ty Press 1939 First published by the Clarendon Press 1939 Reprinted from corrected sheets of the First Edition 1952, 1956

the central epoch of the history of Rome I have been unable to escape from the influence of the historians Sallust, Pollio a

iding metaphors and abstractions. It is surely time for some reaction from the ‘traditional’ and conventional view of the pe

on must also be made of Tarn’s writings about Antonius and Cleopatra ( from which I have learned so much, though compelled to

eps as a party-leader naturally owe much, but do not derive entirely, from this illuminating work—in an earlier form and dra

are names, void of personal detail; their importance has been deduced from family, nomenclature, or rank; and most of them w

the constant encouragement and the generous help that I have received from Mr. Last, the Camden Professor of Ancient History

he foundation of the Roman Empire. The era may be variously computed, from the winning of sole power by the last of the dyna

g of sole power by the last of the dynasts through the War of Actium, from the ostensible restoration of the Republic in 27

ctium, from the ostensible restoration of the Republic in 27 B.C., or from the new act of settlement four years later, which

ed to one thing the influence of literature when studied in isolation from history. The writings of Cicero survive in bulk,

ve in bulk, and Augustus is glorified in the poetry of his age. Apart from flagrant scandal and gossip, there is a singular

ant scandal and gossip, there is a singular lack of adverse testimony from contemporary sources. Yet for all that, the his

knowledge the drab merits of absolute rule: writing of the transition from Republic to Monarchy, he was always of the opposi

incipate of the Julii and Claudii was a tyranny, tracing year by year from Tiberius down to Nero the merciless extinction of

Caesar, his personal friend; and with Caesar he went through the wars from the passage of the Rubicon to the last battle in

ill molten underneath. 2 An enemy of Octavianus, Pollio had withdrawn from political life soon after 40 B.C., and he jealous

fur cL PhiL, Supplementband xxii (1896), 557 ff. PageBook=>007 from the Republican and Antonian side. The adulatory o

by unfriendly presentation. But it is not enough to redeem Augustus from panegyric and revive the testimony of the vanquis

t was left to Caesar’s heir, at the head of a new coalition, built up from the wreckage of other groups and superseding them

archy, its annals were written in an oligarchic spirit. History arose from the inscribed record of consulates and triumphs o

from the inscribed record of consulates and triumphs of the nobiles, from the transmitted memory of the origins, alliances

of despotic power hung over Rome like a heavy cloud for thirty years from the Dictatorship of Sulla to the Dictatorship of

OLIGARCHY PageBook=>010 WHEN the patricians expelled the kings from Rome, they were careful to retain the kingly powe

ew-comers, sons of Roman knights. Of the latter, in the main deriving from the local aristocracies, the holders of property,

. Not that women were merely the instruments of masculine policy. Far from it: the daughters of the great houses commanded p

r of a few men. A small party, zealous for reform or rather, perhaps, from hostility to Scipio Aemilianus put up the tribune

nstitutional action. The dynast required allies and supporters, not from his own class only. The sovran people of a free r

d the extravagant display of a senator’s life. Cicero, a knight’s son from a small town, succumbed to his talents and his am

i paterent propter vel gratiam vel dignitatem. ’ PageBook=>014 from ambition and wedded to quiet, the knights could c

f finance went into land. Men of substance and repute grew yet richer from the spoils of the provinces, bought the farms of

rectly concerned with Roman political life. Whether he held authority from the State or not, he could thus raise an army on

my on his own initiative and resources. The soldiers, now recruited from the poorest classes in Italy, were ceasing to fee

feel allegiance to the State; military service was for livelihood, or from constraint, not a natural and normal part of a ci

mpaigns were over. But not veterans only were attached to his cause from his provincial commands the dynast won to his all

e, constrained them, in mastering these manifold dangers, to derogate from oligarchic practice and confer exorbitant militar

recisely a collection of individuals, its shape and character, so far from fading away on close scrutiny, at once stands out

e of the history of Republican Rome about twenty or thirty men, drawn from a dozen dominant families, hold a monopoly of off

ies rise and fall: as Rome’s rule extends in Italy, the circle widens from which the nobility is recruited and renewed. None

d defeat in the struggle for power, and long eclipse, they were saved from extinction by the primitive tenacity of the Roman

tical power in the previous generation, not so much through Marius as from internal disasters and the rise of dynastic house

The Fabii and the main line of the Cornelii Scipiones had been saved from extinction only by taking in adoption sons of the

of the patrician clans like the Furii, whose son Camillus saved Rome from the Gauls, had vanished utterly by now, or at lea

ail. The patricians in the restored oligarchy held rank not so much from resources of their own as from alliance with hous

stored oligarchy held rank not so much from resources of their own as from alliance with houses of the plebeian aristocracy.

ion of the party of Marius, the Metelli got power and influence again from the alliance with Sulla. Q. Metellus Pius led an

, pondered at ease upon the quiet doctrines of Epicurus and confirmed from their own careers the folly of ambition, the vani

ius, brilliant and precocious, derived only the most dubious examples from the conduct of his three sisters and exploited wi

cullus 34) and of Q. Marcius Rex (Dio 36, 17, 2). He hoped to inherit from Rex (Cicero, Ad Att. 1, 16, 10). 5 Asconius 17

Italy and the clientela among the Roman plebs which he had inherited from an ambitious and demagogic parent. 2 Cato’s other

utarch, Cato minor II (67 B.c.). The identity of his wife is inferred from the inscr. ILS 9460. 2 His father, Cn. Domitius

(Caesar, BC 3, 83, 1): he is described as designate to the consulship from birth (Ad Att. 4, 8 b, 2), already in 70 B.C. pri

at in spirit. 1 C. Julius Caesar, of a patrician house newly arisen from long decay, largely by help from C. Marius, strai

r, of a patrician house newly arisen from long decay, largely by help from C. Marius, strained every nerve and effort throug

, a hard drinker and an astute politician, the authentic Cato, so far from being a visionary, claimed to be a realist of tra

detested the financiers. He stood firm against Italians, hating them from his very infancy; 3 and he was ready to bribe the

Rome with corn or money. 4 Against the military dynast now returning from the East he would oppose that alliance of stubbor

ck, as the name so patently indicates, probably deriving their origin from Picenum, a region where they possessed large esta

an, now aged twenty-three, raised on his own initiative three legions from the tenants, clients and veterans of his father,

clients and veterans of his father, and led his army to liberate Rome from the domination of the Marian faction for Sulla’s

, cf. M. Gelzer, Die Nobilität der r. Republik, 77 f. A number of men from Picenum, of the tribus Velina, are attested in th

Mediterranean (the Lex Gabinia). No province of the Empire was immune from his control. Four years before, Pompeius had not

al. The absent dynast overshadowed the politics of Rome, sending home from the East, as before from Spain, his lieutenants t

rshadowed the politics of Rome, sending home from the East, as before from Spain, his lieutenants to stand for magistracies

nterest. His name dominated elections and legislation. To gain office from the votes of the sovran people, no surer password

lory of the master of the world were symbolized in three triumphs won from three continents: Pompeiusque orbis domitor per

c distinction. Pompeius’ mother was a Lucilia, niece of that Lucilius from Suessa Aurunca whose wealth and talents earned hi

umber of great landowners of the class and rank of M. Terentius Varro from Reate, in the Sabine land. 3 The bulk of Pompei

ents in the senatorial and equestrian orders derived, as was fitting, from Picenum men of no great social distinction, the h

perhaps A. Gabinius. 6 For primacy in Rome Pompeius needed support from the nobiles. The dynastic marriage pointed the wa

his ‘nobiles pecuariae’ in Bruttium inherited, as Cichorius suggests, from the poet. On his fish- ponds, Varro, RR 3, 17, 3;

arro, RR 3, 17, 3; Pliny, NH 9, 171. 2 For example, M. Atius Balbus from Aricia, who married Caesar’s sister Julia (Sueton

dedication nr. Cupra Maritima (ILS 878). 6 Labienus certainly came from Picenum (Cicero, Pro Rabirio perduellionis reo 22

e from Picenum (Cicero, Pro Rabirio perduellionis reo 22), presumably from Cingulum (Caesar, BC 1, 15, 2; Silius Italicus, P

Punica 10, 34). The assumption that Labienus was a Pompeian partisan from the beginning is attractive, cf. JRS XXVIII (1938

d in service (Sallust, BC 59, 6), was probably the son of a centurion from the Volscian country (cf. Pliny, NH 22, 11). Pa

os also silenced the consul Cicero and forbade by veto a great speech from the saviour of the Republic. 7 Abetted by the p

ent on with his proposals in the next year, causing bitter opposition from leaders of the government. The Senate proclaimed

nt. The Senate proclaimed a state of emergency, suspended the tribune from his functions, and even threatened to depose him.

anius. The other place was won by Metellus Celer, who, to get support from Pompeius, stifled for the moment an insult to the

st P. Clodius; 2 and he had prevented the Pompeian consul Pupius Piso from getting the province of Syria. 3 But the great

far. When the knights who farmed the taxes of Asia requested a rebate from the Senate, Cato denounced their rapacity and rep

d. 6 He should have made certain of both consuls. Caesar, returning from his command in Spain, asked for a triumph. Cato b

us Lentulus Spinther became proconsul of Hispania Citerior, with help from Caesar (BC 1, 22, 4). On Pompeius’ relations with

r laws and harried Pompeius, in which activities he got encouragement from his brother Appius, from his kinsmen the Metelli,

us, in which activities he got encouragement from his brother Appius, from his kinsmen the Metelli, and from Crassus, a comb

ouragement from his brother Appius, from his kinsmen the Metelli, and from Crassus, a combination in no way anomalous. 3 N

e legislation of Caesar’s consulate. Pompeius dissembled and departed from Rome. 3 Crassus meanwhile had gone to Ravenna to

nd was also to be prolonged. Pompeius emerged with renewed strength from a crisis which he may have done much to provoke.

oses of generals or of demagogues well enough. When Pompeius returned from the East, he lacked the desire as well as the pre

to offer Pompeius the consulate, without colleague. The proposal came from Bibulus, the decision was Cato’s.5 The pretext

marriage his daughter, Cornelia, the widow of P. Crassus, rescued him from a due and deserved prosecution, and chose him as

by the Optimates, not altogether against his will, to demand a legion from Caesar. The pretext was the insecurity of Syria,

suffered defeat in contest for an augurship against M. Antonius, sent from Gaul by Caesar. 3 That event showed clearly the s

y fashion. As a consequence of the law of 52 B.C. the other provinces from Macedonia eastwards were in the hands of men loya

d he was declared contumacious: six days later his province was taken from him. The Caesarian tribunes NotesPage=>041

παρƞγóρƞτoς ἀρχ ς ĸαὶ πϵριµανὴς πιθυµία τo πρ τoν ϵ ναι ĸαὶ µ γιστoν ( from Pollio?). 2 For the order of events in December

ok=>043 M. Antonius and Q. Cassius, their veto disregarded, fled from the city. A state of emergency was proclaimed.

another and with the Catonian faction. Rising to power with support from the Metelli, though not without quarrels and riva

ut quarrels and rivalry, Pompeius broke the alliance when he returned from the East; and the consul Metellus Celer banded wi

litic for that. Three years later Nepos was consul, perhaps with help from Pompeius. Signs of an accommodation became percep

r conspicuous ability in war and peace. They sought to profit by help from Pompeius without incurring feuds or damage. Certa

dynast in his own right, born to power. The Pact of Luca blocked him from his consulate, but only for a year. He had anothe

consistently, allies of Pompeius: Lentulus Sura (cos.71) was expelled from the Senate by the censors of 70. But Clodianus (c

te War (Appian, Mithr. 95) and so was Marcellinus (ib. and the inscr. from Cyrene, SIG3 750). Both had probably served under

he name ‘Domitius’ there, attested for example by the inscr. ILS 6976 from Nemausus, and later by provincial notables like C

le cause to complain of Appius. PageBook=>046 The policy arose from the brain and will of Marcus Cato. His allies, ea

s confidence in his own rectitude and insight derived secret strength from the antipathy which he felt for the person and ch

and history has sometimes been written as though Caesar set the tune from the beginning, in the knowledge that monarchy was

rous and incorruptible. A jury carefully selected, with moral support from soldiers of Pompeius stationed around the court,

rsalus was not the end. His former ally, the great Pompeius, glorious from victories in all quarters of the world, lay unbur

Dictatorship was recommended by its comprehensive powers and freedom from the tribunician veto. Caesar knew that secret ene

his adherents and his former adversaries pointed out. From Pompeius, from Cato and from the oligarchy, no hope of reform. B

and his former adversaries pointed out. From Pompeius, from Cato and from the oligarchy, no hope of reform. But Caesar seem

1 Not everybody was as outspoken or as radical as Caelius, who passed from words to deeds and perished in an armed rising. C

dit the living Dictator: Caesar dead became a god and a myth, passing from the realm of history into literature and legend,

nsecration for the ruler of Rome. That was all he affected to inherit from Caesar, the halo. The god was useful, but not the

rule Caesar the Dictator was either suppressed outright or called up from time to time to enhance the contrast between the

tale and point the same moral. 1 Yet speculation cannot be debarred from playing round the high and momentous theme of the

itrary power exercised by Cicero during his consulate for the new man from Arpinum was derided as ‘the first foreign king at

e should guarantee peace. For that period, at least, a salutary pause from political activity: with the lapse of time the si

disposing their minds to servitude and monarchy. A faction recruited from the most NotesPage=>056 1 His imperious an

utus, after Pharsalus, at once gave up a lost cause, receiving pardon from Caesar, high favour, a provincial command and fin

allies might invoke philosophy or an ancestor who had liberated Rome from the Tarquinii, the first consul of the Republic a

the Empire in its own fashion. The tragedies of history do not arise from the conflict of conventional right and wrong. The

faction goes beyond the wishes of his allies and emancipates himself from control, he may have to be dropped or suppressed.

the sworn allegiance of senators, it seemed clear that he had escaped from the shackles of party to supreme and personal rul

le of the nobiles. Thirty years later they clustered around Pompeius, from interest, from ambition, or for the Republic. The

es. Thirty years later they clustered around Pompeius, from interest, from ambition, or for the Republic. The coalition part

entulus Spinther and Ahenobarbus). PageBook=>062 were debarred from public life until restored by the Dictator. 1 Two

trals or renegades. A few names stand out, through merit or accident, from a dreary background. Neutrality was repugnant to

e fashionable and extravagant son of a parsimonious banker, came over from a calculation of success, by reason of his debts

ver from a calculation of success, by reason of his debts and perhaps from sincere aspirations to reform: as aedile Caelius

prestige and Caesar’s war-trained legions. 6 Others sought protection from their enemies, revenge or reinstatement. Along wi

was in charge of Syria in 45 (Dio 47, 27, 2). 6 With Caesar in Gaul from 54 onwards, M. Licinius Crassus was made governor

s civilia bella. 1 For revenge and as an example to deter posterity from raising dissension at Rome, Sulla outlawed his ad

heir descendants of all political rights. Caesar, advocating clemency from humanity and class-feeling as well as for politic

only one censor on his side, Ap. Claudius, who strove to expel Curio from the Senate. His colleague Piso thwarted that move

or unwilling to save the Caesarian C. Sallustius Crispus, a young man from the Sabine country who had plunged into politics,

Ciceronem 3. 3 Caesar, BC 3, 89, 3. Caesar also stole Venus victrix from his adversaries, Appian, BC 2, 68, 281. 4 Cn. L

edecessor. He recruited his legates of the Gallic Wars (ten in number from 56 B.C. onwards) from the company of his relative

d his legates of the Gallic Wars (ten in number from 56 B.C. onwards) from the company of his relatives, friends and politic

encouraged to hope for the consulate. 7 Other Pompeians and other men from Picenum might be captured by the arts, the gold

vitutem Iudaeis et Syris, nationibus natis servituti. ’ A sad decline from those earlier merits once lauded by Cicero (Ascon

Book=>068 and the glory of Caesar. Labienus left Caesar, but not from political principle he returned to an old allegia

roud of it. He boasted before the people that his house was descended from the immortal gods and from the kings of Rome. 2 P

re the people that his house was descended from the immortal gods and from the kings of Rome. 2 Patrician and plebeian under

f. Her second husband was D. Junius Silanus (cos. 62). An inscription from Cos (L’ ann. ép., 1934, 84) shows that P. Servili

preferment made military service remunerative. Caesar borrowed funds from his centurions before the crossing of the Rubicon

, 6: ‘se Caesarem esse fidemque praestaturum. ’ Compare also a phrase from the speech Pro Bithynis (quoted by Gellius 5, 13,

nctions. Such equestrian staff officers were Mamurra, an old Pompeian from Formiae, notorious for wealth and vice,2 and the

us (7, 5) and Rufius Festus, Brev. 18, 2. Gellius professes to derive from Suetonius. 4 C. Vibius Pansa Caetronianus (for

name of populares were hostile to the financial interests and eager, from selfish or disinterested motives, to break the po

Balbo, passim. His new gentile name, ‘Cornelius’, he probably derived from L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, above, p. 44, n. 4.

hat he gave them guarantees against revolution. They had more to fear from Pompeius, and they knew it. Caesar’s party had no

rsonal ties of allegiance. In the imminence of civil war, Rome feared from Caesar’s side an irruption of barbarians from bey

civil war, Rome feared from Caesar’s side an irruption of barbarians from beyond the Alps. No less real the menace from Pom

irruption of barbarians from beyond the Alps. No less real the menace from Pompeius, the tribes of the Balkans, the kings an

salpina and the tribal princes of Gaul beyond the Alps. Excellent men from the colonies and municipia of the Cisalpina might

he friend and host of the proconsul:4 among his officers were knights from the aristocracy of the towns. 5 Benefits anticipa

