good NotesPage=>262 1 M. Rostovtzeff, JRS VII (

army under the tried general Canidius. With Media Antonius was now on good terms, for Mede and Parthian had at once quarrell

ary calculation, to disembark in Italy was hazardous—the coast lacked good harbours, and Brundisium was heavily fortified. M

ly. If that was his plan, it failed. Antonius had a great fleet and good admirals. But his ships and his officers lacked r

atra presented a more delicate problem. ‘A multitude of Caesars is no good thing. ’3 That just observation sealed the fate o

anybody who does not wish the present dispensation to be altered is a good citizen. 1 Precisely for that end Augustus labour

essence of the auctoritas of Augustus the Princeps. Nor was Brutus a good imperialist. As he pronounced when he attacked th

m consensus Italiae and concordia ordinum; it commended itself to all good citizens, for it asserted the sacred rights of pr

inces gradually developed; and it is by no means certain that it held good for the public provinces from the beginning. Ulti

eld to Augustus, but to no other man, and to Augustus not always with good grace. 1 His portraits reveal an authentic indi

y the Parthians, Ventidius of a natural death. Had they survived from good fortune or a better calculation in treason, they

rther recruitment and admission to the Senate of the flower of Italy, good opulent men from the colonies and municipia. 3

ves of the nobility. The youth who had invested his patrimony for the good of the State found himself the richest man in all

lia down to minor but efficient intriguers like that Praecia to whose good offices Lucullus owed, it was said, his command i

ater chosen to command armies, as legates or proconsuls. 1 There were good reasons for that. Rome and Italy could be firml

was treason to tamper with them. Hence constant alarm if generals by good arts or bad acquired popularity with the troops,

delivered a hortatory address, inspired by clemency and appealing to good sense, for the space of two unbroken hours. The m

ordinate the tender emotions to the advancement of the family and the good of the Republic. But was Augustus’ design benefic

ge of the Principate: it revolted the genuine Republican feelings and good sense of a Roman aristocrat. Illicit and exorbita

ong with Augustus in 2 B.C. A political alliance with the Plautii was good Claudian tradition. 3 NotesPage=>422 1 Pro

asty. From his father Piso inherited, along with the love of letters, good sense and the firm avoidance of desperate ambitio

oolly decided eighteen months before. 1 Augustus was ruthless for the good of the Roman People. Some might affect to believe

laborious, so much the better. He must learn to love it, for his own good and for the good of the State, cheerful and robus

ch the better. He must learn to love it, for his own good and for the good of the State, cheerful and robust: angustam amice

ioned moralist might rejoice. Let foreign trade decline it brought no good , but only an import of superfluous luxury and ali

y were bad farmers. Compare the precepts touching agriculture and the good life which the retired military tribune C. Castri

Stoicism, however, was salubrious and respectable: it could be put to good use. Living in a changed and more bracing atmosph

mitted to the recitations of the rich, or lacked either the taste for good books or the means of acquiring them, there were

rinceps as the beginning of its calendar-year; for that day announced good tidings to the world. 3 Asia surpasses decency in

insurrection of Judas the Galilaean. Rome’s rule was hated still, for good reasons. PageNotes. 476 1 Josephus, AJ 16, 31

>479 Augustus, the patronus of the plebs, could answer for their good behaviour. Disturbances broke out during his ab

cence before the end. Others that survived proscription and battle by good fortune, diplomacy or the contraction of servicea

d from the Scipiones, avoided entanglements with Augustus and kept on good terms with Tiberius, acquiring a new lease of lif

ver, appeared to have established their families securely enough. But good fortune seldom accompanied their descendants. The

lius Taurus, C. Sentius Saturninus, M. Vinicius and P. Silius. 2 More good fortune perhaps than merit that their characters

politics he was a monarchist. It was the part of prudence to pray for good emperors and put up with what you got. 3 Given th

’ it was folly to be utopian. 4 But the situation was not hopeless. A good emperor would dispense the blessings of his rule