3 762). 2 Velleius 2, 33, 4: ‘Xerxes togatus. ’ 3 e.g., N. Magius from Cremona (Caesar, BC 1, 24, 4). 4 Suetonius, Div

in 62 B.C. (Ad fam. 5, 1). 5 e.g. C. Fleginas (or rather, Felginas) from Placentia, Caesar, BC 3, 71, 1. The maternal gran

randfather of L. Calpurnius Piso was a business man called Calventius from that colony, Cicero, In Pisonem fr. II = Asconius

is clientela. Suitably adopting a Scipionic policy of exploiting help from Spain to his own advantage, Cn. Pompeius Strabo h

recruited to crush the Italian insurgents:4 the son reconquered Spain from Sertorius and the Marian faction. But Pompeius ha

great Punic War, and Caesar filched the Balbi, the dynasts of Gades, from Pompeius’ following to his own. He may also have

possession a dramatic poem written by the younger Balbus. Gallus came from Forum Julii (Jerome, Chron., p. 164 H). His fathe

elius (ILS 8995), and may be a Gallic notable who got the citizenship from a Cn. Cornelius Lentulus in the service of Pompei

s hypothesis, cf. R. Syme, CQ XXXII (193K), 39 ff. 3 The contingent from Opitergium was justly celebrated, Livy, Per. 110,

n of wealth, dignity and power. Had not Sulla enriched his partisans, from senators down to soldiers and freedmen? There wer

poet Q. Cornificius divided Pompeius’ town-house. 7 Others to profit from the confiscation of villas NotesPage=>076

;078 WHEN a party seizes control of the Commonwealth it cannot take from the vanquished the bitter and barren consolation

norance or temerity will pretend that the Dictator promoted partisans from the ranks of the legions, with no interval of tim

aris (Orosius 5, 21, 3). But there may have been others. On the class from which Sulla’s new senators were drawn, cf. H. Hil

s sufficiently attested. 1 Worse than all that, Caesar elevated men from the provinces to a seat in the Senate of Rome. Ur

humour blossomed into scurrilous verses about Gauls newly emancipated from the national trouser, unfamiliar with the languag

c or to tribal capitals in the Transpadana recently elevated in rank, from the contemptuous appellation of ‘Gaul’. Catullus’

irgil’s as well. Among Caesar’s nominees may be reckoned the Hostilii from Cremona and the poet Helvius Cinna, tribune of th

ilies, Hellenized before they became Roman, whose citizenship, so far from being the recent gift of Caesar, went back to pro

t. 1, 3, 130) could be trusted, P. Alfenus Varus (cos. suff. 39) came from Cremona. As for Helvius Cinna, cf. fr. 1 of his p

9) and D. Valerius Asiaticus (cos. II A.D. 46). The gentilicia derive from proconsuls. For Domitii in Narbonensis, cf. above

stor in 44 B.C.2 Of Caesar’s partisans, equestrian or new senators, from the provinces of the West, some were of Italian,

very least, colonial Romans or other wealthy and talented individuals from the towns of Spain and southern Gaul will have be

es, less raw and alien perhaps than some of the intruders who derived from remote and backward parts of Italy their harsh ac

normities, that he had a Roman citizen burned alive and an auctioneer from Hispalis thrown to wild beasts (Ad fam. 10, 32, 3

m Hispalis thrown to wild beasts (Ad fam. 10, 32, 3). Another senator from Spain may be Titius, Bell. Afr. 28, 2, cf. Münzer

ageBook=>081 and after. From sheer reason and weight of numbers, from the obscure or fantastic names by chance recorded

ients whom Cicero had once defended, not, as Gabinius, under pressure from the masters of Rome, but from choice, from gratit

ended, not, as Gabinius, under pressure from the masters of Rome, but from choice, from gratitude or for profit. The patrici

s Gabinius, under pressure from the masters of Rome, but from choice, from gratitude or for profit. The patrician P. Sulla w

towns, men of station and substance, whether their gains were derived from banking, industry or farming, pursuits in no way

Italy3 he might be able, like the Roman noble, to levy a private army from tenants and dependents. 4 Many cities of Italy

cy of the capital. Like the patricians of Rome, they asserted descent from kings and gods, and through all the frauds of ped

lations to counter the ostensible derivation of that municipal family from Faunus and the goddess Vitellia through an ancien

ents of the Vespasii, attested the repute of his maternal grandfather from Nursia. 5 Attempts were made to create a senatori

8 The attempt was as vain as it would have been to expel the Aleuadae from Thessalian Larisa. Simplified history, at Rome an

settlement on the Quirinal, Livy 5, 46, 1 ff. 3 As may be inferred from Val. Max. 2, 4, 5. On gentile cults and gods, cf.

nzer, RA, 55 f. 6 Münzer, RA, 56 ff. He argues that the Atilii came from Campania (58 f.), the Otacilii from Beneventum (7

f. He argues that the Atilii came from Campania (58 f.), the Otacilii from Beneventum (72 ff.). PageBook=>085 nominal

nked in dignity almost with the patriciate of Rome. The Fulvii came from Tusculum, the Plautii from Tibur. 1 The Marcii ar

the patriciate of Rome. The Fulvii came from Tusculum, the Plautii from Tibur. 1 The Marcii are probably a regal and prie

utii from Tibur. 1 The Marcii are probably a regal and priestly house from the south of Latium; 2 and the name of the Licini

lar Fasti and the annals of Regal and Republican Rome were not immune from their ambitious and fraudulent devices. The Marci

ius; and that dubious figure, Marcius of Corioli, ostensibly an exile from Rome and Roman at heart, perhaps belongs more tru

ally against them, in the person of a wealthy farmer, M. Porcius Cato from Tusculum. 5 C. Laelius, the friend of Scipio Afri

Tusculum. 5 C. Laelius, the friend of Scipio Africanus, probably came from a non-Roman family of municipal aristocracy; 6 an

2. Also the Calpurnii (Schulze, LE, 138), though they faked a descent from the Sabine Numa (Plutarch, Numa 21). The origin o

, had been growing ever closer and more exclusive. Marius, the knight from Arpinum, was helped by the Metelli. For merit and

Caesar invaded Italy he could reckon on something more than aversion from politics and distrust of the government, attested

tation. Only forty years before Caesar’s invasion, the allies of Rome from Asculum in the Picene land through the Marsi and

volved the allies. Reminded of other grievances and seeing no redress from Rome after the failure and death of their champio

ents in the Etruscan towns; and all the Samnites marched on Rome, not from loyalty to the Marian cause, but to destroy the t

No evidence, however, that he was generous in act and policy, no man from remoter Italy whom he helped into the Senate, no

e M. Caelius Rufus and Cn. Plancius, bankers’ sons both. Caelius came from Tusculum and probably needed little help. 5 Planc

elius came from Tusculum and probably needed little help. 5 Plancius, from Cicero’s own Volscian country, required and may h

rm programmes of Roman tribunes and hated the Roman poor. C. Maecenas from Arretium is named among the strong and steadfast

esar had numerous partisans in the regions of Italy that had suffered from participation in the Bellum Italicum, the enterpr

not merely that so many of his soldiers and centurions were recruited from the impoverished or martial regions of Italy, as

esar’s new senators, some four hundred in number, comprised adherents from all over Italy. Like the families proscribed by S

itary man C. Carrinas is presumably Umbrian or Etruscan. 4 Pansa came from Perusia,5 but was a senator already. The Sabine c

r. Pansa Tro. ’ His second cognomen, Caetronianus (ILS 8890), derives from an Etruscan name (W. Schulze, ib.). 6 C. Sallus

have been Amiternum (Jerome, Chron., p. 151 H). A certain P. Vatinius from Reate is recorded, in fact the grandfather of Cae

PageBook=>091 Caesar’s senators. 1 The ex-centurion Fango came from the colony of Acerrae. 2 Some of Caesar’s munic

s of Italia, providing insurgent leaders in the Bellum Italicum, gain from Caesar the dignity they deserved but otherwise mi

true form (not ‘Pompaedius’), cf. W. Schulze, LE, 367, and the inscr. from the Marsic land mentioning a Q. Poppaedius (N. d.

young Pompeius raised his private army, he had to expel the Ventidii from that city. Picenum was the scene of faction and i

imate government of Rome. Caesar has a mixed following, some stripped from Pompeius, others not to be closely defined: an or

e stripped from Pompeius, others not to be closely defined: an origin from the towns of Picenum can be surmised for certain

That he was aware of the need to unify Italy will perhaps be inferred from his municipal legislation. 6 Whoever succeeded to

d the Etruscan or the Marsian, the colonial Roman, the native magnate from Spain or Narbonensis. They represented, not regio

of alien stocks in the governing hierarchy of Rome can be discovered from nomenclature. 1 The earliest accessions may somet

now admitted to the Senate must not obscure the numerous new senators from certain older regions of the Roman State which hi

ished family of praetorian rank (Pro Murena 41), was the first consul from Lanuvium (ib. 86). 4 In each of the years 54–49

Brutus and the novus homo L. Munatius Plancus, of a reputable family from Tibur; 2 and Caesar probably intended that M. Bru

ba a patrician. Yet the opposition to Caesar did not come in the main from the noble or patrician elements in his party: Ant

the main from the noble or patrician elements in his party: Antonius from loyalty and Lepidus from NotesPage=>095 1

or patrician elements in his party: Antonius from loyalty and Lepidus from NotesPage=>095 1 A. Hirtius was probably t

>095 1 A. Hirtius was probably the son of a municipal magistrate from Ferentinum in Latium, ILS 5342 ff. On Pansa, a ma

agistrate from Ferentinum in Latium, ILS 5342 ff. On Pansa, a magnate from Perusia, above, p. 90. 2 Horace, Odes 1, 7, 21.

, took cover. Repulsing the invitations of the Liberators, he secured from Calpurnia the Dictator’s papers and then consulte

llus. In the meantime, the Liberators, descending for a brief space from the citadel, had made vain appeal to the populace

y of the Liberators themselves, held preferment, office, or provinces from the Dictator. Vested interests prevailed and impo

pass himself off as a grandson of C. Marius. The Liberators departed from Rome early in April, and took refuge in the small

rian and even Hellenic. But Rome was not a Greek city, to be mastered from its citadel. The facts and elements of power were

ular politician, with his public boast of the Julian house, descended from the kings of Rome and from the immortal gods; the

ublic boast of the Julian house, descended from the kings of Rome and from the immortal gods; they buried his daughter Julia

in irrational fancies about that Roman People which he had liberated from despotism. As late as July he expected popular ma

tle towns of Latium in the vicinity of Rome, they gathered adherents’ from the local aristocracies. 2 The degree of sympathy

s ‘clarissimi viri’. 4 Whether these idealistic or snobbish young men from the towns possessed the will and the resources fo

fortified by distrust of his father-in-law and by financial subsidies from Antonius, while Hirtius expressed his firm disapp

rters into contributing to a private fund: with small success the men from the municipia, were notorious and proverbial for

cient evidence about provinces and their governors in 44 B.C. suffers from confusion and inaccuracy: it has been brought int

ght triumph over violence, heroism or principle. The salutary respite from politics and political strife so firmly imposed b

by no means uncommon under Republic or NotesPage=>104 1 Apart from Plutarch, Antonius 10, the only evidence is Cicer

eBook=>105 Empire, whose unofficial follies did not prevent them from rising, when duty called, to services of conspicu

Though the private conduct of a statesman cannot entirely be divorced from his public policy and performance, Roman aristocr

Brutus and Cassius (who were praetors) a dispensation to remain away from Rome. He spoke the language of conciliation,1 and

acy in the Caesarian party. No doubt Antonius desired them to be away from Rome: a temporary absence at least might have bee

terans were kept in hand. Property and vested interests seemed secure from revolution or from reaction. 5 To be sure, the ty

hand. Property and vested interests seemed secure from revolution or from reaction. 5 To be sure, the tyrant was slain, but

deposited in the Temple of Ops apparently some kind of fund distinct from the official treasury, which was housed in the Te

to establish or to refute. In October Antonius was certainly very far from abounding in ready cash. Most of the debatable mo

ention here, among the ‘Republican’ measures of Antonius, the removal from the People of the right of electing the pontifex

mitting partisans to the Senate in an orderly fashion. 2 As emerges from Ad Att. 14, 9, 3 (April 18th). 3 Below, p. 130.

he dominion of the world, it was easy to pretend that Antonius strove from the beginning to set himself in the place of the

tics do not provide convincing evidence. From his career and station, from the authority of the office he held, the predomin

desired to set himself in’ Caesar’s place, he is not thereby absolved from ambition, considered or reckless, and the lust fo

epidus only there was P. Servilius his brother-in-law, soon to return from the governorship of Asia. 2 The alternative to

es designated as consuls for the next year. Cato too was dead. Averse from compromise and firm on principle, he would have b

r in the dependent kingdom of Egypt. Nor was trouble likely to come from the other Caesarian military men or recent govern

lvisius and Nonius Asprenas. Under these auspices Antonius departed from Rome (about April 21st) and made his way to Campa

irtues. 2 He married Atia, the daughter of M. Atius Balbus, a senator from the neighbouring town of Aricia, and of Julia, Ca

s adoptive parent soon provided the title of ‘Divi Julii filius’; and from 38 B.C. onwards the military leader of the Caesar

ddle age. The personality of Octavianus will best be left to emerge from his actions. One thing at least is clear. From th

stence that Caesar be avenged and the murderers punished derives more from horror of the deed, traditional sense of the soli

the deepest springs of human action. NotesPage=>113 1 Perhaps from 40 B.C. The earliest clear and contemporary evide

The earliest clear and contemporary evidence for the praenomen comes from coins of Agrippa, struck in Gaul in 38 B.C., BMC,

the will, he conceived high hopes, refusing to be deterred by letters from his mother and step-father, both of whom counsell

An unfriendly interview followed. Octavianus claimed the ready money from the inheritance of Caesar to pay the legacies. An

June 1st was sparsely attended. But Antonius chose to get his command from the People. The tenure of the consular provinces,

of seven commissioners. They were chosen, as was traditional at Rome, from partisans. 1 The Liberators remained, an anomal

st opportunities. 3 The Ludi Ceriales had apparently been postponed from the end of April to the middle of May, cf. Rice H

une; then, waiting for a better opportunity, he derived encouragement from the absence of any Republican manifestations of n

against Antonius: he would have to make a choice. Sanguine informants from Rome reported at Rhegium an expectation that Anto

17 1 Ad Att. 15, 2, 3, below, p. 131. 2 Pliny, NH 2, 94 (deriving from the Autobiography): ‘haec ille in publicum; inter

August 1st is Cicero’s report of what was told him when he was absent from Rome. In Cicero, however, no mention of the Ludi

d their own libertas more than his amicitia and bade him take warning from the fate of Caesar. 1 Of any immediate intentio

berators said no word in their edict. But they now prepared to depart from Italy. They had hesitated to take over the corn-

lingered in Italian waters for some time. As for Antonius, pressure from a competitor was now beginning to force him to ch

y did not forget him, nor did he neglect opportunities on his journey from Brundisium to Rome. As the months passed, the Cae

his years, his name and his ambition, Octavianus had nothing to gain from concord in the State, everything from disorder. S

Octavianus had nothing to gain from concord in the State, everything from disorder. Supported by the plebs and the veterans

subject of academic study, that the arts of government may be learned from books. The revolutionary career of Caesar’s heir

very different and very short. Lessons might indeed be learned, but from men and affairs, from predecessors and rivals, fr

y short. Lessons might indeed be learned, but from men and affairs, from predecessors and rivals, from the immediate and s

d be learned, but from men and affairs, from predecessors and rivals, from the immediate and still tangible past. The young

Dictator, however, showed the fabulous harvest to be got soon or late from the cultivation of the plebs and the soldiers. No

d him. It was clear that many a man followed Caesar in an impious war from personal friendship, not political principle. The

friends was attested by impressive examples; 1 and it was not merely from lust of adventure or of gain that certain intimat

ius, revealing the insecurity of his position. The blow was to fall from the other side, from the plebs, from the veterans

security of his position. The blow was to fall from the other side, from the plebs, from the veterans and from Octavianus.

position. The blow was to fall from the other side, from the plebs, from the veterans and from Octavianus. In pursuance of

as to fall from the other side, from the plebs, from the veterans and from Octavianus. In pursuance of his Caesarian policy,

arer danger, D. Brutus holding the Cisalpina and cutting off Antonius from the precarious support of Lepidus his ally, from

cutting off Antonius from the precarious support of Lepidus his ally, from the even less dependable Plancus and from the pes

upport of Lepidus his ally, from the even less dependable Plancus and from the pessimistic Pollio. When Brutus entered his p

ain what to do with it. Was he to stand at Capua and prevent Antonius from returning to Rome, to cross the central mountains

ber 10th. He had hoped for a meeting of the Senate and public support from senior statesmen. In vain his backers were timid

etorian provinces for the following year. Crete and Cyrene were taken from Brutus and Cassius, while Macedonia was assigned

l. 10, 22 (Saxa and Cafo); the activities of Ventidius can be deduced from subsequent events, perhaps also from a mysterious

ties of Ventidius can be deduced from subsequent events, perhaps also from a mysterious passage in Appian (BC 3, 66, 270), o

and extraction of respectable municipal men. Octavianus’ mother came from the small town of Aricia! From dealing with D.

his own, by no disloyalty among his troops. Out of Rome and liberated from the snares of political intrigue, the Caesarian s

he got little NotesPage=>127 1 His arguments may be discovered from Cicero’s defence of the morals, family and patrio

3, 15 ff. 2 See Table III at end. PageBook=>128 active help from them in the early months. On the surface, the con

re, he had dissuaded the taking up of the inheritance: the fact comes from a source that had every reason to enhance the cou

olitician above, p. 19. In politics the son was able to enjoy support from Pompeius and Caesar, as witness his proconsulate

ta Caesaris 18, 53; Velleius 2, 60, 1 and other sources, all deriving from the Autobiography of Augustus, cf. F. Blumenthal,

friend was of regal stock, deriving his descent on the maternal side from the Cilnii, a house that held dynastic power in t

the Cilnii, a house that held dynastic power in the city of Arretium from the beginning. 4 NotesPage=>129 1 Velleius

financiers, unscrupulous freedmen, ambitious sons of ruined families from the local gentry of the towns of Italy. The hazar

es to the plebs were paid after all by Octavianus, perhaps not wholly from his own fortune and the generous loans of his fri

funds destined for the wars of the Dictator and of the annual tribute from the provinces of the East. 2 It is alleged that h

iched himself further by the purchase of confiscated estates: he came from Velitrae, Octavianus’ own town. 1 Evidence abou

edman’s son and fratricide, M. Insteius the bath-keeper and brigand from Pisaurum, T. Munatius Plancus Bursa the incendiar

ntion of three tribunes and a legionary commander whom he had seduced from the consul. 3 These were the earliest of his se

needed the Senate as well. He hoped to win sympathy, if not support, from some of the more respectable Caesarians, who were

s and Caesar to the consulate, Piso saw no occasion to protect Cicero from the threat, sentence and consequences of exile. C

pt, incompetent and calamitous. Piso, however, withdrew more and more from active politics. Yet his repute, or at least his

splendour (ib. 67). The fortunes of certain eminent nobiles were far from ample. The excellent L. Aurelius Cotta (cos. 65 B

wever, no news was heard of P. Servilius: like other consulars averse from Antonius but unwilling to commit themselves too s

ses and supporting the grant of an extraordinary command to Pompeius, from honest persuasion or for political advancement, a

an Pompeius with whom the last word rested. Pompeius was the stronger from the earliest years of Cicero’s political career h

r. Cicero came close to being a neutral in the Civil War. Returning from his province of Cilicia, he made what efforts he

lingered in Campania, refusing to follow him across the seas, perhaps from failure to comprehend his strategy. Then Caesar w

oncord. Peace calls for constant vigilance. Cicero later claimed that from that day forward he never deserted his post. 1 Fa

he Liberators, as the congress at Antium showed, or any armed support from the provinces. Early July brought well-authentica

ort from the provinces. Early July brought well-authenticated reports from Spain that Sex. Pompeius had come to terms with t

after long doubt and hesitation, Cicero set out for Greece. He sailed from Pompeii on July 17th. Contrary weather buffeted

ra, near Rhegium, he had cognizance on August 7th of news and rumours from Rome. The situation appeared to have changed. Ant

brought no real comfort or confidence. Back in Rome, Cicero refrained from attending the Senate on the first day of Septembe

ul. His observations were negative and provocative: they called forth from Antonius complaints of violated friendship and a

5th). 4 Ib. 10, 8a (a very friendly letter); 10, 10, 2 (an extract from another). 5 Ib. 11, 7, 2. PageBook=>141

moment, a lull in affairs. Early in October the storm broke. It came from another quarter. The collected correspondence of

ed correspondence of Cicero preserved none of the letters he received from Octavianus. That is not surprising: the editor kn

, however, he recognized that the youth was to be encouraged and kept from allying himself with Antonius; 3 in July, Octavia

. For Cicero, in fear at the prospect of Antonius’ return with troops from Brundisium, there was safety in Arpinum, which la

: to his Scipio, Cicero was to play the Laelius. Again, on his return from exile, Cicero hoped that Pompeius could be induce

Fanatic intensity seems foreign to the character of Cicero, absent from his earlier career: there precisely lies the expl

consolations in literature and in theory: the ideal derived its shape from his own disappointments. In the Republic he set f

n of 44 B.C. With war impending, Atticus took alarm and dissuaded him from action. In November he urged his friend to turn t

istory of civilization tempt and excuse the apologist, when he passes from the character of the orator to defend his policy.

nate listened to speeches and passed decrees; the Republic, liberated from military despotism, entered into the possession o

age and command the attention of history: in the background, emerging from time to time, Philippus, Servilius and other sche

rother and poisoned her husband. The enormities of P. Vatinius ranged from human sacrifices to the wearing of a black toga a

er of perfumes at Aricia. 4 As for Piso, his grandfather did not come from the ancient colony of Placentia at all it was Med

n of auctioneer:5 or stay, worse than that, he had immigrated thither from the land of trousered Gauls beyond the Alps. 6

o’s Epicurean familiar was no other than the unimpeachable Philodemus from Gadara, a town in high repute for literature and

erely respectable but even an occasion for just pride why we all come from the municipial! 5 Likewise the foreigner. Decidiu

n on the right side, he would have been praised no less than that man from Gades, the irreproachable Balbus. Would that all

hampions of Rome’s empire might become her citizens! Where a man came from did not matter at all at Rome it had never matter

owledge of the vocabulary of Roman political life derives in the main from the speeches of Cicero. On the surface, what coul

taliae? A cool scrutiny will suggest doubts: these terms are very far from corresponding with definite parties or definite p

tisan interpretation. Libertas is a vague and negative notion freedom from the rule of a tyrant or a faction. 1 It follows t

t the young Pompeius raised a private army and rescued Rome and Italy from the tyranny of the Marian party; 2 and Caesar the

nst the government ‘in order to liberate himself and the Roman People from the domination of a faction’. 3 The term was no

ames. 4 In the autumn of 44 B.C. Caesar’s heir set forth to free Rome from the tyranny of the consul Antonius. 5 His ultimat

l services (officia), either between social equals as an alliance, or from inferior to superior, in a traditional and almost

ured Cicero that no personal grounds of enmity would ever prevent him from allying with his bitterest enemy to save the Stat

d sanitatem. ’ PageBook=>159 who led them: salutary compulsion from the army would then be needed to transform a brig

ely relaxed. The soldiers, whether pressed into service or volunteers from poverty and the prospect of pay and loot, regarde

l phrases were useful and necessary had not the Republic been rescued from tyranny and restored to vigour? Octavianus had th

ir, Hirtius and Pansa. The true cause was probably an urgent dispatch from the governor of Cisalpine Gaul. Though nothing

in the Commonwealth. Two political groups were conspicuously absent from the Senate that fought against Antonius. The assa

y, that now at last fell to Cicero in his old age, after twenty years from his famous consulate, after twenty years of humil

of Cicero’s renown. 7 Of the surviving consulars three were absent from Italy, Trebonius, Lepidus and Vatinius. Fourteen

xcellent men (L. Aurelius Cotta, L. Caesar and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus), from age, infirmity or despair, were seldom to Notes

pirit. 1 So much for Senate and senior statesmen. Without armed aid from the provinces, or at least loyal support from the

smen. Without armed aid from the provinces, or at least loyal support from the provincial governors, usurpation of power at

heavy blow for the Republicans. Antonius secured him a vote of thanks from the Senate. The enemies of Antonius soon entered

ial provinces of Crete and Cyrene was a fair conjecture. Rumours came from NotesPage=>166 1 D. Brutus called him ‘hom

7 1 Phil. 5. Something at least of Calenus’ speech can be recovered from Dio (46, 1, ff.). 2 Res Gestae 1; Livy, Per. 11

re to be sent to Antonius; they were to urge him to withdraw his army from the province of Brutus, not to advance within a d

usiasm. Levies were held. Hirtius, though rising weak and emaciated from his bed of sickness, set out for the seat of war

was neither unreasonable nor contumacious. As justice at Rome derived from politics, with legality a casual or partisan ques

us had acted: they seized the armies of all the lands beyond the sea, from Illyricum to Egypt. About Cassius there were stro

out Cassius there were strong rumours in the first days of February:1 from Brutus, an official dispatch to the Senate, which

probably arrived in the second week of the month. 2 After departing from Italy, Brutus went to Athens and was seen at the

nius the governor of Illyricum had been unable to prevent his legions from passing over. Such was the situation that confron

all. The Caesarian A. Allienus was conducting four legions northwards from Egypt through Palestine, to join Dolabella. They

e men, above, p. 111. PageBook=>172 On receipt of the dispatch from Brutus the Senate was summoned. Quelling the obje

1 The project was therefore wrecked. On March 20th came dispatches from Lepidus and Plancus, acting in concert with each

he desolation of Italy and all the fine soldiers slain’, wrote Pollio from Spain. 3 Cicero had boasted in the Senate that th

ross the Apennines into Etruria, to cut off Ventidius and prevent him from marching westwards to join Antonius. Ventidius, a

ns raised in his native Picenum. Caesar’s heir refused to take orders from Caesar’s assassin: nor, if he had, is it certain

so Ventidius slipped through. Before long Octavianus received news from Rome that amply justified his decision: he was to

rved the purposes of the enemies of Antonius. So at least he inferred from the measures passed in the Senate when the tiding

to Caesar’s heir. 4 And now on others beside Octavianus the menace from the East loomed heavily. The Republicans in the

r of Mutina remained in his company, another had studiously refrained from barring the road to Narbonensis. 1 In March, Lepi

g Caesarian sympathies of officers and men: they followed Lepidus not from merit or affection but only because Lepidus was a

ising of new levies, short of money and harassed by petulant missives from Cicero, Brutus trudged onwards. He reached Plancu

olent of terms. 1 Now Pollio supervened, coming up with two legions from Hispania Ulterior. Earlier in the year he had com

be, it would be sufficient to demonstrate that they acted as they did from a reasoned and balanced estimate of the situation

the soldiers serving in the legions might expect ultimate recompense from their generals without the necessity of fighting

governors of the western provinces, all had conspired to preserve him from the armed violence of an unnatural coalition. In

. Brutus; who, for his part, advocated the summoning of Marcus Brutus from Macedonia. Already there was talk of bringing ove

wers that set themselves above the law. ’6 On receipt of an extract from a letter written by Cicero to Octavianus, the Rom

rds through Macedonia to regulate the affairs of Thrace, recover Asia from Dolabella, and make a junction with Cassius. To c

urer could be won to legitimate methods. Octavianus was not deflected from his march. And now for a moment a delusive ray

hope shone upon the sinking hulk of the Republic. Two veteran legions from Africa arrived at Ostia. Along with a legion of r

he second attempt in ten months. The first time he had sought backing from senior statesmen and from the party of the consti

onths. The first time he had sought backing from senior statesmen and from the party of the constitution. Now he was consul,

the consul Octavianus. His indignant colleagues deposed the criminal from office, the mob plundered his house; the Senate,

popular assembly, namely Gallia Cisalpina and Gallia Comata, dominant from geographical position and armed strength: he seem

Rome shivered under fear and portents. Soothsayers were duly summoned from Etruria. Of these experts the most venerable excl

(BC 4, 5, 20, cf. 7, 28) and 2,000 knights. Plutarch’s figures range from 200 to 300 (Cicero 46; Brutus 27; Antonius 20) pr

g themselves and to inspire terror among enemies and malcontents than from thirst for blood. Many of the proscribed got safe

e Caesarian party. Certain wealthy families, such as the Aelii Lamiae from Formiae or the Vinicii of Cales, who are not know

ancial interests and representatives of the landed gentry, was averse from any radical redistribution of property in Italy.

M. Vinicius, cos. suff. 19 B.C.), cf. Tacitus, Ann. 6, 15. An inscr. from Cales (L’ann. e’p., 1929, 166) mentions M. Vinici

ether dim, inactive senators or pacific knights, anxiously abstaining from Roman politics. That was no defence. Varro was

pose. The return was at once seen to be disappointing. From virtue or from caution, men refused to purchase estates as they

l and crushing, were invented for example a year’s income being taken from everybody in possession of the census of a Roman

to count only seventeen ex-consuls, the majority of whom were absent from Rome, ailing in health or remote from political i

he majority of whom were absent from Rome, ailing in health or remote from political interests. 2 The interval of a year car

disappear. 5 Two honest men, L. Piso and L. Caesar, lapse completely from record. Philippus and Marcellus had played their

ny mention in subsequent history, and only one for long. The renegade from the Catonian party, P. Servilius, grasped the pri

vilius, grasped the prize of intrigue and ambition a second consulate from the Triumvirs (41 B.C.), like his first from Caes

ition a second consulate from the Triumvirs (41 B.C.), like his first from Caesar: after that he is not heard of again. Anto

k of the nobiles, both ex-Pompeians and adherents of Caesar, banished from Italy, were with the Liberators or with Sex. Pomp

sul of Macedonia, and the retiring quaestors of Asia and Syria; 7 and from Italy there came sympathizers, among them M. Vale

its composition as well as by its policy. The Triumvirs had expelled from Italy not only the nobiles, their political enemi

tical enemies, but their victims as well, men of substance and repute from the towns of Italy. Change and casualties are m

ed by the Dictator or introduced after his death, most of them absent from historical record before 44 B.C. Ventidius and Ca

4 (Canusium) perhaps to his son or his grandson. PageBook=>200 from earlier posts of subordination, gave sign and gua

nce, cf. W. Schulze, LE, 531 ff. Münzer, however, argues that he came from the ancient colony of Norba, P-W xvii, 926. Canid

h, Cato Minor 35). The name ‘Canidius’, familiar enough to literature from Horace’s witch Canidia, is exceedingly rare: Schu

it. The origin of C. Sosius is unknown: but observe the Roman knight from Picenum, Q. Sosius, who attempted to set fire to

ning, the faction of Octavianus invited those who had nothing to lose from war and adventure, among the ‘foundation-members’

dy decision on land. Antonius pressed on: the young Caesar, prostrate from illness, lingered at Dyrrhachium. NotesPage=>

ies of the East. Not long after the Battle of Mutina, Brutus departed from the coast of Albania and marched eastwards. A cam

ir armies passed the Hellespont, nineteen legions and numerous levies from the dependent princes of the East. Wisdom after

τ ν τυραννούντων. PageBook=>204 cause, it is held, was doomed from the beginning, defeat inevitable. Not only this B

Q. Ligarius, are not heard of again. 2 As Brutus exclaimed, quoting from a lost tragedy (Dio 47, 49, 2), τλ μον άρϵτή, λ

osal of Caesar the Dictator, must be a province no longer but removed from political competition by being made a part of Ita

e up the Cisalpina: he retained Comata, however, and took Narbonensis from Lepidus. Lepidus was also despoiled of Spain, for

ion could have predicted that he would emerge in strength and triumph from the varied hazards of this eventful year. The e

and broke their spirit. From Lepidus, his triumviral colleague, and from the consul P. Servilius, Octavianus got no help.

son and her acts in a hateful light; and there was nobody afterwards, from piety or even from perversity, to redeem her memo

a hateful light; and there was nobody afterwards, from piety or even from perversity, to redeem her memory. (For a temperat

ched bride, the daughter of Fulvia. But the consul and Fulvia, so far from giving way, alleged instructions from M. Antonius

t the consul and Fulvia, so far from giving way, alleged instructions from M. Antonius, and prosecuted Republican propaganda

bourhood of Rome. And now the soldiery took a hand Caesarian veterans from Ancona, old soldiers of Antonius, sent a deputati

nd an interchange of missiles. 1 Manius produced or invented a letter from M. Antonius sanctioning war, if in defence of his

ded none of his more recent predecessors when they had liberated Rome from the domination of a faction. But L. Antonius did

veracity of his brother and his wife. Salvidienus made his way back from Spain through the Cisalpina; Pollio and Ventidius

Perusia and prepared to stand a brief siege, expecting prompt relief from Pollio and Ventidius. He was quickly undeceived.

refused battle and retired through the Apennines. 6 Nor did help come from the south in time or in adequate strength. Plan

ILS 886. 8 Velleius 2, 75. PageBook=>211 Still no sign came from the East. In Perusia the consul professed that he

ested by Agrippa and Salvidienus at Fulginiae, less than twenty miles from Perusia their fire-signals could be seen by the b

ian, BC 5, 50, 212. PageBook=>213 approaching with an armament from the East, Antonius’ man Calenus still held all Ga

all Gaul beyond the Alps. On the coasts Ahenobarbus threatened Italy from the east, Pompeius from the south and west. If th

s. On the coasts Ahenobarbus threatened Italy from the east, Pompeius from the south and west. If this were not enough, all

wards the end of the summer, it was to find that Antonius had come up from the East and was laying siege to Brundisium, with

, n. 5. Fango had been sent by Octavianus after Philippi to take over from Sextius. 4 Appian, BC 5, 53, 222; below, p. 228

e-establish the rule of Rome and extort for the armies yet more money from the wealthy cities of Asia, the prey of both side

her policy. 2 Cleopatra was alert and seductive. 3 Antonius, fresh from the Cappadocian charmer Glaphyra,4 succumbed with

dherents and the Caesarian leader. 5 The paradox that Antonius went from Syria to Egypt and lurked in Egypt, while in Ital

d to armed co-operation. When he set sail in advance with a few ships from a port in Epirus, the fleet of Ahenobarbus, super

the city. Then Sex. Pompeius showed his hand. He had already expelled from Sardinia M. Lurius the partisan of Octavianus, an

cavalry. 3 His brother had tried to defend the landed class in Italy from the soldiery; and Antonius himself had been inact

re not fatal Octavianus had great difficulty in inducing the veterans from the colonies to rally and march against Antonius;

o both leaders, while Antonius held all the provinces beyond the sea, from Macedonia eastwards, Octavianus the West, from Sp

vinces beyond the sea, from Macedonia eastwards, Octavianus the West, from Spain to Illyricum. The lower course of the river

hat Virgil must have been writing about a child of Octavianus derives from anachronistic opinions concerning the historical

suls was installed before the end of the year, Balbus the millionaire from Gades, emerging again into open history after an

220 1 Ecl. 4, 17. 2 Appian, BC 5, 63, 269. 3 As may be inferred from Dio 48, 26, 3. 4 Appian, BC 5, 65, 276. 5 Dio

d provoked serious riots: Sex. Pompeius expelled Helenus the freedman from Sardinia, which he was trying to recapture for Oc

iral colleague and one to the bank of the Euphrates, he superintended from Athens the reorganization of the East. The nort

northern frontiers of Macedonia, ever exposed to the raids of tribes from Albania and southern Serbia, had been neglected d

s was the sea. He maintained a large fleet here, protecting the coast from Albania down to Peloponnesus. One of its stations

rusia encouraged the Parthians to invade Syria and prevented Antonius from intervening. Led by Pacorus, the King’s son, and

as far as the coast of Caria in the west, in the south all the lands from Syria down to Jerusalem. Most of the client kings

Dalmatia, alleged by the Virgilian scholiasts, is merely an inference from the name of Pollio’s short-lived and dubious infa

38-32 B.C. is a complete blank. 3 Coins of Sosius, ranging in date from his quaestorship (40 or 39) to his consulate (32)

ce. There was delay and allegations that Ventidius had taken bribes from the prince of Commagene. Antonius arrived and rec

er passed, and in the spring of 37 Antonius sailed with a large fleet from Athens to Italy. Once again he found that Brundis

pe of rising poets. 1 Pollio was not present. If invited, he refused, from disgust of politics. Resentful and suspicious,

and Plutarch, Antonius 35, are clearly hostile to Antonius, deriving from the Autobiography, cf. F. Blumenthal, Wiener Stud

deal with Pompeius. But Octavianus would have none of that. Further, from duty to his ally and to the Caesarian party, Anto

PageBook=>227 AT Brundisium Caesar’s heir had again been saved from ruin by the name, the fortune and the veterans of

w of praetorian standing, and the aristocrat Domitius Calvinus, fresh from his second consulate, with long experience of war

s as a general. The Pact of Puteoli brought Italy a respite at last from raids and famine, and to Octavianus an accidental

e fatal alliance they had been driven or duped. Ahenobarbus kept away from Sex. Pompeius, who gave guarantee neither of vict

r two and certain of the assassins, for whom there could be no pardon from Caesar’s heir, no return to Rome. But the young P

like his father trusting much to alien or domestic adherents. Whether from choice or from necessity, he came to rely more an

trusting much to alien or domestic adherents. Whether from choice or from necessity, he came to rely more and more upon the

wo Romans held high command on his side: Tisienus Gallus, the refugee from Sabine and Republican Nursia, and a certain L. Pl

me of Neptune; 4 the Roman plebs might riot in his honour it was only from hatred of Caesar’s heir. In reality an adventurer

e War of Perusia. With her husband and the child Tiberius, Livia fled from the armed bands of Octavianus to take refuge with

ult was disastrous. Pompeius attacked Octavianus as his ships, coming from Tarentum, were passing through the Straits of Mes

, were passing through the Straits of Messana to join his other fleet from the Bay of Naples. Pompeius won an easy victory.

tisan Ventidius now celebrated over the Parthians. Agrippa, returning from Gaul with useful achievements to his credit and t

take this time. Agrippa devised a grandiose plan for attacking Sicily from three directions in the summer of 36: Octavianus

ily from three directions in the summer of 36: Octavianus was to sail from Puteoli, Statilius Taurus from Tarentum, while Le

e summer of 36: Octavianus was to sail from Puteoli, Statilius Taurus from Tarentum, while Lepidus invaded Sicily from the s

Puteoli, Statilius Taurus from Tarentum, while Lepidus invaded Sicily from the south with the army of Africa, fourteen legio

he presence of Atratinus in western waters is likewise to be inferred from his coins, some struck in Sicily (BMC, R. Rep. 11

us, with twenty-two legions at his back, ordered Octavianus to depart from Sicily. But Octavianus had not acquired and pract

erous but firm. 1 The veterans of Mutina and Philippi he now released from service, allotting lands and founding colonies mo

cessation of war, the freedom of the seas and the liberation of Rome from famine placated the urban plebs that had rioted s

ulous friends like Agrippa and Maecenas, a nucleus of support already from certain families of the ancient aristocracy and a

sul. 3 The noble Calvinus is a solitary and mysterious figure. It was from his house that Caesar set forth on the Ides of Ma

2, 85, 2). 8 Porphyrio on Horace, Sat. 1, 3, 130, says that he came from Cremona. Virgil dedicated to him the sixth of his

ular control of patronage improved his prospects. Another four years, from the Pact of Brundisium to his triumph in the Sici

mes, accidentally preserved, such as the admiral M. Mindius Marcellus from his own town of Velitrae:1 to say nothing of alie

5 B.C. 2 On freedmen in command, above p. 201. Seleucus the admiral from Rhosus in Syria, revealed only by inscriptions (S

rvice about this time. 4 The names derive, unless otherwise stated, from the detailed narratives of Dio and Appian. 5 Ca

s uncertain for how long. 5 The young Lepidus went with Caesar’s heir from hatred of his triumviral uncle (who had proscribe

m hatred of his triumviral uncle (who had proscribed his father) or from a motive of family insurance not uncommon in the

there is no evidence that he was related to Q. Cornificius. 2 Apart from the narrative of the Sicilian War and the fact of

f his consulate, the only clear testimony about Q. Laronius is a tile from Vibo in Bruttium (CIL X, 804118), which was presu

, 4 ff.), commanders of Lucanian troops. A dedication to Taurus comes from Volceii in Lucania (ILS 893 a). 5 Messalla may

Volceii in Lucania (ILS 893 a). 5 Messalla may have come with ships from Antonius as did Bibulus and Atratinus. He is not

the privilege of an elephant for his conveyance when he returned home from banquets, a token of changed times and offensive

ancient nobility, the patrician; which did not in any way hamper them from following a revolutionary leader or taking up an

g a revolutionary leader or taking up an ally not of their own class, from ambition or for survival in a dangerous age. The

former, the chances grew daily less as Octavianus emancipated himself from the tutelage of Antonius; and Octavia had given A

and the Balkans up to the Danube and the winning of the route by land from northern Italy by way of Belgrade to Salonika or

t not beyond it. If war came, he would secure Italy in the north-east from an invasion from the Balkans up the valley of the

If war came, he would secure Italy in the north-east from an invasion from the Balkans up the valley of the Save and across

icum enhanced the prestige of the young Caesar, winning him adherents from every class and every party. He redoubled his eff

hone. Antonius’ men celebrated triumphs in Rome Censorinus and Pollio from the province of Macedonia (39), Ventidius over th

the next few years with cheap and frequent honours for his proconsuls from Spain and Africa. Tradition consecrated the expen

emple in 36 B.C. In the same year Cn. Domitius Calvinus, victorious from Spain, rebuilt the Regia; and not long after, Tau

from Spain, rebuilt the Regia; and not long after, Taurus, returning from Africa and triumphing (34), began to construct a

la was also there (Panegyricus Messallae 108 ff.); and Taurus, coming from his African triumph (June 30th, 34 B.C.) to Illyr

moted in the main his marshals, with a few patricians, his new allies from the families of the Claudii, the Aemilii and the

darkness also envelops the career and the allegiance of M. Herennius, from the region of Picenum, and of C. Memmius, consuls

aetorian family, L. Vinicius (tribune in 51 B.C.) of equestrian stock from Cales. L. Flavius was an Antonian (Dio 49, 44, 3)

XVIII ROME UNDER THE TRIUMVIRS PageBook=>243 IT was ten years from the proscriptions, ten years of Triumviral despot

r for the near future, should the Republicans and Pompeians come back from the East, should Antonius demand lands for the ve

valour in war, to urge that many of the upstarts derived their origin from ancient families among the aristocracies of the k

f high policy were conducted by the rulers in secret or at a distance from Rome. Contemporaries were pained and afflicted

any distinction for peaceful studies earned no honour on that account from a military despotism. Among the earliest consuls,

se yet avoiding ornament and refined harmonies of rhythm, in reaction from Hortensius and from Cicero alike. The young men o

ment and refined harmonies of rhythm, in reaction from Hortensius and from Cicero alike. The young men of promise, C. Licini

could never return. Freedom, justice and honesty, banished utterly from the public honours and transactions of the State,

fuge in the pursuits and relationships of private life. The revulsion from politics, marked enough in the generation that ha

d; but the doctrines of Epicurus were available, extolling abstention from politics and the cultivation of private virtue; a

parent of knowledge and propagator of many errors, though not averse from an interest in Pythagoreanism, or in any other be

had invoked his help for the creation of public libraries. 2 Escaping from proscription, though his own stores of learned bo

lacked style, intensity, a guiding idea. The task fell to another man from the Sabine country, diverse in character, attainm

y, a turbulent tribune in the third consulate of Pompeius. Expelled from the Senate by the censors of 50 B.C., he returned

ionment, now that Rome had relapsed under a Sullan despotism, retired from public life but scorning ignoble ease or the purs

the War of Jugurtha, he proposed to narrate the revolutionary period from the death of Sulla onwards. Though Sallustius was

3, 9, 2 though this may not be convincing evidence, for it may derive from a belief, natural enough, in the authenticity of

e in his own character. The archaisms were borrowed, men said, lifted from Cato; not less so the grave moral tone, flagrant

uman nature: Sallustius, plunging deeper into pessimism, found it bad from the roots. History, to be real and true, would ha

Cornificius was born of reputable senatorial stock. The rest all came from the province of Gallia Cisalpina, Cato, it was al

falsely), a freedman,2 the others, however, sons of wealthy families from the local aristocracies in the towns of the North

Suetonius, De rhet. 3). 2 Suetonius, De gram. 11. 3 Catullus came from Verona. That Brixia was the home of Cinna has bee

came from Verona. That Brixia was the home of Cinna has been inferred from fr. 1 of his poems; and Helvii are not unknown on

two poets, Gallus and Virgil. C. Cornelius Gallus, of native stock from Forum Julii in Gallia Narbonensis, a province not

he earliest patron of Virgil, who was the son of an owner of property from the town of Mantua. Pollio’s good offices may hav

assion and ostensible source of his inspiration (he had inherited her from another),6 NotesPage=>252 1 Above, p. 63.

nd scholiasts with more confidence than consistency, appear to derive from inferences from the Eclogues themselves, not from

th more confidence than consistency, appear to derive from inferences from the Eclogues themselves, not from ascertained and

y, appear to derive from inferences from the Eclogues themselves, not from ascertained and well- authenticated facts: they c

andoned poetry for a career of war and politics, disappearing utterly from historical record to emerge after nine years in s

may have reinforced the argument for self-sufficiency, and called up from the Roman past a figure beloved of sentimental po

touched by the wars; and it would have been an anachronism to revert from vine and olive to the growing of cereals for mere

(37 B.C.). 2 Q. Horatius Flaccus was the son of a wealthy freedman from Venusia, a city of Apulia, who believed in the va

in a city that honoured the memory of tyrannicides. Horace was swept from the lectures of philosophers into the army of the

my of the Liberators. He fought at Philippi, for the Republic but not from Republican convictions: it was but the accident o

iners of an owner of land, once enlisted in his defence, might escape from control, terrorize their neighbourhood and defy t

could at last be annulled. 3 The Caesarian soldiers were tumultuous from pride in their exploits, conscious that by their

nto a fanatical hatred. The Roman could no longer derive confidence from the language, habits and religion of his own peop

an gods. 2 When Agrippa in 33 B.C. expelled astrologers and magicians from Rome,3 that was only a testimony to their power,

was stirring an interest in Roman history and antiquities, a reaction from alien habits of thought. Inspired by the first be

2 Ib. 47, 15, 4. 3 Ib. 49, 43, 5. 4 The reliefs showing scenes from early Roman history recently discovered in the Ba

g to make their peace with the new order, some in resignation, others from ambition. Ahenobarbus with Antonius, Messalla and

heir, had shown the way. The new monarchy could not rule without help from the old oligarchy. The order of knights had eve

from the old oligarchy. The order of knights had everything to gain from the coercion of the governing class and the aboli

ld the power and splendour of the future monarch. Antonius was absent from Italy, but Antonius was the senior partner. His p

): yet Atticus was also in sustained correspondence with M. Antonius, from the ends of the earth (20, 4). A few years earlie

e through the Taurus with a Parthian army, encountering no resistance from Antipater the lord of Derbe and Laranda, whose pr

of Zeno of Laodicea, received kingdoms. Other arrangements were made from time to time, but it was not until the winter of

vast domain, embracing Galatia, Pisidia, Lycaonia and other regions, from the river Halys south-westwards to the coast of P

ift of the balsam groves near Jericho and the monopoly of the bitumen from the Dead Sea. That munificence did not content th

e and rapacity of Egypt’s Queen: again and again she sought to extort from Antonius portions of Herod’s dominions. 3 Notes

merely those of proconsul and vassal-ruler. After Antonius’ departure from Egypt nearly four years earlier, Cleopatra had gi

e the whole aristocracy in town and country priestly houses descended from kings and gods of timeless antiquity, possessing

He rewarded Theopompus and other Cnidians, Potamo the son of Lesbonax from Mytilene (perhaps a rival of the great Theophanes

from Mytilene (perhaps a rival of the great Theophanes), and Satyrus from Chersonesus. 1 Mithridates the Pergamene, son of

of the eastern lands, not only did he invest Polemo, the orator’s son from Laodicea, with a great kingdom: he gave his own d

seldom possible, however, to determine whether they got the franchise from Caesar or from Augustus. 5 Cicero, Phil. 13, 33

, however, to determine whether they got the franchise from Caesar or from Augustus. 5 Cicero, Phil. 13, 33: ‘magnum crime

ia might hope to enter the Senate of Rome, take rank with their peers from Italy and the western provinces and blend with th

ersal saviour of mankind. 3 Antonius advertised the favour he enjoyed from Dionysus; and his own race was fabled to descend

vour he enjoyed from Dionysus; and his own race was fabled to descend from Heracles. Both gods brought gladness and succour

to march through a friendly Armenia, thence invading Media Atropatene from the north- west. Canidius in a masterly campaign

age of Antonius and the steadiness of the veterans. As in the retreat from Mutina, Antonius showed his best qualities in adv

to exploit the affront to his family than the affront to Rome arising from Antonius’ alliance and marital life with the Quee

ar 33 B.C., with his frontiers in order and Asia at peace, recovering from oppression and looking forward to a new era of pr

ies in this field. Valuable additions and corrections may be expected from the forthcoming work of Mr. M. Grant on the aes c

d the elegant C. Fonteius Capito, a friend of Antonius, who journeyed from Rome to the conference of Tarentum. 6 Of no note

he arts of peace were certain military men and admirals like Insteius from Pisaurum, Q. Didius and M. Oppius Capito, obscure

nius in the following winter (Plutarch, Antonius 36). 7 M. Insteius from Pisaurum (Cicero, Phil. 13, 26) fought at Actium

C. Didius (Bell. Hisp, 40, I, &c). M. Oppius Capito is known only from coins (BMC, R. Rep. II, 517 ff.): perhaps of the

s, beyond all doubt the best of his family, refused to accept amnesty from Caesar the Dictator. Of the company of the assass

bonius Libo at once became consul (34 B.C.), but seems to have lapsed from politics. The young nobiles M. Aemilius Scaurus,

is coins, BMC, R. Rep. ii, 501; 515 f.; above, p. 231. An inscription from Hypata in Thessaly describes him as πρєσβєυτάν κα

birth. It is not quite certain that his adoptive parent was descended from noble Sempronii Atratini. 5 Dio, 51, 2, 5. 6

e strain of war. The clash was now imminent, with aggression coming from the West, from Octavianus, but not upon an innoce

. The clash was now imminent, with aggression coming from the West, from Octavianus, but not upon an innocent and unsuspec

pageantry that Alexandria witnessed in 34 B.C. when Antonius returned from the conquest of Armenia. 1 The Roman general cele

vantage as well as necessity; and the population preferred to be free from the Roman tax-gatherer. Caesar took from the comp

ulation preferred to be free from the Roman tax-gatherer. Caesar took from the companies of publicara the farming of the tit

states. 3 Dio 42, 6, 3. PageBook=>272 he also removed Cyprus from Roman control and resigned it to the kingdom of E

ingdom of Media. Since the Punic Wars the new imperial power of Rome, from suspicion and fear, had exploited the rivalries a

r might have annexed: they wisely preferred to preserve the rich land from spoliation and ruin by Roman financiers. Egypt wa

ver a separate kingdom or over the whole world? Again the argument is from intentions intentions which can hardly have bee

len by partition to Octavianus, his policy would hardly have differed from that of Antonius. The first man in Rome, when con

been in Rome for six years : had his allegiance and his ideas swerved from Rome under the influence of Cleopatra? If Antoniu

lity of Cleopatra there is no doubt: her importance in history, apart from literature and legend, is another matter. It No

s, which was a mistake. Antonius complained that he had been excluded from raising recruits in Italy; that his own men had b

and acrimonious and designed for publicity. The old themes, familiar from reciprocal invective at the time of Octavianus’ f

erty itself the Republic was now recalled, bewildered and unfamiliar, from the arbitrary rule of the Triumvirate. Since the

actors were dead: in fact, Sosius and Domitius were only eleven years from Hirtius and Pansa. Then the new year had been eag

ion, so far had the Roman constitution declined. Octavianus retired from the city. The new consuls summoned the Senate and

. That closed the session. Octavianus meanwhile mustered supporters from the towns of Italy Caesarian veterans, personal a

ight convey the guarantee, or at least advertise the show, of support from the Roman aristocracy. 3 For the moment violenc

d recall the situation in 49 B.C., when the Pompeian consuls departed from Rome without securing a lex curiata. 3 This is

ed. The compromising ally remained. In early summer Antonius passed from Ephesus to Samos and from Samos to Athens. Now it

remained. In early summer Antonius passed from Ephesus to Samos and from Samos to Athens. Now it might seem that Cleopatra

tonius stood by Cleopatra. Ahenobarbus hated the Queen and was averse from war. Yet it was not Ahenobarbus who ran away, but

o not perhaps utterly pass belief. 1 Octavianus extorted the document from the Vestal Virgins and read it out to the Senate

sanction for his arbitrary power and a national mandate to save Rome from the menace of the East. A kind of plebiscite was

tion in the summer of a series of local agitations, which, though far from unconcerted, presented a certain appearance of sp

ties of loyalty to Antonius. 1 The ostentatious exemption of Bononia from the necessity of taking the oath manifested the s

eputable Senate of the city, but all Italy. The phrase was familiar from recent history, whereas idea and practice were ol

nd his friends, championing Italy against the plebs of Rome, got help from Italian men of property, themselves menaced. 4 Ai

ome, got help from Italian men of property, themselves menaced. 4 Aid from Italy could be invoked for revolution, for reacti

iotic poet revolted at the mere thought that Roman soldiers, captives from the disaster of Crassus (and by implication of An

ame to believe was a national war. The contest was personal: it arose from the conflicting ambitions of two rivals for supre

A conscious and united Italy cannot have arisen, total and immediate, from the plebiscite of the year 32: that act was but t

the veterans had served under Antonius, they had received their lands from his rival, regarded Caesar’s heir as their patron

in northern Samnium, that the Vinicii could answer for fervid support from the colony of Cales in Campania. 2 Less eminent p

bout the time of the battle of Actium (Dio 51, 20, 5), certainly came from Aesernia (ILS 895); and Sex. Appuleius was patron

he sea would be ruinous to an Italy that had prospered and grown rich from the revenues of the East, the return she gained f

d and grown rich from the revenues of the East, the return she gained from her export of soldiers, financiers and governors.

en or native dynasts, were firmly devoted to the Caesarian cause. Men from Spain and Gallia Narbonensis had already been adm

tribes were attached in loyalty to the clientela of Caesar. Triumphs from Africa and Spain celebrated in 32 B.C by L. Corni

3 the Senate and a large number of Roman knights: they followed him from conviction, interest or fear. Hence an impressive

Gulf of Corinth was his head-quarters. His forces, fed by corn-ships from Egypt, were strung out in a long line from Corcyr

forces, fed by corn-ships from Egypt, were strung out in a long line from Corcyra and Epirus to the south-western extremity

sium Antonius had been unable to raise recruits in Italy. The retreat from Media had seriously depleted his army. 2 But he m

or to Italians, it is true, but by no means contemptible if they came from the virile and martial populations of Macedonia a

e Liberators had achieved when they contended against invaders coming from Italy. If that was his plan, it failed. Antoniu

4). As for Ántonius, O. Ćuntz(jahreshefte XXV (1929), 70 ff.) deduced from the gentilicia of a number of soldiers of eastern

nlistment by certain partisans of Antonius. Note also the inscription from Philae in Egypt (OGIS 196), dated to 32 B.C., men

er Antonius designed to fight a naval battle for victory or to escape from the blockade. 5 On the morning of September 2nd h

e Sosius and Poplicola; commands were also held by M. Insteius, a man from Pisaurum, by the experienced ex-Pompeian Q. Nasid

us 63. Like Pompeius Magnus (SIG3 762), Antonius hoped for assistance from the Dacians. 5 For the former view, W. W. Tarn,

ion. She was the last person of note in a family that claimed descent from the nobility of Alba Longa. More alarming was the

tonius. In the summer of the year 30 B.C. Octavianus approached Egypt from the side of Syria, Cornelius Gallus from the west

Octavianus approached Egypt from the side of Syria, Cornelius Gallus from the west. Pinarius Scarpus, Antonius’ lieutenant

reatest soldier of the day that called forth the shrillest jubilation from the victors, but the death of the foreign queen,

The profession of defending Rome’s Empire and the very spirit of Rome from the alien menace, imposed on Caesar’s heir in Ita

ne part of the north-eastern frontier policy of Antonius. His retreat from commitments in the East was unobtrusive and maste

chy. That kingdom, indeed, though difficult to an invader and elusive from its very lack of order and cohesion, was neither

nt in the Caesarian party, the proconsuls of the western provinces :4 from Spain, C. Calvisius Sabinus and Sex. Appuleius; f

ern provinces :4 from Spain, C. Calvisius Sabinus and Sex. Appuleius; from Africa, L. Autronius Paetus; from Gaul, C. Carrin

lvisius Sabinus and Sex. Appuleius; from Africa, L. Autronius Paetus; from Gaul, C. Carrinas and M. Valerius Messalla. The p

than one year; and a certain Thorius Flaccus, otherwise unknown (but from Lanuvium), was proconsul of Bithynia c. 28 B.C. (

eace was not a vague emollient: the word ‘pax’ can seldom be divorced from notions of conquest, or at least compulsion. It w

n Italy and in the provinces. The land was supplied by confiscation from Antonian towns and partisans in Italy, or purchas

confiscation from Antonian towns and partisans in Italy, or purchased from the war-booty, especially the treasure of Egypt.

as now mounting in value. The beneficial working of the rich treasure from Egypt became everywhere apparent. 3 Above all, se

for long years in the East men might fear lest the city be dethroned from its pride of place, lest the capital of empire be

d Livy duly demonstrates how the patriot Camillus not only saved Rome from the invader but prevented the citizens from aband

illus not only saved Rome from the invader but prevented the citizens from abandoning the destined seat of empire for a new

discussing the symbolic decoration of the cuirass on Augustus’ statue from Prima Porta. Norden argued that Aen. 6, 794 ff. d

’ statue from Prima Porta. Norden argued that Aen. 6, 794 ff. derives from traditional laudations of Alexander, the world-co

its remarkable Caesarian or Augustan anticipations, probably derives from a source written soon after Actium, as Premerstei

t in the sixth and seventh consulates he transferred the Commonwealth from his own power to the discretion of the Senate and

02). Dio expressly states that Octavianus took the title of imperator from Crassus and added it to his own total (51, 25, 2)

val had elapsed (July, 27 B.C.), after which he disappears completely from history. In robbing Crassus of the title of imp

ons incised on the pyramids of Egypt. 3 Lapidary evidence, though not from a pyramid, shows the Roman knight proclaiming tha

ianus’ half-sister, followed Taurus in Spain. Messalla, who triumphed from Gaul on September 25th, 27 B.C., was in command o

and deplored the death of a friend. 2 Gallus may have been recalled from Egypt in 28 B.C. With the proconsul of Macedonia

constitutional propriety—or rather, impropriety. Crassus was a noble, from a great house, the grandson of a dynast who had t

s and celebrated triumphs. Octavianus would now remove the proconsuls from the more powerful of the military provinces and c

a knight as powerful as C. Cornelius Gallus could easily take a wife from the noblest houses in Rome. 4 On this topic see

andate, and ‘dux’ he remained, though the appellation gradually faded from use. Yet he might have kept it, whatever the form

ution and legal definition of his powers. The term ‘dux’ was familiar from its application to the great generals of the Repu

Book=>312 The word ‘princeps’, as applied to Augustus, is absent from the Aeneid of Virgil and is not of very common oc

of the Empire and the majority of the legions; and Egypt stood apart from the reckoning. But Augustus did not take all th

, Macedonia and Africa. 3 These regions were close to Italy, a menace from geographical position and the memory of recent ci

ation. The civil wars were over, but the Empire had not yet recovered from their ravages. Spain, a vast land, had not been p

conquered; Gaul cried out for survey and organization; Syria, distant from Rome and exposed to the Parthians, required caref

e proconsuls abroad. 2 For such cumulation of powers a close parallel from the recent past might properly have been invoked:

Not only that. The whole career of Pompeius was violent and illicit, from the day when the youth of twenty-three raised a p

νενʋσηκὸζ παραλαβὼν καί ἐξιασάμενʋζ ἀπέδωκε πάντα ὑμῖν ὑγιᾶ πʋιήσαζ ( from the funeral oration delivered by Tiberius). Pag

fficial conception, the Dictatorship and the Triumvirate were blotted from record. 3 This meant a certain rehabilitation of

3 Tacitus, in his history of legislation (Ann. 3, 28), passes at once from 52 B.C. to 28 B.C. In between, ‘non mos, non ius.

odern inquirer any secret about the rule of Augustus which was hidden from contemporaries. In so far as Cicero had a polit

der. So Brutus thought. 1 In the New State, which was quite different from Dictatorship, Cicero would be honoured by Princep

state of all, more truly Republican than any Republic, for it derived from consensus Italiae and concordia ordinum; it comme

and respecting legitimate authority. True libertas was very different from licence: imperium was indispensable. What fairer

ind no quarrel with a rigid law of high treason. It is time to turn from words and theories. Only a robust faith can disco

n a long tradition of law and government did not need to take lessons from theorists or from aliens. 3 Vain trouble and fr

of law and government did not need to take lessons from theorists or from aliens. 3 Vain trouble and fruitless search for

at Augustus had conceived the idea of the rule of the ‘optimus civis’ from Panaetius through Cicero. PageBook=>322 wo

ry leader who won supreme power through civil war. All that he needed from Cicero he had got long ago, in the War of Mutina.

et—all that the principes in the last generation held, but now stolen from them and enhanced to an exorbitant degree; and he

e armies of the Roman People, in fact though not in law, and provided from his own pocket the bounty for the legionaries whe

from his own pocket the bounty for the legionaries when they retired from service. NotesPage=>322 1 Res Gestae 34: p

ap between fact and theory. It was evident: no profit but only danger from talking about it. The Principate baffles definiti

acriora ex eo vincula. ’ PageBook=>324 A later historian dates from this ‘constitutional’ settlement the beginning of

pursuit to speculate upon the subtleties of legal theory, or to trace from age to age the transmission of perennial maxims o

rty, was M. Junius Silanus, of a variegated past, changing in loyalty from Lepidus to Antonius, to Sex. Pompeius and again t

th some twenty legions. The Cisalpina was no longer a province. Apart from that, Augustus’ portion was closely comparable in

ost unfortunate. 3 Among the ex-consuls were men dangerously eminent, from family or from ambition. Crassus was a recent war

. 3 Among the ex-consuls were men dangerously eminent, from family or from ambition. Crassus was a recent warning. Triumvira

at the time and seldom suspected since—he wished to remove proconsuls from Spain, Gaul and Syria, becoming proconsul of all

onian province (Syria and Cilicia Campestris), to which Cyprus, taken from Egypt after Actium, was at first added. 2 L. Ga

σαι δυνάμενα κατέσχεν. PageBook=>327 the only immediate change from Triumviral practice. No longer the menace of a si

x more since then. Some of these men were dead or had lapsed long ago from public notice. Nor was it likely that the ex-Anto

Sosius and M. Licinius Crassus would command armies again. Yet, apart from these survivals of a lost cause, Rome could boast

nced in years, namely the senior consular Calvinus, the two survivors from the company of Caesar’s legates in the Civil Wars

ar’s legates in the Civil Wars, Carrinas and Calvisius, and a general from the campaign of Philippi, C. Norbanus. But there

and Sex. Appuleius. PageBook=>328 in his old age, twenty years from his consulate. It was Sex. Appuleius, a kinsman o

y, Sardinia with Corsica. PageBook=>329 These regions were far from peaceful, but their garrison was kept small in si

ver, the Princeps encroached in Illyricum and in Macedonia, the basis from which the north-eastern frontier of empire was ex

it is by no means certain that it held good for the public provinces from the beginning. Ultimately only two provinces, Afr

onsuls of consular rank. In the early years it might be expected that from time to time men of consular rank would be put in

PARTY AND STATE PageBook=>331 THE pretext of a special mandate from Senate and People was not merely a recognition of

attention. He turned first to the provinces of the West, setting out from Rome towards the middle of the year 27. In absenc

irst invaded Spain: the conquest of that vast peninsula was still far from complete. The intractable Cantabrians and Asturia

Asturians of north-western Spain, embracing a wide range of territory from the western Pyrenees to the north of Portugal, ha

the field in person. 4 He marched northwards against the Cantabrians from a base near Burgos. The nature of the land dictat

s grim and arduous. Augustus fell grievously ill. He sought healing from Pyrenean springs and solace in the composition of

1 Dio 53, 25, 2. 2 Velleius 2, 78, 3; Dio 48, 42, 1 ff. 3 Apart from the Acta Triumphalia, no record of any fighting s

upon a desolated land. Such was the end of a ten years’ war in Spain ( from 28 to 19 B.C.)2. Frail and in despair of life,

the kingdom of Thrace without authority. Primus alleged instructions from the Princeps. The First Citizen appeared in court

of independent and recalcitrant temper. Hitherto Piso had held aloof from public life, disdaining office. Augustus, in virt

was the settlement of the year 23 B.C. Augustus resolved to refrain from holding the supreme magistracy year by year. In t

functions, without bearing the name, of an extraordinary magistracy; from July 1st 23 B.C. Augustus dated his tenure of the

passing of a lex de imperio. 3 Unless in 29 B.C., to exclude a man from the tribunate (Dio 52, 42, 3). 4 Tacitus, Ann.

ible and therefore vulnerable prerogatives of magistracy. His passage from Dux to Princeps in 28 and 27 B.C. embodied a clea

imperium is so important that all mention of it is studiously omitted from the majestic and misleading record of Augustus’ o

has been argued, but cannot be proved. Nor can precision be extorted from Josephus’ statement (AJ 15, 350): π μπϵται δ’ ’Aγ

d commanded armies in the wars of the Revolution. 4 Syria was distant from Rome, there must be care in the choice of Caesar’

r the Varro in charge of Syria was perhaps Murena’s brother. He fades from recorded history. When M. Agrippa went out, he ad

So much for the settlement of 23 B.C. It was only twenty-one years from the removal of a Dictator and the rebirth of Libe

e removal of a Dictator and the rebirth of Libertas, twenty-one years from the first coup d’état of Caesar’s heir. Liberty h

s of acts, the establishment of the Empire might suitably be reckoned from this year. The legal and formal changes have be

in (1908), 145 ff. 4 M.(?) Aelius Gallus, Prefect of Egypt perhaps from 27 to 25 B.C., made a fruitless invasion of Arabi

wars and to acquire military glory L. Sempronius Atratinus triumphed from Africa in 21 B.C., Balbus two years later for his

, himself the bearer of a name more than mortal, Augustus stood aloof from ordinary mankind. He liked to fancy that there wa

t have been preserved, despite the inferences plausibly to be derived from the social and moral programme which he was held

e work of others, and his unique primacy must not obscure the reality from which it arose the fact that he was the leader of

of Rome, the flesh of young donkeys. 2 Effusive in gratitude, or even from friendship, the chorus of Maecenas’ poets might s

recalling with pride their alien origin. In politics the Claudii, far from being narrowly traditional, were noted as innovat

‘the Roman Ulysses’. 1 For her son she might have selected an heiress from the most eminent families of Rome: she chose inst

the foundation-members; and subsequent accessions have been indicated from time to time. It grew steadily in numbers and in

mbers and in dignity as Caesar’s heir recruited followers and friends from the camps of his adversaries until in the end, by

e War of Actium, most of them with scorn and hate in their hearts yet from the salutary compulsion to derive honour and adva

ain by the Parthians, Ventidius of a natural death. Had they survived from good fortune or a better calculation in treason,

of unknown ancestors. The august and purified assembly that received from the hands of Italy’s leader the restored Republic

of property and the existing dispensation), boldly extended the term from the senatorial order to cover every class in soci

got in recompense the estates of the vanquished now profited further from the Principate land rose rapidly in value. 3 Bu

the law and the constitution to protect their fortunes. So far indeed from there being reaction under the Principate, the ga

were to remain: the Romans did not believe in equality. 1 But passage from below to the equestrian order and from the equest

eve in equality. 1 But passage from below to the equestrian order and from the equestrian order to the Senate was to be made

legionaries with land, Italian or provincial, which he had purchased from his own funds. After that, he instituted a bounty

ke the armies as a whole, the individual legionary was to be isolated from politics, divorced from his general and personall

, the individual legionary was to be isolated from politics, divorced from his general and personally attached to the head o

further, it is by no means unlikely that sons of equestrian families from the towns of Italy entered the legions for advent

t difficult): but there was no regular promotion, in the army itself, from the centurionate to equestrian posts. The Revolut

o equestrian posts. The Revolution brought a change, deriving perhaps from purely military needs as well as from social and

ught a change, deriving perhaps from purely military needs as well as from social and political causes namely the practice o

iers’ sons become knights through military service. T. Flavius Petro, from Reate, a Pompeian veteran, had a son of equestria

PageBook=>355 Thus was the equestrian order steadily reinforced from beneath; and it transmitted the choice flower of

ect taxes in the provinces are now let out to tax-farmers. Banished from politics, the knights acquire from the Princeps b

let out to tax-farmers. Banished from politics, the knights acquire from the Princeps both usefulness and dignity. An eque

tion is gradually built up, in itself no sudden novelty, but deriving from common practice of the age of Pompeius, accelerat

tend the collection of the revenues of his provinces. They were drawn from the aristocracy of the towns, provincial as well

eedman no doubt he had many enemies. L. Annaeus Seneca, a wealthy man from Corduba, may have held a post of this kind before

tilenean historian, was procurator in Asia; 7 and before long two men from Gallia Narbonensis acquired ‘equestris nobilitas’

eius 2, 101, 2 f.; 104, 3; III, 2. 3 See the remarkable inscription from Emona recently published by B. Saria (Glasnik muz

as annexed (A.D. 6), Coponius, a Roman knight of a respectable family from Tibur, became its first governor; 1 and in a time

apital; and the praefectus vigilum, with cohorts enrolled in the main from freed slaves, was responsible for policing and fo

main from freed slaves, was responsible for policing and for security from riot or fire. 3 The Viceroy of Egypt could look

security from riot or fire. 3 The Viceroy of Egypt could look down from high eminence upon a mere proconsul of Crete or C

indeed that a sharp line of division had hitherto separated senators from knights. They belonged to the same class in socie

ilies. The grandfather of L. Piso (cos. 58 B.C.) was a business man from Placentia; 4 a patrician Manlius married a woman

a business man from Placentia; 4 a patrician Manlius married a woman from Asculum; 5 NotesPage=>357 1 Josephus, BJ 2

sephus, BJ 2, 117 f.; AJ 18, 29 ff. 2 Dio 55, Ioa, 1; also Sardinia from A.D. 6 (Dio 55, 28, 1, cf. ILS 105). 3 The firs

s became Prefect of the Guard and Viceroy of Egypt; he married a wife from the patrician family of Cornelius Maluginensis. 3

the circle of the consular families, such men were commonly precluded from the highest distinction in the Free State. The no

e Pollio, whose grandfather led the Marrucini against Rome, Ventidius from Picenum and the Marsian Poppaedius. Despite the

and admission to the Senate of the flower of Italy, good opulent men from the colonies and municipia. 3 NotesPage=>359

estor. 1 Contemporary and parallel are two other municipal partisans, from Treia in Picenum and from Corfinium of the Paelig

parallel are two other municipal partisans, from Treia in Picenum and from Corfinium of the Paeligni. 2 Municipal men in t

ompeius were furnished in the main by Latium, Campania and the region from Etruria eastwards towards Picenum and the Sabine

Etruria eastwards towards Picenum and the Sabine land. Now they came from all Italy in its widest extension, from the footh

he Sabine land. Now they came from all Italy in its widest extension, from the foothills of the Alps down to Apulia, Lucania

enus Bassus (BMC, R. Emp. I, 49) probably comes of a municipal family from Aletrium, cf. ILS 5348. For Treia, ILS 937; Asisi

Some were recent upstarts, enriched by murder and rapine. Others came from the ancient aristocracy of the land, dynastic and

of the land, dynastic and priestly families tracing descent unbroken from gods and heroes, or at least from a long line of

y families tracing descent unbroken from gods and heroes, or at least from a long line of local magnates, bound by ties of b

anus, Mimisius, Viriasius and Mussidius could never pretend to derive from pure Latin stock. 2 Above and before all stands t

hat blatant prodigy of nomenclature, Sex. Sotidius Strabo Libuscidius from Canusium. 3 These dim characters with fantastic

an assembly of all Italy. Names more familiar than these now emerge from municipal status, maintain and augment their dign

imperial history. M. Salvius Otho, the son of a Roman knight, sprung from ancient and dynastic stock in Etruscan Ferentum,

in Etruscan Ferentum, became a senator under Augustus. 4 P. Vitellius from Nuceria won distinction as procurator of Augustus

ntered the Senate. 5 Vespasius Pollio, of a highly respectable family from Nursia, in the recesses of the Sabine land, serve

epos, Barbi et Dirutiae pro-nepos’. Didia Decuma, daughter of Barbus, from Larinum (CIL IX, 751), might be related to this f

uscan origin (Schulze, LE, 138). Post. Mimisius Sardus certainly came from Asisium, of a family of municipal magistrates, IL

type is Sex. Vitulasius Nepos, cos. suff. A.D. 78, who probably comes from the land of the vestini (ILS 9368, cf. CIL IX, 35

1, 3. PageBook=>362 Others already had gone farther, securing from Augustus ennoblement of their families. In the fo

uccession of alien names on the Fasti. M. Vinicius was a knight’s son from the colony of Cales. P. Sulpicius Quirinius had n

uvium. 1 L. Tarius Rufus, ‘infima natalium humilitate’, probably came from Picenum. 2 The origin of M. Lollius and of P. Sil

icenum, as would be expected, supplied soldiers: the two Poppaei came from an obscure community in that region. 6 Larinum, a

otesPage=>362 1 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 48. Lanuvium is only five miles from Velitrae. 2 No certain evidence: but he purchas

etorian in rank (P-W III A, 72). As for M. Lollius, there were Lollii from Picenum (such as Palicanus) and from Ferentinum i

or M. Lollius, there were Lollii from Picenum (such as Palicanus) and from Ferentinum in Latium, cf. esp. ILS 5342 ff. (of t

great Volaterran gens this Caecina belonged evades conjecture. Apart from these two men (and Quirinius and Valgius) there a

. Fabricius, suffect consuls in 5, 4 and 2 B.C. Caelius may have come from Tusculum, CIL XIV, 2622 f. 6 C. Poppaeus Sabinu

uff. A.D. 5) and A. Vibius Habitus (cos. suff. A.D. 8) certainly came from Larinum (CIL IX, 730): for earlier members of thi

. 1 These men were representatives of Augustus’ Italy, many of them from the Italia whose name, nation and sentiments had

five or six men appear to have begun their senatorial career, coming from the towns of Verona, Patavium, Brixia, Pola and C

distinction, proudly recorded on his tomb, of being the first senator from all the Paeligni. 4 NotesPage=>363 1 L. Ap

an moneyer L. Valerius Catullus (BMC, R. Emp. 1, 50) presumably comes from Verona, as does M. Fruticius (CIL ν, 3339); and V

01, a freedman of the family)? Further, C. Pontius Paelignus may come from Brixia, cf. ILS 942. 3 Cf. esp. CIL IX, 3082 (L

ristia 4, 10, 7, confirmed by the Paelignian inscr. ‘Ob. Oviedis L.’ ( from Corfinium, R. S. Conway, The Italic Dialects 1, 2

superfluous. The absence of any system of representative government from the republics and monarchies of antiquity has bee

ng it was liberal and ‘progressive’. Moreover, every class in society from senators down to freedmen now enjoyed status and

t receive the Roman citizenship as the reward of valour; and many men from the provinces entered the legions of the Roman Pe

descendants of kings and tetrarchs. 2 In the provinces of the West, from continuous immigration, from the establishment of

archs. 2 In the provinces of the West, from continuous immigration, from the establishment of veteran colonies and from th

ontinuous immigration, from the establishment of veteran colonies and from the grant of the Roman franchise to natives, the

egions, were loyal to the government of Rome now that they had passed from the clientela of the Pompeii to that of the Julii

sion and the liberal policy of Caesar: a grave exaggeration, deriving from that schematic contrast between Caesar the Dictat

XIV (1938), 1 f. PageBook=>367 Caesar’s liberalism is inferred from his intentions, which cannot be known, and from h

iberalism is inferred from his intentions, which cannot be known, and from his acts, which were liable to misrepresentation.

The descendants of the Narbonensian partisans remained. 1 Of the men from Spain, Saxa and Balbus were dead, but the younger

ebrated by a senator. Moreover, Junius Gallio, an opulent rhetorician from Spain and a friend of the Annaei, and a certain P

ign of Augustus, soon followed by Cn. Domitius Afer, the great orator from Nemausus. 2 Men from the provinces served as of

ollowed by Cn. Domitius Afer, the great orator from Nemausus. 2 Men from the provinces served as officers in the equestris

who adopted one of the three sons of Seneca the Elder, probably came from Spain (P-W x, 1035 f.). (Q.) Pompeius Macer was p

er, that he actually entered the Senate. 3 ILS 2688 (Sex. Aulienus, from Forum Julii); 9502 f. (C. Caristanius Fronto, a c

sidian Antioch). 4 Not only Gallus. C. Turranius (c. 7-4 B.C.) came from Spain, if he is rightly to be identified with Tur

urther, C. Julius Aquila (c. 10 B.C.) may well be provincial, perhaps from Bithynia- Pontus (for another member of this fami

had his revenge. He did not care to exclude any large body of nobiles from the Senate. But the master of patronage could att

f the nobiles; and some, like Cn. Piso (cos. 23 B.C.), joined perhaps from a disinterested patriotism. The old families had

s therefore hard to discern under what conditions they were liberated from control and restored to Republican freedom. Tha

t thirty-six, Agrippa at twenty-six. The constitution never recovered from its enemies or from its friends. Augustus in the

a at twenty-six. The constitution never recovered from its enemies or from its friends. Augustus in the first years masked o

face of opposition and by complicated methods, he reduced the Senate from eight hundred to six hundred members. He professe

ral ambition, corruption or disorders. Emerging with renewed strength from the crisis of 23 B.C., the Princeps demonstrated

magistracies, see CAH x, 163 f. PageBook=>371 Agrippa departed from Rome before the end of 23 B.C., removing from men

;371 Agrippa departed from Rome before the end of 23 B.C., removing from men’s eyes one of the visible evidences of milita

lers. There followed a certain relaxation in the control of elections from accident or from design. Augustus’ intentions may

wed a certain relaxation in the control of elections from accident or from design. Augustus’ intentions may have been laudab

isturbances recalled the authentic Republic, something very different from the firm order that had prevailed in the first fo

n of the nobiles, the proportion on the Fasti showing no great change from the Triumviral period. After 19 B.C., however,

unless aided by such powerful protection as the low-born Afranius had from Pompeius; and Pompeius’ consul Gabinius was a pol

ne the less, though modified, the old categories subsisted. 5 Descent from consuls secured the consulate even to the most un

its birth. 2 L. Calpurnius Piso acquired more favour as a patron than from his own productions. Of the younger generation of

f. A portion of Fabius’ letter to the cities of Asia can be recovered from several fragmentary copies, OGIS 458. 3 L. Vini

scendants of forgotten families were discovered in obscurity, rescued from poverty and restored by subsidy to the station an

te the praenomina, Paullus and Africanus, of the two Fabii, descended from Aemilii and Scipiones. 3 Pliny, NH 35, 8. Obser

eps’ only pawn. His sister Octavia had children by her two marriages: from the first, C. Marcellus and two Marcellas, who so

d two Marcellas, who soon became available for matrimonial alliances, from the second the two Antonias, daughters of M. An

tonia went to L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, to whom she had been betrothed from infancy, the younger to Augustus’ stepson Drusus.

y and to subsidize his political allies. Corruption had been banished from electoral contests: which confirmed its power in

contests: which confirmed its power in private. With the fortune won from confiscation and the treasure of the Ptolemies, t

were now deprived of the ruinous profits of political power, debarred from alliances with those financial interests with who

t, of an ever-growing palace. Cicero had acquired an imposing mansion from his profits as a political advocate money from P.

ed an imposing mansion from his profits as a political advocate money from P. Sulla went to pay for it. The Antonian L. Marc

y for it. The Antonian L. Marcius Censorinus entered into possession, from whom it passed to the family of Statilius Taurus.

man of parsimonious tastes, L. Tarius Rufus, acquired a huge fortune from the bounty of Augustus, which he proceeded to dil

nicius in Illyricum and M. Lollius in Macedonia, must have been drawn from a small and select list indeed. The Princeps appo

t matter. There were other ways. The system broadens as it descends from consulars to senators of lower rank, to knights,

ius 2, 16, 3; for his son, ILS 5318. M. Magius Maximus certainly came from Aeclanum (ILS 1335). As the gentilicium is not un

, L. Aelius Seianus. Seius, the son of a Terentia, had married a wife from a patrician family. Seianus had brothers, cousins

time women and freedmen. The great political ladies of the Republic, from the daughters of consular families such as Sempro

a cosmopolitan court. These influences were bound up with the faction from the beginning: active, though studiously masked u

Galba 5, 2. Galba’s father had married a second wife, Livia Ocellina, from a distant branch of Livia’s own family. If not ex

able men lacking birth, protection or desperate ambition stood aloof from politics. They could hardly be blamed. The consul

rs as well as the consuls, diverting their energies and their leisure from intrigue and violence to the service of the State

sination of Caesar the Dictator, the consulars had failed lamentably, from private ambition and personal feuds, from incompe

lars had failed lamentably, from private ambition and personal feuds, from incompetence and from their very paucity. In Dece

ably, from private ambition and personal feuds, from incompetence and from their very paucity. In December of 43 B.C. there

vinces, however, were governed by proconsuls. But they too were drawn from his partisans. For the present, peace and the Pri

aded to surrender the captured standards and Roman soldiers surviving from the disasters of Crassus and Antonius; and an exp

ast, Agrippa came to Rome in 13 B.C., to find Augustus newly returned from Spain and Gaul. During the last fourteen years, t

istence of a standing army and consecrated the removal of the legions from the field of politics. Never again was provision

fifteen were now available in the provinces of the northern frontier, from Gaul to Macedonia: a great advance was designed a

Augustan plan sought to rectify these defects by winning a land route from Italy to the Balkans and an adequate frontier. Th

adequate frontier. This was the essential and the minimum. An advance from the side of Gaul into Germany might shorten commu

onverging and triumphant campaigns (15 B.C.). Silius has almost faded from historical record: the two Claudii, the stepsons

1 Cf. JRS XXIII (1933), 19 ff. A number of legions recently withdrawn from Spain reinforced the armies of Gaul and Illyricum

oever he may have been, was surely not inactive. Conquest had to come from two directions, from the west and from the south,

n, was surely not inactive. Conquest had to come from two directions, from the west and from the south, demanding the servic

inactive. Conquest had to come from two directions, from the west and from the south, demanding the services of two separate

ntended to fall to Agrippa and the two Claudii. Agrippa on his return from the East went to Illyricum and fought a campaign

pa should prosecute the conquest of Illyricum in 12 B.C. while Drusus from the Rhine invaded Germany and Tiberius operated i

Pannonia, Agrippa died in February, 12 B.C. Further, there was delay from the side of Macedonia. A great insurrection broke

great insurrection broke out in Thrace. L. Calpurnius Piso, summoned from Galatia with an army, was occupied in the Balkans

, 3 f. (under 16 B.C.). For M. Lollius, cf. the fragment of an inscr. from Philippi (L’ann. ep. 1933, 85); for L. Tarius, th

of an inscr. from Philippi (L’ann. ep. 1933, 85); for L. Tarius, that from the vicinity of Amphipolis (ib., 1936, 18): ‘imp.

hat the Princeps had temporarily taken over the province or refrained from having a proconsul appointed. There is no record

at least superintended the foreign and frontier policy of the Empire from close at hand, with long periods of residence in

. 2 Odes 4, 9. 3 For example, Piso and Ahenobarbus receive no ode from Horace. PageBook=>393 Above all, there is

f historical evidence for the nine years in which Tiberius was absent from the service of Rome (6 B.C.-A.D. 4). By accident

period. Certain campaigns, deliberately omitted by Velleius and lost from Dio, or unknown to him, may belong here. 2 For

as praetorian and consular. Africa, it may be presumed, was governed from the beginning by men of consular rank, perhaps As

uls. The Senate retained Africa, a province of no little importance from its constant and arduous wars: the garrison may n

ot always have been as small as the single legion that remained there from the last years of Augustus onwards; 1 and althoug

C.,) or some dozen years later, the legions of Macedonia were removed from the proconsul and assigned to the governor of a n

95 To the Senate he had restored no military territories, but only, from time to time, certain peaceful regions, namely th

were always futile or disastrous. The Romans were at least preserved from the dreary calamities that so often attend upon t

nsis in 22 B.C. (Dio 54, 4, 1). The date at which Baetica was severed from Hispania Ulterior and transferred to the Senate h

m Labienus, who must have had previous experience. 2 Another Pompeian from Picenum, Afranius, had served under his patron co

um (In Pisonem 54). 2 That is, on the assumption that Labienus was, from the beginning, a partisan of Pompeius (JRS XXVIII

striking example of continuous service is afforded by the novus homo from Picenum, C. Poppaeus Sabinus (cos. A.D. 9). Dur

ted in 13 B.C. M. Titius, who possessed a long experience of the East from his Antonian days, appears then to have been appo

two separate occasions. The argument for assigning to him the inscr. from Tibur (ILS 918) is not so strong. Cf. n. 8. 2 J

but there would be room for him in the period 4–1 B.C. The dedication from Hieropolis-Castabala in Cilicia, published in Jah

however, to assign to Piso the acephalous and much-contested elogium from Tibur (ILS 918). This inscr. records the career o

n War of Piso, so now the Balkan lands called again for reinforcement from the armies of the East. In A.D. 7 Silvanus brough

.C. But no ground was lost during the decade when Tiberius was absent from the conduct of Rome’s foreign policy (6 B.C.-A.D.

he north would reveal momentous political facts. 1 When Tiberius went from Illyricum to the Rhine after Drusus’ death he was

e next legate was L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who marched across Germany from the Danube to the Elbe; 3 after him and before A.

B.C., not, as hitherto believed, of 18 B.C. Dates for Lentulus range from 15–14 B.C. (C. Patsch, o.c, 91 ff.) to A.D. II (A

5 Above, p. 394. 6 Velleius 2, 101, 3 (I B.C.), cf. IGRR 1, 654, from Callatis (for P. Vinicius). The successor of P. S

show that by now the region of Asturia-Callaecia had been transferred from the latter province to the former and that the tw

ed his amphitheatre and Cornificius rebuilt the temple of Diana, both from war-booty; and Balbus’ theatre also commemorated

self repaired the Via Flaminia. 3 The charge of other roads radiating from Rome, fell to some of his generals who had recent

o the consuls of the year 8 B.C.; the first standing commission dates from A.D. 15 or not long after. 5 Other small groups

not long after. 5 Other small groups of consulars were established from time to time, such as an Economy Commission of th

se function passed at once to an equestrian prefect. 6 Again, appeals from the provinces were delegated to consulars. In 4 B

JRS XVII (1927), 34 ff.). On consulars, each put in charge of appeals from a province, Suetonius, Divus Aug. 33, 3. For a co

mes to cities, and that was in far Cilicia. No senator might depart from Italy and visit the provinces, save permission ob

an ordered commonwealth, consulate and military command were removed from competition and from profit, for the governor now

lth, consulate and military command were removed from competition and from profit, for the governor now received a salary in

Caesar’s law about the colony of Urso forbids senators and their sons from becoming patroni (ILS 6087, c. 130). The central

e of coining in gold and silver. 5 It acquires new functions, derived from its practice of taking cognizance of matters affe

han Augustus hastened to palliate any inconveniences that might arise from that alarming novelty. He instructed the Senate t

re public business. The committee, comprising the consuls, one member from every other board of magistrates and fifteen sena

powers and gradually usurped jurisdiction: to aid him he would summon from time to time a consilium, drawn from personal fri

tion: to aid him he would summon from time to time a consilium, drawn from personal friends, representative senators and leg

heir existence, their character and their composition must be deduced from the relations between the Princeps and the State

be deduced from the relations between the Princeps and the State and from their effects as revealed in the course of events

somewhere. Moreover, it was no doubt only the residue of the revenues from his own provinces that Augustus paid into the aer

vinces that Augustus paid into the aerarium, which he also subsidized from his own private fortune. 7 Augustus had huge sums

is Country. 3 Religion, law and literature all came under guidance, from above and from behind. The care of the national c

Religion, law and literature all came under guidance, from above and from behind. The care of the national cult might appea

n the last period of Augustus’ rule, literature not merely languished from the loss of its shining glories it appears to hav

d from the loss of its shining glories it appears to have broken away from the control of the government. Augustus had grown

he power of making war and peace. 2 That was not necessary. Embassies from foreign powers might be introduced to the Senate

82. 2 Cf. W. Kolbe, Aus Roms Zeitwende, 51. It is not safe to infer from the Lex de imperio Vespasiana, as many do, that A

t struggle round a moribund despot. Modesty or ignorance deterred him from the attempt. It would have required imagination t

ashion, so that the transmission of power appeared to be no different from its first legitimation, namely, a special mandate

inius Sura (P-W XIII, 475). Pliny, Epp. 9, 13, 11, attests the danger from the provincial armies. Late in 97 or early in 98

e position of Tiberius became irksome; and some spoke of estrangement from his wife, embittered by the politic necessity of

cum and extended the gains of Drusus in Germany: he was now to depart from Rome and set in order the affairs of the East (no

e for a time this unbending and independent character, to prevent him from acquiring personal popularity in the capital and

nd in the Alpine campaigns. The stepson of Augustus, he had benefited from that relationship. Yet even had Livia not been th

nsion among its directors, the nominal leader. may emancipate himself from control, or he may be removed by death. For the m

teenth, the other in his eleventh year. The Princeps had broken loose from the Caesarian party, alienated his deputy and a s

f nobiles, the peers and rivals of Tiberius, gain splendour and power from his eclipse. Depressed and decimated by war and r

sincere or most narrow type of Republican politician derived commonly from a more recent nobility, or from none at all. The

epublican politician derived commonly from a more recent nobility, or from none at all. The firmest defenders of Libertas we

poem on the fall of Libertas was a colonial Roman, M. Annaeus Lucanus from Corduba. Among the nobiles were magnates who st

Iullus Antonius (cos. 10 B.C.), a man of taste and culture, took over from Agrippa the one Marcella, P. Quinctilius Varus (c

held in succession the command of the great northern armies, passing from Illyricum to Germany. He is described as cruel, a

through the Triumvir. His nephew and enemy, Paullus Aemilius Lepidus, from the Sicilian War onwards a personal friend of Aug

ius Silvanus (cos. 2 B.C.) and A. Plautius (cos.suff. 1 B.C.) descend from that family: which cannot be proved. As perhaps w

ted to the court faction that they could not survive, and even profit from , a revulsion of fortune. 3 But the principal supp

ius. 4 Many men of merit had shared with Tiberius’ parents the flight from Italy, the sojourn with Sex. Pompeius and memorie

, by the mysterious M. Licinius Crassus, cos. 14 B.C., as is inferred from 1G 112, 4163. On this problem, cf. E. Groag in PI

sgraced by public and nocturnal debauch the Forum and the very Rostra from which the Princeps her father had promulgated the

mnis licentiae sub ignoto adultero peteret. ’ This purports to derive from Augustus’ accusations against his daughter. The s

l is uncertain if Augustus struck down Julia and Antonius, it was not from tenderness for Tiberius. It may be that through t

of the syndicate of government since Agrippa the vicegerent departed from the East twelve years before. In the meantime, ab

ults. Shortly after this, Lollius the ‘comes et rector’ fell abruptly from favour and died, of his own hand, so it was repor

intrigue. 2 Against Lollius it was alleged that he had taken bribes from eastern kings3 in itself no grave misdemeanour. T

re death by the governorship of Syria and after death. The novus homo from the small town of Lanuvium was accorded a public

rn was conditional on the consent of Gaius; and Tiberius was debarred from public life. He dwelt in Rome as a private citize

pic in the interests of Tiberius), Gaius wasted away and perished far from Rome (February 21st, A.D. 4). 5 NotesPage=>4

, though designated to replace Augustus, was to be cheated, prevented from transmitting the power to the Claudii only. He wa

nce, the power of Rome had been felt beyond the Danube. The peoples from Bohemia eastwards to Transylvania were compelled

A.D. 6, when the armies of the Rhine and of Illyricum invaded Bohemia from west and south, in a grand converging movement. T

The strength of body and intractable temper which he had inherited from his father might have been schooled in the discip

s family. The disasters of his armies tried him more sorely and wrung from his inhuman composure the despairing complaint ag

s, of Scipionic ancestry, son of Augustus’ friend Paullus, held aloof from the politics of the Aemilii and the alliance of h

ective Princeps; and neutrals reaped the fruits of prudent abstention from intrigue. Quirinius had prospered; 3 likewise P.

us (1931), 43 f., cf. 67. PageBook=>435 Such are the two Vibii from the small town of Larinum in Samnium; Papius Muti

f Larinum in Samnium; Papius Mutilus, also a Samnite; the two Poppaei from the Picene country; also L. Apronius and Q. Juniu

of Sentius ‘qui iam legatus patris eius in Germania fuerat’. Perhaps from A.D. 3. Possibly on an earlier and separate occas

berius in various capacities, namely M. Plautius Silvanus (summoned from Galatia to the Balkans with an army in A.D. 7),

er let out a secret. It will be recalled that Seius Strabo had a wife from one branch of the patrician Cornelii Lentuli. 1

son (Tacitus, Ann. 6, 30). Tiberius did not remove him. That was not from fear of a civil war, as Tacitus reports, but beca

6 Tacitus, Ann. 1, 80, cf. 6, 39. 7 Coin evidence attests him there from A.D. 12–13 to 16–17 (for details, PIR2, C 64); fo

erius, who had set out for Illyricum, was recalled by urgent messages from his mother. He arrived in time to receive the las

ages from his mother. He arrived in time to receive the last mandates from the lips of the dying Princeps so ran the officia

he had wished. The mandate was not exhausted when the State was saved from a foreign enemy. The solid mass of his middle-cla

orian Tacitus, would have none of them; and so they receive no praise from the poets. 1 Pompeius was no better, though he ha

a’. 2 It was not merely the vices of the principes that barred them from recognition. Their virtues had been pernicious.

and the chivalry of Antonius all these qualities had to be eradicated from the principes of the New State. If anything of th

A cuirass, concealed under the toga of the First Citizen, guarded him from assassination for plots were discovered in this y

ion of women had its reaction upon the men, who, instead of a partner from their own class, preferred alliance with a freedw

upervened, crushing and inexorable. The Lex Julia converted adultery, from a private offence with mild remedies and incomple

virtue singularly lacking in the city states of Greece but inculcated from early days at Rome by the military needs of the R

pse of Rome and the Empire, engendered a feeling of guilt it all came from neglect of the ancient gods. The evil went back m

or the Roman, but the inherited and cumulative curse would propagate, from one generation of corruption to the next, each wo

nd alarmingly popular in the Triumviral period they were banished now from the precincts of the city. 3 The national and pat

ement so deep and so strong cannot derive its validity or its success from mere action by a government. There is much more a

PageNotes. 448 1 Pliny, NH 14, 49 ff. Seneca bought the vineyard from Remmius (on which unsavoury character, cf. also S

orified the strong and stubborn peasant of Italy, laboriously winning from the cultivation of cereals a meagre subsistence f

ourse of two centuries the profits of empire, the influx of capital from Rome’s invisible export of governors and soldiers

historian, cf. the Sabine Sp. Ligustinus (Livy 42, 34) who inherited from his father one iugerum of land and the ‘parvum tu

gics of Virgil were intended to counsel and encourage. The profiteers from war and proscriptions had bought land. Though a n

arian Q. Remmius Palaemon were noted for the rich return they secured from their vines. 1 But the advocates of the high id

tion. That would be inexpedient. The political theorists of antiquity from the spurious Lycurgus to the authentic and revolu

iem pati robustus acri militia puer condiscat. 2 This was not far from the ideal of economic self-sufficiency. The old-f

s about primitive virtue and about the social degeneration that comes from wealth and empire. The Italian peasant may have b

esarian party over the nobiles. Being recruited in so large a measure from Roman knights of the towns of Italy, it found its

nalists. Augustus himself came of a municipal family. To his origin from a small and old-fashioned town in Latium certain

defect or a disadvantage; 4 and the Augustan revival need not shrink from the charge of studied antiquarianism. But the rel

me satisfaction that he had restored a quality which derived strength from memories of the Roman past, attached men’s sympat

to other causes than the legislation of Augustus,2 for luxury, so far from being abated, was quite unbridled under his succe

n ostentation or perished through ambition and intrigue. Novi homines from the towns of Italy, and especially from the provi

on and intrigue. Novi homines from the towns of Italy, and especially from the provinces, took their place, the rigour of wh

xed even by the splendid fortunes they amassed. Vespasian, an emperor from the Sabine country, ‘antiquo ipse cultu victuque’

ss. 2 The greatness of an imperial people derives in no small measure from the unconscious suppression of awkward truth. Whe

48, 2. PageBook=>457 The material was not available. Recruits from Italy south of the Apennines were by no means abu

lways evade detection: it will seldom have been high. Indeed, natives from the recently conquered valleys of the Alps were p

f the West in the Principate of Augustus, it may be presumed that men from Spain and Narbonensis would be discovered in larg

in the Guard (ILS 2023); where, in the Julio-Claudian period even men from Noricum (ILS 2033) and Thracians from Macedonia (

Julio-Claudian period even men from Noricum (ILS 2033) and Thracians from Macedonia (ILS 2030; 2032) can also be found. 4

(ILS 2030; 2032) can also be found. 4 Compare the list of soldiers from Coptos, ILS 2483: two Galatians bear the name of

es were susceptible to auctoritas, taking their tone and their tastes from above. Political invective was vigorous, ferociou

insidious enemies, the Dictator retorted with pamphlets, his own and from his faithful Hirtius; and the reluctant Cicero wa

etter that expressed some measure of approval. Constructive proposals from neutral or partisan men of letters were less in e

f. 2 The two Epistulae, even though authenticity be denied, are far from contemptible. 3 Suetonius, Divus Aug. 89, 3: ‘r

contest was perpetuated under the Principate by the Augustan reaction from contemporary Hellenism and from the Alexandrian m

e Principate by the Augustan reaction from contemporary Hellenism and from the Alexandrian models of the previous age, by th

, technically superb. Personal misfortune and political despair wrung from the youthful Horace the hard and bitter invective

t orbem. 2 None would have believed it, but Rome’s salvation issued from a Greek city. The priestess of Phoebus announced

e class to which these men of letters belonged had everything to gain from the new order. Both Virgil and Horace had lost th

r the age could give them. Horace was the son of a wealthy freedman from Venusia. Virgil and Livy had a more respectable o

aly, had no history of its own, with memories of ancient independence from Rome or recent hostility. As far as concerned t

re was patriotic recollection of the great Marius who had saved Italy from the German invader, there was devotion to Caesar

hip. But the men of the North, though alert and progressive, were far from being revolutionaries. In many respects, indeed,

fire and passion of the Transpadane Catullus was born again. He came from Asisium, neighbour city to unhappy Perusia, from

born again. He came from Asisium, neighbour city to unhappy Perusia, from that Italy which paid the bitter penalty for beco

instances of Maecenas. For all his dislike of war, he could turn away from his love and lover’s melancholy to celebrate with

a scapegoat whose very political harmlessness would divert attention from the real offences of Julia, her husband and her o

e, there was always the excellent water, so the Princeps pointed out, from the aqueducts which his son-in-law had constructe

State was vividly and triumphantly advertised when a sturdy plebeian from Faesulae marched to the Capitol and offered sacri

ntrast to Antonius’ action on the last occasion there flocked to Rome from the towns of Italy such a concourse as had never

ed, austere and remote. Most revealing, perhaps, is the mailed figure from Prima Porta, showing the Princeps in his middle y

al programme. In 13 B.C., when both Augustus and Agrippa had returned from the provinces, with the Empire pacified and new c

mily an abiding home in Italy. Pax Augusta could not be dissociated from Victoria Augusti. The martial origin and martial

d prayers before going to their armies or thanksgiving when returning from successful wars. PageNotes. 470 1 Res Gestae

tatues of military men with the inscribed record of their res gestae, from Aeneas and Romulus in the beginning down to recen

of his earlier dreams would be preserved and invoked a boy descending from heaven by a golden chain, alighting on the Capito

n chain, alighting on the Capitol and receiving an emblem of sovranty from Jupiter, and recognized again by Cicero on the ne

d, even had it been expedient, the gratitude of the people to himself from taking the form of honours almost divine. Augus

Augustus was not a god, though deification would come in due course, from merit and for service, as to Hercules, who had ma

was administered to the Eastern provinces when they were reconquered from Antonius. Later at least, soon after the territor

a god and lord of the land. Elsewhere in the East Augustus inherited from the dynasts Pompeius, Antonius and Caesar, along

ith their clientela, the homage they enjoyed. Caesar accepted honours from whomsoever voted, no doubt in the spirit in which

stus, like his predecessors, a god and saviour; not only does he take from Pompeius the title of ‘warden of land and sea’; 7

us dedicated at Lugdunum an altar to Rome and Augustus where deputies from the peoples of Comata could gather and manifest t

τ βί διεĸòσμƞ[σϵυ] | νενκαμ νη τòν Σεβαστòν κτλ . Compare the inscr. from Halicarnassus (IBM 994). 5 Suetonius, Divus Aug

THE army had made one emperor and could make another; and the change from Republic to Empire might be described as the prov

s. 1 The proconsuls and publicani of the Republic took a heavy toll from the provinces. The Empire supervened to curb its

. The rule of Rome in the Empire represented no miraculous conversion from a brutal and corrupt Republic to an ideal dispens

in the time of Augustus: one of them reveals what Asia had to suffer from a murderous proconsul. 4 Lack of prosecutors does

e moral code and later clamoured loudly that Julia should be restored from exile. 5 Too prudent or too grateful to attack Au

rtem exercitus’ (Tacitus, Hist. 1, 65). Varus got fifteen hundred men from the colony of Berytus in 4 B.C. (Josephus, AJ 17,

is absence in the East a salutary reminder to the Senate. It was only from members of that body that serious opposition to t

s opposition to the new régime was at all likely to come and then not from the majority. The new men were contented, the mos

bitter impotence, not least when they derived profit and advancement from the present order. For the sake of peace, the P

literary material that commonly defies historical criticism. To turn from the scandalous to the ridiculous, it will be obse

tic parsimony and petty superstitions which the Princeps had imported from his municipal origin. The person and character

been among the earliest of the nobiles who fought at Philippi to pass from Antonius to Octavianus, the statement is not as d

gustus did not forget his friends and allies: he was able to preserve from justice a certain Castricius who had given him in

Political oratory starved and dwindled in both law courts and Senate; from the assemblies of the People, the function of whi

igent to anticipate the future. He did not intend that his retirement from politics should be either inglorious or silent: h

essalla vied with Pollio as a patron of letters. When a mediocre poet from Corduba delivered in his house a lame panegyric o

.C. Pollio, however, set himself to describe the fall of the Republic from the compact of Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar to th

l opinion of the character, policy and style of Cicero was not so far from that of Pollio. Pollio’s native distrust of fine

rtues of Roman writers. Like Sallustius, too, he turned with distaste from the wars and politics of his time and became a hi

r, was scornful of the academic historian. 2 Livy had come to history from the study of rhetoric. That was not the only defe

is evident, however: the nature of ‘Patavinitas’ cannot be discovered from Livy’s writings alone, without reference to the c

and treatment appropriate to the writing of history. Pollio, who came from a poor and infertile region of Italy, knew what P

f Pollio must have delivered a more crushing verdict upon a historian from Patavium than the obvious and trivial comment tha

urban purity, mocked and showed up the provincial. Pollio, an Italian from the land of the Marrucini, was provincial himself

sessed the social and material advantages that rendered Pollio secure from reprisals as well as formidable in attack. Labien

ing the Greek Timagenes, who, quarrelling with his patron and falling from favour, had boldly consigned to the flames an adu

Seneca, De ira 3, 23, 4 ff. Pollio harboured him when he was expelled from Augustus’ house. 7 Seneca, Controv. 10, praef.

were condemned and burnt. Augustus was able to prevent his domination from being stamped as the open enemy of freedom and tr

also, now that Libertas was no more. The Principate inherited genius from the Triumviral period and claimed it for its own:

that the Princeps proposed to banish the writings of Virgil and Livy from the public libraries. 3 The rule of Caligula br

nvective of a robust democrat. Juvenal derives his names and examples from the descendants of the Republican nobility but no

ess does he venture to attack the opulent provincial families issuing from Spain and Narbonensis. They were now dominant in

ament for the decline of aristocratic virtus. Tacitus, a knight’s son from Italia Transpadana or from the province of Gallia

istocratic virtus. Tacitus, a knight’s son from Italia Transpadana or from the province of Gallia Narbonensis, recaptures in

, Maecenas in princely gardens, Titius and Quirinius acquiring brides from patrician families, Taurus flaunting in the city

is true, especially decayed branches of the patriciate, were revived from long obscurity by Caesar or by Augustus, either t

cily, found that obscurity and commercial pursuits were no protection from the doom of an illustrious name. 3 Yet these we

left no direct heir, and the grandnephew of the Dictator, an Octavius from Velitrae, after fighting against the great houses

tting. From the day when the great ancestor, Attus Clausus, migrating from the Sabine country to Rome, settled there with th

ompeius, have seemed destined to achieve power in the end. Inheriting from his father not only great estates but boundless p

the plebs of Rome, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus was formidable in politics from early youth. Like Brutus originally an enemy of P

ligula, Claudius and Nero all had Antonian blood in their veins, Nero from both sides of his family. Nero, the last emperor

veins and enriched the scandalous history of the Julio-Claudian age, from the blameless M. Silanus, whom Caligula called th

, as when a Piso, adopted by a Crassus, married a Scribonia descended from Pompeius, but also with the Julio- Claudians in t

Yet this family survived the alliance with Pompeius Magnus, inherited from the Scipiones, avoided entanglements with Augustu

omines of the Revolution and of the New State were by no means exempt from the infertility or the ill fortune that attended

o history: no offspring of theirs could hope to receive the consulate from the Caesarian leader. But the Caesarians themselv

us and of Sosius, Antonius’ admiral. 2 M. Titius had no known progeny from his alliance with the patrician Fabii; and other

oo, had only one son. M. Papius Mutilus the Samnite and the two Vibii from Larinum are the first and the last consuls of the

p. 379. 3 See above, pp. 425, 497. 4 Lollia Paullina, taken away from P. Memmius Regulus by Caligula (Ann. 12, 22) and

n there were venerable relics of the aristocracy, rare and portentous from the disappearance of their peers. The family of M

the disappearance of their peers. The family of M. Plautius Silvanus from Tibur had become connected in some way, through m

=>501 Even Nerva seems an anachronism. He was succeeded by a man from Spain, M. Ulpius Traianus, the son of a consular

educed the fortunes of the nobiles. Frugal and astute men of property from the newer parts of Italy and the civilized region

would swamp out descendants of noble houses and impoverished senators from Latium. 5 PageNotes. 501 1 PIR1, P 109. For h

f colonial magnates or of native dynasts who received the citizenship from proconsuls of the last century of the Republic an

e citizenship from proconsuls of the last century of the Republic and from Caesar the Dictator even admission to the Roman S

l about contemporary history: Balbus had a share in the making of it, from the dynasts’ pact in 60 B.C. through civil wars a

h civil wars and Dictatorship into the rule of the Triumvirs. The man from Gades, consul in 40 B.C., is a portent, it is tru

By the time of Caligula, Narbonensis provides two consuls, a Valerius from Vienna and a Domitius from Nemausus, descendants

rbonensis provides two consuls, a Valerius from Vienna and a Domitius from Nemausus, descendants of native families long enf

ised. 1 A few years, and Seneca the Corduban and Sex. Afranius Burrus from Vasio, the Prefect of the Guard, in alliance gove

rajan was the first provincial emperor, a Spaniard married to a woman from Nemausus. 3 Hadrian, his nearest kinsman, followe

rest kinsman, followed, then Antoninus Pius, in origin a Narbonensian from Nemausus. Even had Antoninus Pius not become empe

the world. Hostility to the nobiles was engrained in the Principate from its military and revolutionary origins. In the fi

succession (Ann. 13, 53 f.). The former was Seneca’s brother-in-law, from Arelate, Pliny NH 33, 143: the latter came from V

eca’s brother-in-law, from Arelate, Pliny NH 33, 143: the latter came from Vasio (CIL XII, 1354). 3 That Pompeia Plotina c

latter came from Vasio (CIL XII, 1354). 3 That Pompeia Plotina came from Nemausus is made probable, but not proved, by SHA

nd his name, the Emperor could not. Before long the nobiles disappear from the great military commands. Eight legions on the

Rufus, whom some alleged to be the son of a gladiator, Duvius Avitus from Vasio, Pompeius Paullinus from Arelate, Narbonens

the son of a gladiator, Duvius Avitus from Vasio, Pompeius Paullinus from Arelate, Narbonensians both, and L. Verginius Ruf

us Paullinus from Arelate, Narbonensians both, and L. Verginius Rufus from Mediolanium, like them the son of a Roman knight.

the Fasti three Republican nobiles and some seven or eight men sprung from Triumviral or Augustan consuls: only one man of t

tation the sober virtue of quies or political quietism an inheritance from a lower and commercial order of society, the Roma

uld not ultimately protect the grandson of Augustus’ marshal Vinicius from the resentment of Valeria Messallina. 4 PageNot

ύ πρàττων έσὠζετο. PageBook=>505 The nobiles were pushed aside from power, stripped of their estates and steadily thi

encouragement. Tiberius, however, was insecure. The nobiles suffered from their own ambitions and feuds. It was a temptatio

eianus, went crashing to his fall. But they seldom got away unscathed from such spectacles. The present was ominous, the fut

r catchwords. Despotism, enthroned at Rome, was arrayed in robes torn from the corpse of the Republic. Libertas, as has be

litia equestris, C. Stertinius Xenophon and his brother (SIG3 804 f.) from Cos, the Ephesian (?) Ti. Claudius Balbillus (L’a

fought had prevailed after his death when the Roman People was saved from despotism and restored to Libertas. The Roman P

acitus turned again to history and composed the Annals of the Empire, from the accession of Tiberius Caesar down to the end

ory in epic verse, a typical and traditional occupation at Rome, came from Corduba. His Pharsalia recorded the doom of Repub

e, sharpened under the domination of the Caesarian party and debarred from attacking the head of the government, has been at

ee returned: it masked subservience or futility. The nobles, emergent from threatened extinction in the revolutionary age, l

emergent from threatened extinction in the revolutionary age, learned from adversity no lesson save the belief that poverty

was the grandfather of the Emperor Nero has been enough to redeem him from oblivion or from panegyric he was bloodthirsty, o

er of the Emperor Nero has been enough to redeem him from oblivion or from panegyric he was bloodthirsty, overbearing and ex

his son, the infamous Persicus, whom Claudius, an emperor not averse from cruel irony, described as ‘nobilissimus vir, amic

5 Dellius’ troubles were over. When inciting Plancus to take comfort from wine, Horace contemplates the possibility that Pl

ilies. Messalla changed sides, passing to Antonius after Philippi and from Antonius before long to Octavianus. Along with Ag

. 5 (Jerome, Chron., p. 170b H). The date of Messalla’s death emerges from Frontinus, De aq. 102 (though this has been dispu

menting on the stability of the new régime when the power was to pass from Augustus to Tiberius, remarks that few men were s

overnment. And even though hereditary succession was sternly banished from the theory of the Principate, every effort was ma

i deliberent, sed sapientissimus et unus’. 1 Tacitus is a monarchist, from perspicacious despair of human nature. There was

power. The Principate, though absolute, was not arbitrary. It derived from consent and delegation; it was founded upon the l

elegation; it was founded upon the laws. This was something different from the monarchies of the East. The Romans had not su

ic urbi dominandi finis erit qui parendi fuerit’. 6 This is a far cry from Marcus Brutus. A new conception of civic virtue,

far cry from Marcus Brutus. A new conception of civic virtue, derived from the non-political classes of the Republic and inh

e non-political classes of the Republic and inherent in the New State from the beginning, was soon formulated, with its own

blic. Few were the nobiles who passed unscathed through these trials, from caution like L. Marcius Philippus (cos. 91 B.C.)

from caution like L. Marcius Philippus (cos. 91 B.C.) and his son, or from honest independence like Piso. With the Princip

an Race, as a God, God’s son manifest, Lord of Earth and Sea. Sailors from Alexandria paid public observance to him who was

ster Romulus’; 4 Cicero, in derision of his pretensions, the ‘Romulus from Arpinum’. 5 Augustus, however, had a real claim t

f duration. As the years passed, he emancipated himself more and more from the control of his earlier partisans; the nobiles

ccessor had been found, trained in his own school, a Roman aristocrat from among the principes, by general consent capable o

with reference to the religions and kings of the Hellenistic East but from Rome and Roman practice, as a combination between

ying verbal definition and explaining themselves. From the beginning, from his youthful emergence as a revolutionary leader

eer that began when he raised a private army and ‘liberated the State from the domination of a faction’. Dux had become Prin

ogether with the full evidence of the texts, epigraphic and literary, from which they derive; and W. Liebenam printed a conv

e; and W. Liebenam printed a convenient list of the imperial consuls, from 30 B.C. onwards (Fasti Consulares Imperii Romani,

Roman Religion. London, 1938. ANDERSON, J. G. C. ‘Augustan edicts from Cyrene’, JRS XVII (1927), 33 ff. BAHRFELDT, M

SHIPLEY, F. W. ‘The Chronology of the building operations in Rome from the death of Caesar to the death of Augustus’,

37, 339, 357, 403. Antigonus, King of Judaea, 223. Antipater, poet from Thessalonica, 460. Antipater, of Derbe, 259. An

, 456 f.; recruiting, 457 f.; specialization in, 355, 395 f.; removed from politics by Augustus, 353; loyal to the dynasty,

1, 136, 220, 266 f., 303, 395, 398, 477. PageBook=>538 Asinii, from Teate Marrucinorum, 382, 500. Asinius, Herius, le

189, 213, 229 PageBook=>539 Aulienus, Sex., equestrian officer from Forum Julii, 367. Aurelia, mother of Caesar, 25

cicum, of L. Piso, 391, 398. Beneventum, 84. Betilienus Bassus, P., from Aletrium, 360. Bibulus, see Calpurnius. Billien

4; during the War of Mutina, 164, 167, 168, 169, 170, 172; disappears from record, 197; his policy defended, 136; character

. Calvus, see Licinius. Camillus, 18, 305. Campania, Roman nobles from , 84; Marian and Caesarian partisans, 90 f., 193 f

as a demagogue, 459; his daughter, 189, 209. Cluentius Habitus, A., from Larinum, 82. Clusinius, of the Marrucini, 193.

93. Cluvius, C., adlected inter consulares, 350. Cnidus, Caesarians from , 76, 262. Cocceii, 200, 267, 282, 382, 385, 500

243. Cornelius, L. (cos. suff. 32 B.C.), 279. Cornelius Balbus, L., from Gades, 44, 97, 106, 142, 144, 147, 235, 250, 292;

s Dolabella, P. (cos. A.D. 10), 377, 434, 437. Cornelius Gallus, C, from Forum Julii, origin of, 75, 79; as a poet, 252; h

298; under Augustus, 328, 357, 399; governors, 266, 298, 399; edicts from , 336, 406, 408. Cytheris, famous actress, 252.

amnite, 80. Decidius Saxa, L. (tr. pl. 44 B.C.), Caesarian partisan from Spain, 79, 80, 116, 126, 132, 151, 200, 350, 355;

the Triumvirs, 3, 188; refused by Augustus, 339, 371. Didia Decuma, from Larinum, 361. Didius, Q., Antonian, 266, 267. D

PageBook=>546 Domitius Afer, Cn. (cos. suff. A.D. 39), orator from Vienna, 44, 79, 367, 456, 502. Domitius Ahenobarb

fects of Egypt, 300, 338, 357, 358, 367, 383, 411, 437. Emigration, from Italy, 80, 366 f., 450. Ennius, on ‘mores antiq

f., 11 ff., 16, 20, &c. see also Feuds. Faesulae, prolific person from , 469. Fannius, C., adherent of Sex. Pompeius, 228

er the Principate, 356, 397; see also Admirals. Fleginas, C, knight from Placentia, 74. Fonteius Capito, C. (cos. suff.

Augustus, 482 ff.; decline of, 487 ff., 507. Fruticius, M., senator from Verona, 363. Fuficius Fango, C., ex-centurion f

ius, M., senator from Verona, 363. Fuficius Fango, C., ex-centurion from Acerrae, 79, 91, 200; in Africa, 213, 235. Fufi

6, 62, 64, 110, 209; activities of Pollio there, 207, 252, 404; poets from Cisalpina, 74, 251; senators, 79, 363; contributi

4 f., 79 f.; of Pompeius, 74 f.; Caesarian partisans, 74 f.; senators from , 79 f., 367, 502 f.; knights, 356; soldiers, 457;

docian courtesan, 214. Gloria, 26, 70, 145, 146, 442. Gods, descent from , 68, 83, 100, 360. Gracchi, activity of, 16; pa

nd agriculture, 450 f. see also Sempronius. Granii, commercial family from Puteoli, 90 f. Granius Petro, Caesarian, 90 f.

eath of, 412, 476. Herophilus, impostor, 99, 105, 116. Hirtius, A., from Ferentinum, 362. Hirtius, A. (cos. 43 B.C.), no

, 61, 288, &c.; see also Feuds. Insteius, M., Antonian partisan from Pisaurum, 132, 267, 296, 350. Interamnia Praetu

ius Aquila, C., praefectus Aegypti, 367, 411. Julius Agricola, Cn., from Forum Julii, 292, 356, 455, 502. Julius Caesar,

, 64; attitude in 43 B.C., 164, 170, 172; proscribed, 192; disappears from notice, 197. Julius Caesar, Sex. (q. 47 B.C.),

s, C., officer in Egypt, 295. Julius Severus, C., Hadrianic senator from the East, 366. Julius Spartiaticus, C, Greek in i

us, 98, 106, 203, 206; actions in summer, 44 B.C., 116 ff.; departure from Italy, 119, 140; seizure of Macedonia, 171 f., 18

65. Knights, status and pursuits of, 13 f.; ideals, 14, 504; averse from politics, 13, 94, 359, 363; control of law courts

2, 328; origin, 237; no descendants, 498. Latium, plebeian families from , 85; support for Liberators in, 101; Augustan sen

families from, 85; support for Liberators in, 101; Augustan senators from , 360. Latus clavus, 358, 359, 363. Laudatio T

us, 429. Lollius Palicanus, M. (tr. pl. 71 B.C.), Pompeian partisan from Picenum, 31, 88, 374. Loyalty, need for, in polit

, pact of, 37, 44, 72, 326. Lucan, see Annaeus. Lucania, senators from , 238, 360. Lucceius, L., opulent friend of Pomp

province, 314, 315, 328 ff.; taken by Augustus, 394, 400 f.; soldiers from , 295, 457; governors, 21, 36, 107, 110 f., 112, 1

nsations, 369, 3731 417 f.; see also Consulate. Magius Maximus, M., from Aeclanum, procurator and praefectus Aegypti, 356,

aefectus Aegypti, 356, 383, 411, 437. Magius, Minatus, local dynast from Aeclanum, 82, 88, 383. Magnates, see Dynasts, M

10, 18, 357. Manlius Torquatus, L. (cos. 65 B.C.), marries a woman from Asculum, 357. Mantua, 465. Marcella (Major), he

p with the Julii, 25, 76; his memory, 65, 89 f. Marius, T., soldier from Urvinum, 353, 354. Marmaridae, war against, 399.

f.; their proverbial valour, 86, 287, 449; nomenclature, 93; senators from , 91, 200. Matius, C., friend and agent of Caesa

reeks in it, 506. Milo, see Annius. Mimisius Sardus, Post., senator from Umbria, 361. Mindius Marcellus, M., early parti

san of Octavianus, 132, 236. Minucius Basilus, L., Caesarian partisan from Picenum, 92, 95. Minucius Thermus, Q., partisan o

Municipia, government of, 82; votes of, 169, 286, 364; aristocrats from , 10, 31, 82 ff., 356, 359; propertied classes, 14

k=>556 Mylasa, 260. Mytilene, Pompeian and Caesarian partisans from , 76, 263; honours Pompeius and Theophanes, 263.

, L. (cos. A.D. 93), 500. Nonius Gallus, M., partisan of Octavianus from Aesernia, 289; active in Gaul, 289, 302, 308. N

; as a poet, 467 f.; his exile, 468. Ovidius Ventrio, L., dignitary from Sulmo, 289, 363. Pacorus, Parthian general, 223

arthian general, 223. Paeligni, 86, 89, 90, 193, 359, 363; senators from , 91, 363; nomenclature, 93. Palace, of Augustus,

nature of, 485 f. Patavium, 465; total of knights at, 292; senator from , 363; conspirator from, 478; requisitions at, 464

tavium, 465; total of knights at, 292; senator from, 363; conspirator from , 478; requisitions at, 464; prudery of, 455, 485;

140, 146 f., 162 ff. Philippus, see Marcius. Philodemus, Epicurean from Gadara, 135, 150. Philosophy, 57, 135 f., 144 f.,

the Pompeii, 28, 92; goes over to Caesar, 49, 90; Pompeian partisans from , 28, 31, 88, 90; Caesarians, 92; other men from

0; Pompeian partisans from, 28, 31, 88, 90; Caesarians, 92; other men from Picenum, 200; Augustan novi homines, 362, 364;

esar, 25. Pompeia, daughter of Magnus, 269, 424. Pompeia Marullina, from Nemausus, 502. Pompeia Plotina, from Nemausus,

, 269, 424. Pompeia Marullina, from Nemausus, 502. Pompeia Plotina, from Nemausus, 502. ‘Pompeianus’, meaning of, 317, 464

s and clientela, 71, 75. Pompeius Theophanes, Cn., client of Magnus from Mytilene, 35, 76, 262; as a secret agent, 407; as

, 311, 404, 521 f. Privato consilio, 160, 163. Proconsuls, danger from , 310, 328; appointment of, under the Principate,

Profiteers, Caesarian, 76 f., 380; in the proscriptions, 191, 194 f.; from the Civil Wars, 351, 354, 380 f., 451 f., 512.

2. Rutilii, 25. Sabines, see Sabinum. Sabinum, patrician families from , 84, 493; senators from, 31, 83, 90, 361. Salassi

s, see Sabinum. Sabinum, patrician families from, 84, 493; senators from , 31, 83, 90, 361. Salassi, conquest of, 329. Sa

Sallustius Crispus, C., his origin, 90, 420; tribunate, 66; expulsion from Senate, 66, 248; governs Africa Nova for Caesar,

from Senate, 66, 248; governs Africa Nova for Caesar, 110 f.; retires from politics, 247 f.; allegations against his charact

334. Salvius Aper, P., praefectus praetorio, 357. Salvius Otho, M., from Ferentum, 361, 385. Salvius Otho, M., see Otho, t

17, 87 f., 287; impoverished by Sulla, 91; nomenclature, 93; senators from , 88, 195, 360, 361, 362 f.; condition of, under A

0. PageBook=>562 Satrius, M., Picene landowner, 92. Satyrus, from Chersonnesus, 262. Saxa, see Decidius. Scaeva,

praetorio, 411, 437; family of, 358, 384, 436 f. Seleucus, admiral from Rhosus, 236. Sempronia, daughter of Atratinus, 26

nes, II; about patricians, 68; his stepdaughter, 63. Sertorius, Q., from Nursia, 90; his Etruscan partisans, 129. Servilia

her hatred of Pompeius, 58, 69; as amatchmaker, 58, 69, 491; profits from confiscations, 77; at the conference of Antium, 1

an, 15; behaviour in revolutionary wars, 159, 180, 217, 255; divorced from politics, 352 f.; avenue for promotion in the Pri

349 f.; his origin, 200; his daughter, 498. Sosius, Q., incendiary from Picenum, 200. Sotidius Strabo Libuscidius, Sex.

conquest of, 332 f.; provincial divisions in, 326, 395, 401; senators from Spain, 80, 367, 501; soldiers, 457; emperors, 366

; his origin, 91. Statilia Messallina, wife of Nero, 499. Statilii, from Lucania, 237, 382, 425. Statilius Taurus, T. (c

. Pompeius Theophanes. Thermus, see Minucius. Theopompus, Caesarian from Cnidus, 76, 262. Thessaly, Caesarians in, 76, 2

14. Titiopolis, in Cilicia, 281. Titius, Caesarian senator, perhaps from Spain, 80. Titius, M. (cos. suff. 31 B.C.), pro

spadana, allegiance of, 74; merits and virtues of, 455, 465; recruits from , 456 f.; senators from, 79, 363. Trebellenus Ru

74; merits and virtues of, 455, 465; recruits from, 456 f.; senators from , 79, 363. Trebellenus Rufus, T., senator from C

rom, 456 f.; senators from, 79, 363. Trebellenus Rufus, T., senator from Concordia, 363. Trebonius, C. (cos. suff. 45 B.

nius, C., praefectus annonae, 357, 367, 411, 437. Turranius Gracilis, from Spam, 367. Turullius, D., assassin of Caesar, 9

, the Emperor. Umbria, attitude of, in the Bellum Italicum, 87; men from Umbria, 90, 360 f., 466. Urbinia, her heirs defen

376, 379, 423, 496, 511. Valerius Asiaticus, D. (cos. 11, A.D. 46), from Vienna, 79, 502. Valerius Cato, Cisalpine poet, 2

(cos. A.D. 5), murderous proconsul, 477, 511. Valerius Naso, senator from Verona, 363. Valerius Troucillus, C, Narbonensi

te in Syria, see M. Terentius Varro. Vasio, 502, 503. Vatinius, P., from Reate, 90. Vatinius, P. (cos. 47 B.C.), as trib

orth-Italian patriotism, 465 f. Verginius Rufus, L. (cos. A.D. 63), from Mediolanium, 503. Verona, 74, 251, 363. Verres,

ia, 83. Vespasius Pollio, equestrian officer, 361. Vestini, senator from 361. Veterans, allegiance of, 15; Sullan, 88, 8

s homo, 456. Vibienus, C, obscure senator, 94. Vibii Visci, perhaps from Brixia, 363. Vibius Habitus, A. (cos. suff, A.D

rom Brixia, 363. Vibius Habitus, A. (cos. suff, A.D. 8), novus homo from Larinum, 362, 434, 498. Vibius Pansa Caetronian

scendants, 498. Vibius Postumus, C. (cos. suff. A.D. 5), novus homo from Larinum, 362, 434, 498; in Illyricum, 436. Vibo

inii Crassi, the consul of 14 B.C. The descendants of Sulla are taken from Groag’s table, PIR2, C, facing p. 362, where, as